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fe^ :>'V:r^,1?2.^^^ 

Philological Seminary Library. 



Cornell University Library 
PA 111.K53 

The principles of sound and inflexion as 

3 1924 019 182 397 

Cornell University 

The original of this book is in 
the Cornell University Library. 

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the United States on the use of the text. 






Oxford University Press Warehouse 
Amen Corner, E.G. 






J. E. gING, M.A. 





AX ST. Paul's school, london 



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Much progress has been made of late years in the com- 
parative study of the Greek and Latin languages which is 
not adequately represented in English text-books. ' Accord- 
ingly, at the suggestion of the High Master of St. Paul's 
School, and encouraged by the advice of so great an autho- 
rity, we have endeavoured to summarise the results of recent 
research in this subject, It has been our aim to give a 
clear statement of the laws under which the changes of 
sound may be grouped and to furnish the necessary illus- 
tration of those changes within the limits of ancient 
Greek and Latin. We have throughout attempted to dis- 
tinguish between those results which may be regarded as 
certain, and those which are only probable. In the second 
part of the book, which deals with the morphology of 
Greek and Latin, we are sensible that much still remains to 
be learnt, and that some of the laws and explanations there 
stated must be taken as representing the stage which the 
inquiry has now reached rather than as being completely 
certain. This is especially the case with Latin mor- 

We have in great part followed the plan, and embodied 
much of the material of the articles of Brugmann and 
Stolz in Iwan Miiller's Handbuch der klassischen AUertkums- 
wmenchaft. The larger work of Brugmann, Grundriss der 
vergleichenden Grammatik, appeared too late for us to use it 
to full advantage, but we have^ wherever possible, consulted 

viii PREFACE. 

it. We are also greatly indebted to the articles and pub- 
lications of CoUitz, Havet, Hiibschmann, OsthoflF, Schmidt, 
and Wackernagel, and especially to De Saussure's remark- 
able work Le sysieme primitif des voyelles indoeuropeennes. 
Of English books we have made full use of Mr. Monro's 
Homeric Grammar, which marks an era in the study of 
Greek Grammar in England, and of Dr. Rutherford's New 
PkrynicJius, and have consulted with advantage Mr. Sweet's 
Handbook of Thonetics, and Mr. Wharton's Myma Graeea. 
We are also much indebted to Mr. Maurice Bloomfield's 
articles in the American Journal of Philology. 

Our best thanks are due to the Rector of Lincoln for his 
valuable help in the labour of correcting the proofs, as well 
as to other friends who have in different ways assisted us. 
In compiling the indexes we have received much help 
from our old pupils, Messrs. Alexander and Hall, of Trinity, 
and Mulvany, of Magdalen. Above all we desire most 
gratefully to express our deep sense of obligation to the 
Provost of Oriel, who has so generously given us his time 
in reading and correcting our MS. and proof, and whose 
learning has enriched the book with many valuable sugges- 

J. E. K. 

C. C. 


We subjoin a list of the Works which we have most frequently consulted, 
and the Editions employed, to' which are prefixed the abbreviations 
used in the text. 

ArcMv, = Archiv fur lat. LexicograpMe, herausg. von E. WoliHin. Leipzig, 
1884 flf. 

Ahrens. = De Graecae Zingnae dialectis. Sor. H. L. Ahrens. Gottingae, 

B. B. = Beitrdge zur Kunde der indogermamschen Sprachen, herausg. von 

Ad. Bezzenberger. Gottingen, 1877 ^- 9 -Bde. 
Brugmann, Grundriss. — Griindriss der vergleichenden Grammatilc, von Karl 

Brugmanu. Strassburg, i886. 
Buoheler. = Grundriss der lat. Declination, von F. Btioheler, aufs neue 

herausg. von J. Windekilde. Bonn, 1879. 
Corssen. = JJeber Ausspraclie, VoJcalismus und Betonung der laieinischen. 

Sprache, von W. Corssen. 2 Bde. Leipzig, 1858. 
Curtius, G. E.= Grundzuge der griecMschen Etymologie, von G. Curtius. 

5 Auflage. Leipzig, 1879. 
Curtius, FerJ. = The Greek Veri. By Georg Curtius, translated by A. S. 

WilkiuB, M.A. and E. B. England, M.A. London, 1880. 
Delbriick, Study of Langmage. = Introduction to the Stiidy of Language, by 

B. Delbriiek. London, 1882. 
Delbriiok, S. F.= Syntaktische Forschungen, von B. Delbrflok. Halle, 1871- 

1879. 4 Bde. 
D. I. G. = Delectus Inscriptionum Graecarum propter dialectiim memorabilium. 

Comp. P. Cauer. Lipsiae, 1883. 
Fiek, August, Vergleichendes W&rterhuch der indogermanischen Sprachen. 

Gottingen, 1874-6. 
Hiibschmann. = Das indogermanische Yocalsystem, von H. Hubsohmann. 

Strassburg, 1885. 
Hdbch. = Articles of Dr. Brugmann and Dr. Stolz in Iwan Mflller's Handbuch 

der Tclassischen Alterthumswissenschaft. Nordlingen, 1885. 
K. Z. = Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Sprachforschwng auf dem Gebiete der 

indogermanischen Sprachen, herausg. von A. Kuhn. Berlin. 
Brfel, Michel, Melanges de Mythologie et de lAngmstigue. Paris, 1882. 
M^m. Soc. Ling.= Mimoires de la Sociiti de linguistique. Paris, 1868 flf. 


Meyer, G^. Gr.=^GriecTiische GrammatiJc. Von Gustav Meyer. Leipzig, 

Monro, B. 6-. = A Grammar of the Someric Dialect. By D. B. Monro, M.A. 

Oxford, 1882. 
Miiller, F. Max., Lectures on the Science of Language. Two toIs. London, 

M. TJ. = Morphologische Untersuchungen auf dem Gehietederindogermanischen 

Sprachen, von H. Osthoff und K. Brugmann. Leipzig, 1878-81. 
1^6^16 = Formenlehre der lat. Sprache, von F. Neue. 2 Bde. Berlin, 1875- 

Osthoff, Z. G. d. P. = Zur Geschichte des Perfects im Indogermanischen mit 

hesonderer RucTcsicht auf GriecMsch und Lateinisch, von H. OsthofF. 

Strassburg, 1884. 
Eutierford, N. P. = The New Phrynichus. By W. Gunion Eutberford. 

London, 1881. 
Si&jce, Pi.. 'S.., Introduction to the Science of Language. Two vols. London, 

De S&uss.=Mimoire sur le systkme primitif des voyelles dans leg langues 

indoeuropiennes, par F. de Saussure. Leipsick, 1879. 
Sievers. = Grundzuge der PhonetiJc, von Eduard Sievers. Leipzig, 1885. 
Veitcli. = GreeTc Verbs Irregular and Defective. By "William Veitch. Oxford, 

Wheeler. = Der Griechische Nominalacccnt, von Benjamin I. Wheeler. 

Strassburg, 1885. 
Whitney, Sic. Gr.=A Sanskrit Grammar. By W. D. Whitney. London, 

Whitney, The Soots, Verhforms, and Primary Derivatives of the Sanskrit 

Language. Leipzig, 1885. 
Wordsworth. = Fragments and Specimens of Early Latin. By John Words- 
worth, M.A. Oxford, 1874. 


The References are to pages. 



The Comparative Study of Language, i. — Importance of Sanskrit, 3. — 
Grammar in Sanskrit and Greek, 4. — Franz Bopp, 5. — His views of Inflexion 
compared with Schlegel's, 6. — Theory of Agglutination, 7. — Jakob Grimm, 
10. — A. W. Pott, 10. — August Schleicher, 11. — Eeconstructions of the T7r- 
sprache, 11, 12. — Georg Curtius, 13. — Old and New methods of studying 
language, 14. — The theory of Phonetic Law, 15. — Analogy, 19. — Origin of 
word-forms, 23. — Summary, 25. 

The Indo-Eukopean Langttages. 

Mutual relations of the I.-B. languages, 26. — Indian, Iranian, and Arme- 
nian families, 27. — Greek (and its dialects), 28, 29. — Albanian, 30. — 
Italian family, Latin, 30. — Umbrian, 31. — Oscan, 32. — Graeco-Italic hypo- 
thesis, 33. — Celtic, Teutonic, Baltic, Slavonic families, 34. — Schleicher's 
genealogical tree, 35. — Schmidt's Wave-theory, 36. — Mutual relations of 
the Greek dialects, and of Greek and Latin, 37, and of Latin and Romance, 
38. — Morphological Classification ; Inflexional, 38, Radical and Agglutinative 
languages 39. 


Sounds and thbie Classification. 

Sounds and their symbols, 41. — Living and dead languages, 42. — The 
nature of Sound; the organs of Speech, 43. — Distinction of Vowels and 
Consonants, 44. — Classification of sounds, 45. — Classification according to 
place of articulation, 46. — Classification of Vowels, 46 ; — of Consonants, 47. 
— Tenues and Mediae, 48. — Labials, 48. — Dentals, Palatals, Gutturals, 


49. — Classification according to form of articulation, 49. —Voiced and Voice- 
less consonants, 49. — Glides, 50. — Alphabets, 50. — Phoenician and Greek, 
61. — Boman Alphabet, 54. — Sanskrit Alphabet, 55. — Indo-European Al- 
phabet, 56. — The original vowels ; theory of Curtius, 56. — Liquid and Nasal 
Sonants, 67. — Palatal and Velar Gutturals, 58. — E and primitive 
vowels, 59. 


The Simple Vowel-Sounds. 

Indo-European a in Greek and Latin, 60. — Indo-European a, 63. — Indo- 
European ?, 64. — Indo-European e, and Indo-European S, 67. — Indo-Euro- 
pean 0, 68. — The Indeterminate Vowel, 69. — Balancing power of I in Latin, 
71. — Irregular correspondence of the simple vowels in Greek and Latin, 72. 

— The simple vowels in Greek dialects, 74- 


Diphthongs and SBMivoTraLS. 

Glides and transitional sounds; Diphthongs, 77. — -Proper and improper 
diphthongs ; variation in quantity, 78- — Indo-European ai, au, ei in Greek 
and Latin, 79. — Indo-European eu, oi, 80; — Other diphthongs in Greek, 81. 

— Pronunciation of diphthongs and their history in Greek, 82. — Long diph- 
thongs, 83. — Short diphthongs, 84. — History of the diphthongs in Latin, 85. 

— The Semivowels; in roots, 89. — Liquid sonants, 90. — Nasal sonants, 91. 

— Indo-European i, i, in Greek and Latin, 93. — Indo-European ii,, u, 94. — 
The semivowels as Consonants in Greek, 94; in Latin, 97. — The liquid 
sonants in Greek Verbal formations, 98; in Nominal formations, 102. — 
Liquid sonants in Latin, 103. — The nasal sonants, 105. — In Verbal for- 
mations, 106 ; in Nominal formations, 108 ; in sufiSsal syllables and termina- 
tions, 109-112. — Miscellaneous instances, 112. — Double sonants, 113. — 
Long sonants, 114. — Long liquid sonants, 115. — Long nasal sonants, n6. 


The Gtjtttjeals. 

Mutes or Explosive Sounds, 117. — The distinction between palatal and 
velar gutturals, 118. — Sanskrit gutturals, 119. — Sanskrit a and European e, 
120. — The velar gutturals in Western languages, 121 ; in Eastern languages, 
122. — Their representation in Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, 122. — Eepresen- 
tation of the palatals in Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, 123. — Labialisation, 123. 
— Indo-European y in Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, 124. — Velar q, labialised, 
127; before e, i,; before 0, 128-130. — Eepresentation of the hard velar 
guttural in Greek and Latin, 131. — The hard palatal k in Sanskrit, Greek, 


and Latin, 132. — The soft velar guttural g ; unlabialised, 134; labialised, 
135; before e and i, 136. — The soft palatal §, 137. — Confusion of palatals 
and velars, 138. — Velars in Latin; velar q, 139; velar a, 141. — The 
aspirated velar guttural in Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin; unlabialised and 

labialised, 142 The palatal aspirate in Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, 143. — 

The aspirated gutturals in Latin, 144, 145. 


The Dental, Labiai,, Liquid and Nasal Consonants. 

The hard dental t in Greek and Latin, 146. — The soft dental d, 147. — The 
dental Aspirate dh, 148. — Alternation of d and I in Latin. — The hard labial 
p, 150. — The soft labial i, 153. — The aspirated labial 111, 155. — The liquid 
/, 156. — The liquid r, J57. — The nasal n, 158. — The nasal m, 159. 


The Spirants. 

The dental spirant s; rhotacism, 160; in Latin, 161. — Medial s\ initial s, 
162. — s before vowels, 163; between vowels, 164. — The soft spirant z, 165. 
— The digamma ; evidence for its existence, 166 ; its representation in Greek 
dialects ; metrical value, 167. — Initial digamma, 168. — Medial digamma, 
169. — Combined with initial s, 170. — The palatal spirant _;', 171. — The rough 
and smooth breathings, 171. — xf/lKaais and Saavrifs, 172. — Secondary aspi- 
rates, 173. — Grassmann's law and Osthoflfs theory of dissimilation in Greek, 
174. — The rough breathing in Latin, 176. 


• Combinations of Sounds. 

Contraction in Greek, 178. — Of vowels of different quality, 180. — Short- 
ening of long vowels, 183. — Lengthening of short vowels, 184. — Contraction 
in Latin, 185. — Combination of vowels and semivowels : Indo-European eu, 
186. — Indo-European oy,, 187. — Indo-European el, 189. — Vowel change 
not due to Ablaut, 190. — In composition, 191. — Indo-European ri, 192. — 
Consonantal combinations in Greek ; assimilation of mutes, 192. — Double 
aspirates, 193. — Combinations of mutes and semivowels, 194. — Combina- 
tions of dentals with /i, 196. — Prothesis, 196. — Epenthesis, 197. — Com- 
pensatory lengthening, 198. — Dissimilation, 199. — Metathesis, 200. — Final 
consonants, 200. — Consonantal combinations in Latin, 201. — Mutes and 
spirants, 201. — Loss of initial s, 202. — Vowels long by position, 205. — 
Origin of Latin ss, 207. — Semivowels, mutes, and spirants, 211. — Dissimi- 
lation of liquids, 220. — Loss of a syllable, 221. — Assimilation of labials and 
velars, 221. 


Ablaut ok VowbIi-geadation. 

The nature of Roots, 222. — Vowel-intensification (Sanskrit ^wna), 224. — 
Curtius' theory of roots, 225. — The original vowels, 226. — The new theory 
of roots, 226. — Classification of roots, 227. — Vowel-gradation in roots, 228. — 
Three forms of the root, 230. — Aorist presents, 231. — Two forms of reduced 
root, 233. — The secondary accent, 234. — The e-seriea of vowel-gradation, 

236. — The o-series, 239 The 6-series, 242. — The ^-series, 244. — The u- 

series, 246. — The iJ-series, 247. — Eoots with constant long-vowel, 248. — 
Confusion of series, 249. 


Meaning of Accent, 252. — Exspiratory and chromatic, 253. — Grimm's law, 
254. — The German languages, 254. — Grassmann's law, 256. — Vomer's law, 
257. — Syllabic and sentence accent, 263. — Sentence accent in Greek (En- 

clisis, Proclisis, Anastrophe), 264. — The law of three syllables, 265. The 

accent in Sanskrit, 266. — Wackernagel's theory, 267. — Quasi-enclisis, 268. 

— Accent of enclitic verb-forms, 269. — Benfey's theory, 270. — Conflict of 
historic and recessive accent, 271. — Aeolio barytonesis, 272. — Accent of 
compounds, 273. — Of vocatives, 275. — Of words with dactylic ending, 276. 

— Anastrophe in prepositions, 278. — Accentuation in Enclisis, 280. — Accen- 
tuation of Latin, 283. — Enclisis in Latin, 285. 


Nominal Inflexion. 

Morphology ; as the basis of a classification of languages, 287. — Analytic 
and Synthetic languages ; Eoots and Suffixes, 288. — Nominal Inflexion, 289. 
— Gender, 290. — Systems of Inflexion : strong inflexion ; weak inflexion ; 
paroxytone inflexion, 291. — The formation of nominal themes : stems in -0 ; 
in -a, 292. — Stems in -io-, -ia, and other suffixes, 293. — Stems iu -i, -u, 294.— 

Stems in -ei and -eu, 295. — Diphthongal stems, 296 Liquid stems,' 297. _ 

Nasal stems, 300; in Latin and Greek neuters, 302 ; in composition, 304.— 
Mute-stems, 305 ; Stems ending in s, 307 ; Comparative stems, 310 ; Perfect 
participle stems, 312. — Feminines in -ii, 313. — Latin noun-stems, 313.— 


The Cases, 314. — Greek case-endings, 315. — The Greek cases in 0-stems : 
singular, 316; dual, 318; plural, 319. — Cases of ^-sterns : singular, 321; 
dual and plural, 322. — Cases of J-stems, 324. — Cases of {/-stems, 325; of 
£'i-stemB, 326; of ^-sterns, 327. — ZeSj, 0ovs, vavs, 328. — Cases of Liquid- 
stems, 329; of Nasal-stems, 330; of Mute-stems, 331; of S-stems, 331. 

The Latin Noun-system case terminations, nominative sing., 333; Nom. 
plur., 336; Acous. sing, and plur., 337; Gen. sing., 337; Gen. plur., 338; 
Dat. and loc. sing., 339; Abl. sing., 340; Dat. and abl. plur., 341. — Termi- 
nations containing J, 342. — Inflexion of O-stems, 343; of .4 -stems, 344. — 
Imparisyllabio inflexion, 346 ; Jupiter, bos, 347. — Inflexion of £V-Btems, 348 ; 
of .EM-stems, 349 ; of nasal and liquid stems, 349 ; of stems in -os (oxytone), 
350 ; in -At (oxytone), 350 ; in -os (paroxytone), 351 ; of comparative stems, 
351 ; of stems in -nt (paroxytone), 351. — Heteroclite neuters, 352. 

Peonominal Inflexion. 

Deictic and Anaphoric Pronouns, 353. — Greek Personal Pronouns, 354. — 
Possessive Pronouns, 356. — Pronouns marking distinctions of gender, 357. — 
Interrogatives, 358. — Latin Personal Pronouns, 359. — Possessive Pronouns, 
361. — Demonstrative Pronouns, 361. — Interrogative and Indefinite Pro- 
nouns, 362. — Inflexion of Pronouns, 362. 

CoMPAEisoN OP Adjectives — Numbkals. 

Comparison of Adjectives in Greek, 364. — Secondary suffixes, 365. — Com- 
parison of Adjectives in Latin, 366. — The Numerals, 367. — Cardinal Num- 
bers, 368. — Ordinals, Distributives, etc., 371. 


The Verb. 

Finite and Infinite forms, 373. — Inflexional forms, 373. — Thematic and 
non-thematic stems, 374. — ^ Nature of Person-endings, 375. — Greek Person- 
endings : First person sing., 375 ; Second person, 376 ; Third person, 377 ; 
First person plur., 378; Second person plur., 378; Third person plur., 379. 
— Dual endings, 380. — Middle endings, 380. — Augment, 384. — Temporal 
Augment, 385. — r/ as Augment, 386. — Tense-stems, 387. —Sanskrit Con- 
jugation classes, 388. — Classification of Greek Present stems, 389. — First 
Class (o) with stem variation, 389 ; et/u, 390 ; «>(', 391 ; tpri/ii, ■q/u, iparai, 
392; aeiimi, ^/mi, iOTrpr, etc., 393; i^erjv, ixra, ix^a, 394; £^171', (TrTijV, i<pvv, 
395 > (^) '^^'^^ stem with indeterminate vowel, 395 ; (7) long stem without 


vowel variation, 396. — Aorists in -tjv, 396. — Aorists in -fli;c, 397. — Aorists 
in -aerjy, 398. — Second Class (reduplicated stems), 398; (a) with vowel 
variation, 399 ; (iS) without vowel variation, 400. — Third Class (stems with 
added -vv), 401. — Fourth Class (stems with added -va), 403. — Thematic 
verbs, 404. — Nature of thematic vowel in pres. part., 404. — Pifth Class 
(thematic verbs), 405. — With strong and weak stems, 405. — Keduplicated 
thematic verbs, 407. — Sixth Class {Yod-veihs), 408. — Denominative verbs, 
409. — Irregular denominatives, 410. — Causatives, 413. — Seventh Class 
(stems with added -to-), 413. — Eighth Class (inceptives), 414. — Ninth Class 
(nasal), 416. — The Perfect System, Reduplication, 417. — Stem variation, 
419. — New formations, 420. — Addition of endings, 431. — Aspirated Per- 
fects, 423. — The Perfect in -«a, 424. — The Sigmatic aorist, 425. — Stem 
variation, 427. — The Pluperfect, 428. ^The Sigmatic future, 429. — The Doric 
future, 430. — The Conjunctive, 431. — The Imperative, 432. — The pseudo- 
conjunctive, 433. — Endings of the Imperative, 435. — The Optative, in non- 
thematic stems, 436. — The Aeolic optative, 437. — In thematic stems, 437. 

— The Infinitive, its origin, 438. — Terminations of the infinitive, 439. — 
The Participles, 440. — The Latin Verb-system, 441. — The Person endings, 
active, 442 ; passive, 443. — The Present system, 444. — Non-thematic verbs 
becoming thematic, 445. — Non-thematic conjugation, Boots ei, da, 446. 

— Eoot es, 447. — Boots ed, fer, 448. — Root vel, 449. — Thematic 
conjugation, Imperfect and Aorist Presents, 450. — Reduplicated Presents, 
450. — Presents with -i, 451. — Nasalised Presents, 451, — Inceptives, 452. 

— I^O(^-Presents, 453. — The Perfect System, the RedapHcated Perfect, 455. 

— Loss of reduplication, 456. — The Augmented Perfect, 457. — Perfects 
with internal modification, reduplicated, 458. — Non-reduplicated, 458. — 
The Perfect in -si, 460. — Confusion of Perfect and Aorist systems, 462. — 
Perfect in -vi, 464. — Sohulze's theory, 465. — Perfect in -ui, 467. — Inflexion 
of Perfect, 468. — Future and Imperfect in -6-, 469. — The Conjunctive, 469. 

— The Optative, 470. — The Imperative, 471. — The Infinitive, 472, — The 
Participles, 473. 

Appendix I. The two degrees of the Reduced Eoot . . . • i*- 476 

Appendix II. Vowel-gradation in Nominal and Verbal Formations ^. 477 

Index of Gkeek Wokds . . . . p. 489 

Index OE Latin Words . . . p. 517 




The comparative study of language is one of the youngest Study of 
of the sciences ; it dates back in its origin no further than ^"^S^age. 
the second decade of this century. But its development during 
the sixty or seventy years of its existence has been quite dis- 
proportionate to its age. From all time, it is true, scholars 
have devoted themselves to philology in its widest sense, the 
study, that is, of language and of literature ; but so long as 
Latin and Greek vrere exclusively the objects of enquiry, 
investigations into the nature of sounds and words were 
directed rather by individual taste than scientific method. 
Little light was thrown upon the mutual relations of different 
languages, and the field of observation was too narrow to per- 
mit of the framing of scientific inductions and universal laws. 

It was the discovery of an Asiatic language unknown to 
Greece and Rome which not only gave an insight into the 
structure of the Greek and Latin languages, but linked them 
along with the dialects of Persia and Armenia and with the 
speech of German, Celt, and Slav as common members of the 
great Indo-European family. The aim of the comparative 
study of these languages is to trace the course of their de- 
velopment from a common origin in the parent language and 
to discover the laws of this development, both those which 
affect the body of language as a whole and those which operate 
within the narrower limits of subordinate groups. 

Sanskrit became known towards the end of the last centmy, Sanskrit. 
and however much in more recent times the science of lan- 
guage may have abandoned England to make its home in 
Germany, it is interesting to note that the first impulse to 
the study of this science came from the labours of two English- 
men, servants of the East India Company, Sir William Jones 
and Henry Thomas Colebrooke. The founders of the Asiatic 



Society of Calcutta were tlie first to study Sanskrit literature 
and Sanskrit grammar for the benefit of Europe and to observe 
the connexion between this tongue and the kindred languages 
of Europe. They were struck by the resemblance between the 
vocabularies, as, for instance, in the words denoting parentage, 
the names of the parts of the body, of animals and numbers ; by 
the similarity of grammatical organization, of the processes of 
derivation and composition, of case and person terminations. 
Sir W. Jones said in 1786, before the Society of Calcutta, that 
'no philologist who had examined the three languages of 
Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin could fail to recognize that they 
were derived from some common source, which perhaps no 
longer existed.' Subsequently it was assumed that Sanskrit 
was the mother tongue, and the Hindus were looked upon as 
the ancestors of the nations of Europe. But Sanskrit cannot 
be regarded as the original language. The Zend or ancient 
Persian, which was afterwards discovered and which belongs 
to the same family, cannot be derived from Sanskrit, but 
must be referred along with it to a common origin. Sanskrit, 
it is true, has preserved forms more archaic than the cor- 
responding forms of Latin and Greek, but it would be impos- 
sible to derive from Sanskrit many of the characteristic 
features of Greek and Latin verbal and nominal formation. 
Again, the treatment of sounds is often different, as is 
strikingly illustrated in the case of the palatals. Just as 
Latin is not derived from Greek, so Greek and Latin are not 
derived from Sanskrit. All three are closely related and 
sprang from the same parent stock. 
Compara- So long as the field of study was limited to Greek and 
of Lan- Latin alone it was impossible to distinguish with certainty 
guages. the primitive from the later form. The discovery of Sanski-it 
provided the term of comparison so long requii'ed. To the 
ancient Greek all speech save his own was barbarous, and the 
idea of a common origin of language was alien to his mode 
of thought. Eome followed the example of her Greek teachers, 
and discerned no resemblance to Latin in the tongue of Celt 
and Teuton. When Christianity introduced the doctrine of 


a common humanity, the wish to explain the varieties of 
human -speech gave the first impulse to the comparative study 
of language. 

For a long time the belief inculcated by the early fathers 
prevailed, that Hebrew was the primitive language from 
which all others were derived, and to the support of this doc- 
trine much time and industry were directed during the 1 7th 
and 1 8th centuries. . Leibnitz was the first to point out that 
such a theory was as baseless as the contention of that citizen 
of Antwerp who maintained that Dutch was the language 
spoken in Paradise. Leibnitz, too, first applied the principle 
of sound inductive reasoning and called upon the students 
of language to begin, as in other sciences, with the known, 
before proceeding to the unknown. Indirectly, we can esti- 
mate the value of the discovery of Sanskrit by looking at the 
condition of classical philology when limited to its own 
resources at the beginning of this century. Hermann en- 
deavoured to reform grammatical study, not by pursuing the 
comparative and historical method, but by an analysis of 
dialects, by a critical examination of ancient grammarians, 
and by the light of philosophy. To take an instance of 
the practical outcome of such a method, he regarded the 
ablative as a case of recent origin invented to ease the 
dative of its load. This new ease fixed the limit of the possi- 
bilities of nominal declension, as was proved by arguments 
di-awn from the nature of the human mind. But, in spite of 
a priori reasoning, the arrival of Sanskrit gramniars in Europe 
showed that the old language of India possessed eight cases. 

The discovery of Sanskrit not only introduced order and Grammar 
classification into the study of grammatical phenomena ; it ^nd ftreek 
increased in a remarkable degree the precision of observation 
by making known the works of a long line of ingenious and 
subtle grammarians. No doubt the study of language ex- 
cited intense interest in ancient Greece, but Grammar was 
there the child of Logic, and analysis of the phenomena 
of speech was preceded by more general enquiries into the 
nature of thought and language. Much of the terminology of 



the Greek grammarian, the distinction between noun and verb, 
the terms of case, number, and gender were received from the 
hands of philosophers. The beginning of the critical study 
of language, in the modern sense of the term, was made in the 
schools of Alexandria and Pergamum ; it was however directed, 
not to a comparison of different languages, but to the study of 
the ancient dialects of Greece, and was chiefly based upon the 
recension of the text of the Homeric poems. Zenodotus, for 
instance, distinguished between the dual and plural numbers, 
discussed the use of the Homeric article, the meaning of words, 
the differences of dialects and constructions peculiar to poetry. 
A practical grammar was not written before the first century 
B.C., when Dionysius Thrax, a pupil of Aristarchus of Alexan- 
dria, produced one to aid in the teaching of Greek at Rome. 

Grammar in ancient Greece was subordinated to philo- 
sophy, and hence the function rather than the form of words 
was the end to which this study was directed. Words were 
distinguished, not according to the nature of the elements 
of which they are composed, but according to the part they 
play in thought. Such studies have formed and always will 
form an important part of general philology, but are distinct 
from the endeavour to trace the descent of different languages 
from a common origin by a consideration of the nature and 
mutual relation of their sounds. 

While in Greece Grammar sprang from the study of the 
Homeric poems, in India it sprang from the study of the 
Vedas, the sacred hymns of the Brahmans. In these poems 
everything was alike of equal importance ; each articulation, 
each inflexion of sound was sacred, and hence came the minute 
attention and rigorous exactitude of the Indian grammarians. 
They invented a chemistry of language, flung its body as it 
were into the crucible, and decomposed it into its several 
elements. They noted the mutual influence of neighbouring 
sounds, and determined the relative length of different syl- 
lables, and thus provided that minute analysis of languao-e 
which was wanting in Europe. The analysis of a word in 
Sanskrit is rendered far more easy than in the case of its 

1.] FRANZ BOPP. 5 

Greek or Latin equivalent, tbe distinction between root, 
suffix, and ending being more sharply defined. On the other 
hand, it is in syntax, in the arrangement and analysis of 
words combined in sentences, that the Greets made such pro- 
gress, and formed their language into an instrument of sur- 
passing delicacy and subtlety in the expression of the finest 
shades of meaning, to which the Hindus can show no parallel. 
Both the Greek and Indian methods have their value in the 
study of philologyj but the present work is concerned more 
■with the form than the function of words and their elements, 
with the variation of their sounds rather than their changes of 
meaning, with their phonetic nature rather than their syntac- 
tical use. 

The labours of Sir W. Jones and Colebrooke and their Franz 
fellow-workers amounted to no more than a clearing of the °^^' 
ground. The foundation of the modern science was laid by 
Franz Bopp (b. 1791), the author of the first comparative 
grammar. It is the merit of this famous scholar to have 
given a scientific proof of the previously hypothetical con- 
nexion of the most important members of the Indo-European 
family in his chief work, the Comparative Grammar of Sans- 
krit, Zend, Armenian, Greek, Latin, Lithuanian, Old Slav, 
Gothic, and German, first published in 1833. But it is not on 
this that he would himself have based his claims to recog- 
nition. His labours were mainly directed to the investigation 
of the origin of inflexion. 

The view of inflexion which prevailed in Bopp's day was Views of 
that there were two kinds of languages, those in which " *'"™' 
changes of meaning were signified by an inner modification 
of the root, and those in which, for the same purpose, different 
elements were added to the root. This theory is expressed by 
Friederich von Schlegel in his treatise on the language and 
literature of India. It had long been noticed that the 
modern languages of Europe are more analytic than the clas- 
sical ; that, as Bacon puts it, the modern languages ' slothfully 
express many things by prepositions and auxiliary verbs,' 
while ' the genius of former ages was more acute,' and em- 


ployed changes of inflexion. Now to Schlegel inflexion was an 
inner modification of the root of a word. He admits that it 
may be possible that in Greek the syllables, which form the 
terminations of nouns and verbs in declension and conjuga- 
tion, were originally distinct particles and auxiliaries. Of 
such amalgamation, however, he discerns no trace in the 
Indian language. Inflexion in Sanskrit was the change or 
transposition of primary radical sounds and 'not the merely 
mechanical process of annexing words or particles to the 
same lifeless and unproductive root.' The languages in which, 
as in Sanskrit; changes of meaning were distinguished by an 
inner modification of the root, were called organic languages, 
while to those in. which different words or particles were 
afiixed externally to the root, the term mechanical was applied. 
In the one the root was a living germ, in the other it was a 
lifeless atom. Such an account we must regard as vague and 
• metaphorical, and as affording no real explanation. The truth 
is that Schlegel regarded Sanskrit as the parent language from 
which Greek and Latin were derived, and in regard to which 
they held almost the same relation as the Romance languages 
to Latin. Holding this theory, and believing that the ten- 
dency of later languages was to employ analytical forms of 
expression for the earlier inflexions, he regarded Greek as 
more analytic than Sanskrit, and French and Italian as more 
analytic than Latin. Bopp refused to accept Schlegel's view 
of inflexion, and put forward his own theory of Agglutination 
as the true explanation of the forms of inflexional languages. 
tllVel' ^"^ *^® Comparative Grammar (i. 335, § 108, of the French 
edition by M. Breal, 1866) he discusses the theory of Schlegel. 
If inflexion means the interior modification of the root as 
opposed to the external addition of a syllable, what are we 
to say of the formation of 8t6co-jui, U-a(^, bo-erja-oiJLeda from 
the root Sw or 60 ? What are -fxi, -o-co, -erfaoixeda, if they 
are not external complements added to the root, which, if not 
invariable, is only subject to a change of quantity? We 
cannot regard ao-^jjo-ojuefla as an internal modification of 
the root 60, neither can we trace any mark of relationship 


between -jut, -crw, -^ijo-ojue^a, and the roots to which these 
elements are joined. In view of these difficulties Bopp decides 
that Indo-European inflexions are not internal develop- 
ments of the root ^, but elements with an independent value 
of their own, which do not belong to the root, but have 
come from the outside. He distinguishes three classes of 

I. Languages like the Chinese, which are without true ClasBifioa- 
roots, without power of composition, and therefore without guages. 
organism, without grammar. 

a. Languages like the Indo-European family, where the roots 
are monosyllabic, but capable of combination with one another. 
The principle which underKes the formation of words in these 
languages is the combination of verbal and pronominal roots. 

3. Lastly come the Semitic languages, with disyllabic 
verbal roots, in which the fundamental meaning is expressed 
by three necessary consonants. It is in these languages that 
grammatical forms are created, not only by composition, but 
also by internal modification of the root. 

Bopp thus did away with the previous distinction into organic Bopp's 
and mechanical languages. His theory of the Indo-European ^^luti^a- 
languages as formulated included the distinction of verbal roots, tion. 
from which come nouns and verbs, and pronominal (or, as they 
have been called, demonstrative) roots, a less numerous class, 
from which are derived pronoxms, primitive prepositions, con- 
junctions, and particles. According to the theory of aggluti- 
nation, the terminations of case and person were originally pro- 
nouns, e. g. the -s termination of the nom. sing, comes from the 
pronominal theme sa (§ 134), and in the second pers. sing, of the 
verb is to be found the pronominal theme iva (§ 443} ; in the 
s of the sigmatic aorist in Greek and of the Latin perfect is to 
be recognized the verb substantive (§ 543) ; the sufiix -ai/a- of 
causatives comes from the root •v/i, to go, or -/*, to desii-e 

^ Beduplication may be regarded aa an internal development of the root, 
seeing that it is formed out of the resources of the root itself. So, too, changes 
in the vocalism of roots, in different nominal and verbal formations, which we 
distinguish as ablaut or vowel-gradation {ch. x), are internal modifications. 


(§ 740) ; the root '/as, to be, is found in man-as, nivos (§ 931), 
the root \/kar, to make, in volu-cer, and the root 'Jtar, to 
traverse, in ho-T-qp and iTX.rJK-Tpov (§ 815). An illustration of the 
length to which the theory of agglutination was pressed by 
Bopp's successors may be seen in the analysis of ^ddos into the 
roots V^a, to go, '/de, to make, and Vis, to be, or again in 
the analysis of XvBrjaojxai into (i) the root V><^Vj to loose, (a) 6, 
the relic of Vdi of ri07)/it, (3) -q representing Vja, to go, which 
comes in elp-i, (4) ao from eo-o/xat the substantive verb, (5) /xat 
representing an oblique case of the first personal pronoun, 
and the whole signifying ' There will be {<to) a going (?j) to 
make [6) me {jxai) loose {\v).' The one certainty in this 
triumph of ingenuity is that VXv means ' loose.' It is also 
conceivable that jxai is to be connected with the stem of the 
personal pronoun. The rest is baseless and fantastic. Why 
should 6 be referred to rt^rj/xt or r] to et/^tt ? 

A correct analysis of kvOrjcroixai would recognize the root 
v^Au, which is common to all forms of the verb Xvoo, would 
distinguish 6r] as the characteristic sulfix of the stem of the 
weak aorist passive kvdr], and would regard cro as the sign of 
the future, and fiai as the personal ending ; ixai., as has been 
said, may be connected with the stem of the first personal pro- 
noun, but d-q and cro are sufiixes upon whose origin we cannot 
pronounce with certainty. Were we in a position to trace 
the growth of the original language, we might perhaps be 
able io explain the force and trace the history of the different 
suflBxes, but as things are, we have to deal with the derived 
languages which inherited those suffixes. An extreme in- 
stance of the agglutinative theory in Bopp's own hands is 
his identification of the augment with a privativum, by 
which fKvcra was thought to have come to mean ' I loosed 
once,' because it started with the meaning ' I am not loosing 
now.' Bopp's opponents naturally asked how it was possible 
to believe that when primitive man wished to say ' I have 
seen,' he said, ' I do not see now.' 
Ph^L^"* To some exitent in his comparison of different languages, 
Sciences. Bopp employed the phraseology of the physical sciences. 


Thus, in the preface to the Comparative Grammar, he says : 
' I propose in this work to give a description of the organism 
of the different languages which are named in the title, to 
study their physical and mechanical laws, and to enquire into 
the origin of the forms which express grammatical relations.' 
To Schlegel, as we have seen, organic change had meant 
internal change in a word, as distinct fi'om the mechanical 
change which was effected by external additions. To Bopp 
an organism was the arrangement which results from agglu- 
tination, that is, from the combination of different elements. 
The superiority of the Indo-European languages, as he points 
out (i. 230, § 108), consists 'in the close union which combines 
root and inflexion into an harmonious whole, comparable to 
an organized body.' Chinese is without organism and without 
grammar, but the power of combining monosyllabic roots 
gives the Indo-European languages an organism and a 
grammar. Still in the Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin languages, 
as we find them, this power of combination is dead ; and con- 
sciousness of the meaning of each element of an agglutinative 
word has been gradually lost, and the original form altered 
in accordance with newer principles of euphony which have 
been subsequently developed. Consequently these languages 
are in a state of decay. Still further decay is to be found in 
the languages of modern Europe, where inflexion has fallen 
into comparative disuse and analytical modes of expression 
have taken the place of the old agglutinative forms. 

Of the terms mechanical and physical law, as applied 
to language, Bopp has himself given an explanation in a 
note appended by M. Breal to the preface of his transla- 
tion : ' By mechanical laws I understand in general laws 
of gravity, and in particular the influence which the weight 
of the personal endings exercises upon the preceding syl- 
lable.' This he would illustrate, for instance, by the change 
of a to » in cano, ce-cin-i, and the reduction of the root in 
i-juer as compared with et-^t of the singular. This last variation 
would be connected by modern philologians with the shifting 
of the accent. Bopp applies to it the language of statics. 



Physical or Again, by the term physical laws ' Bopp designates the 

Phonetic other rules of grammar, particularly phonetic laws. Thus, 
where in Sanskrit we find at-ti (he eats), in place of ad-ti, the 
change of <;? to < is caused by a phonetic law.' 

These physical, or as we should style them phonetic, laws 
would not now be accepted as true scientific generalizations. 
As Delbriick says {Study of Language, p. 3 a), ' that vowels 
should be lengthened without cause, extensive mutilations 
take place without conceivable provocation (as, e. g. that 
hvTrrjv should be a mutilated form of eTV(l)dr]v), and that 
the same phonetic group should pass into widely difl^ering 
formations in the same linguistic period, appears to Bopp 
not at all extraordinary.' The modern dictum that phonetic 
laws admit of no exception was foreign to Bopp's view, since 
according to him ' we must expect to find no laws in language 
which offer more resistance than the shores of rivers and seas ' 
[Vocalismus, p. 15). In this branch of the subject Bopp was 
too much under the influence of preconceived notions as to 
the identity of words, to suit which he often distorted the 
facts of language, and turned his back on his own laws. 

Jakob The next great name in the history of the science is that of 

nmm. ^2t\o\) Grimm (b. 181 9), the founder of historical grammar. 
His labours were almost entirely directed to German philology, 
and therefore do not so much concern us here ; but as the 
first to assert the importance of studying language in its 
natural condition rather than its literary form, he became 
the founder of a school of philologists, amongst whom we 
might mention Ahrens. But though not so much a com- 
parative philologist primarily, he did inestimable service to the 
science in formulating the great law of consonantal change 
which still goes by his name, and in demonstrating the im- 
portance of a historical knowledge of the letters of different 

A.W.Pott. A. W. Pott in his Etymologische Forschungen (1833-1836), 
became the founder of modern phonetics, and to him the 
great body of cm-rent etymologies is due. He was the first 
to construct compai-ative tables which covered the whole 


extent of tlie related families of speech, and to formulate the 
phonetic laws of the several languages. 

Passing over those scholars who devoted themselves mainly August 
to Sanskrit we come toAugustSchleieher(i8ai-i868). To him 
is due the classification of languages into isolating, agglutina- 
tive and inflexional. These three stages succeed one another 
chronologically, and it is in the last that a language reaches its 
full development (Compendium, p. 3). But the languages of 
which we have experience, that is, the modern languages of 
Europe, are not in a state of development but of decomposition. 
English and French are less perfectly inflexional than Greek 
and Latin. Schleicher accordingly argued that languages 
were formed in prehistoric times, and are destroyed in historic. 
Such a distinction between prehistoric and historic develop- 
ment can be no longer maintained. Like Bopp, Schleicher 
regarded language as an organism with a life of its own ; as 
a botanist of mark he was influenced by the analogy of the 
natural sciences, and applied to the study of. language the 
method of those natural sciences. But to say that language 
is an organism is only to employ a metaphor ; the proper 
method of studying the phenomena of language is to trace 
the historical course of their development. Schleicher did 
great service by organising the results of previous inquiries 
and formulating phonetic laws. It is to him that many 
philologists look as the first to insist upon that regularity of 
phonetic laws, which is so marked a feature of modern inquiry 
(CoUitz B. B. xi. 3). And in such a remark as ' the essence of 
inflexion Kes in the vocalism,'' he to some extent anticipates 
later theories of the ablaut or vowel-gradation. 

There is one new feature in Schleicher's system that demands Tie 'Ur- 
speeial notice. He was the first to reconstruct the Ursprache or ^P'^*'^''^- 
original Indo-European language. Previous scholars had been 
content to reduce the existing forms of one language to the 
corresponding existing forms of another related language. 
Schleicher was the first to go beyond this, and attempt to 
reproduce the primitive forms from which all the existing 
forms are derived. 





Value of 



As this reproduction of original forms is a common feature 
in more modern works, it may be well to ask what the value 
and what the certainty of such attempts may be. 

The first difficulty that meets us in such attempts is the 
question how we can determine what is primitive and what is 
secondary. How many vowels had the original language ? 
How many consonants? To these questions Schleicher re- 
turned an answer very diflferent from that which would be 
given now. At the beginning of his Compendium he asserts 
the existence in the original speech of the following sounds — 
Consonants, k, g Spirants/, *, v Vowels a, i, u 

p, h n, m, r. aa, ai, an. 

t, d. 

To these, later but still in very early times, were added the 
aspirates gk, dh, bh, the liquid I and the diphthongs da, di, 
du. The ' new school ' of philologists would recognise the 
aspirates as primitive, add a second row of gutturals, and a 
series of semivowels, including the nasal and liquid sonants ; 
i and « would cease to rank as vowels proper, and the original 
vowels would be given as a, e, o. 

It may be asked what is the value of such attempted re- 
constructions, if they have a character so little permanent ? 
The answer is, that as in astronomy the Copemican theory was 
a sufiicient explanation of the phenomena under observation 
at the timCj and was not necessarily a bad or useless hypo- 
thesis, because it first had to be modified by the theory of 
epicycles, and was finally superseded by the Newtonian 
theory, so the want of finality in any attempted recon- 
struction of the original language does not necessarily destroy 
the value o£ such reconstructions as a means of investigation. 
As the field of investigation widens, we must necessarily 
have some means of connecting the results of our enquiry in 
the several languages, and must make some attempt to decide 
what part of oui- material is original, and what part is inde- 
pendently developed in each language. No philologist would 
assert that he had restored the original language with any 
certainty except as regards a very small group of words, for 


the mere fact tliat the vocabulary common to all the related 
languages is excessively small makes any such assertion im- 
possible. But if we accept the hypothesis that all languages 
of what we call the Indo-European family are eventually 
derived from some one primitive language, we are bound to 
show that the facts of the derived languages are consistent 
with this hypothesis, or else to modify the hypothesis in 
accordance with the facts. The original language is merely 
an ' ideal construction ' expressing the views held at any one 
moment by scholars as to the extent and nature of the 
material hereditary in the derived languages. But because 
the expression changes it is not therefore valueless. The 
reconstructions of an animal from a single bone made by the 
palaeontologist may be modified or even superseded by subse- 
quent discoveries, but nevertheless serve a temporary purpose, 
and hold good till the new discoveries aa-e made. 

The last of the old school of philologists is Georg Curtius, Georg 
who died in 1885. Under him the comparative science of 
language made great advances, and he is the scientific father 
of the younger school of continental philologists. He devoted 
much pains to tracing the chronological development of the 
different languages and forms, and his two great works on the 
Principles of Greek Etymology, and the Greek Verb^ must 
remain in many points as standard authorities. But perhaps his 
most important contribution to the science was his theory of the 
splitting of the A-sound : not because the theory was soimd in 
itself, but because it was the first attempt to upset the view of 
the vowels which had been unimpugned since the time of Bopp. 
The discovery that the E-sound was common to all European 
languages, and the referring of its origin to the period of a 
common European language were a great step in the right 
direction, and cleared the ground for the subsequent discoveries 
of Ascoli, CoUitz, Fick, and Schmidt. These discoveries will 
be discussed at length further on in this book. 

It now remains to give a short sketch of the new principles 
and new methods which, in the last fifteen or twenty years, 
have transformed the science. 




Old and 



The earlier investigators dealt too exclusively with the 
language on paper, and considered too little the men who 
spoke that language. Of the two factors which operate in 
producing changes in the material of a language, they 
emphasized the importance of one only. A physiological 
element — the principle of ease of articulation — is prominent 
in the writings of Curtius : the psychological factor — the 
influence of assimilation and analogy — is almost entirely 
ignored. And as these enquirers laid undue stress on the 
reconstruction of the original language, so they gave excessive 
weight to the oldest forms of the derived languages — e.g. in 
Sanskrit the Vedic, in Greek the Homeric dialect, as approach- 
ing in form nearest to the mother tongue. In formulating the 
laws of phonetic change they considered rather the relation 
of this hypothetical original speech to the forms supposed to 
be most nearly connected with it, than the relation of 
more modern forms to those languages with which they can 
be proved historically to be connected. But it is obvious that 
the laws of development in language cannot be derived a 
priori from an investigation of the connexion of the Homeric 
dialect, e. g. with a supposed pre-Homeric, pan-Hellenic 
language. Rather we must look to those languages whose 
development can be historically traced — at the modern and 
middle German dialects in their relation to the old German — 
at the Romance languages in their relation to the Latin. 
And there is this further advantage, that here we meet with 
a continuous series of records which give us the language 
as it was spoken, and we are not confined to the investiga- 
tion of a fixed literary type. And in this investigation of 
the modern languages" we are led to the assumption of 
the following two principles for the science of language as a 

I. Every phonetic change, so far as it is purely mechanical, 
is accomplished in obedience to universal laws, which admit of 
no exception. Every word in which the same sound appears 
under the same conditions is subject to the same phonetic 
change. Where a language is split into a variety of dialects, 


apparent exceptions will be found, as, for instance, in Greek 

tKKOS, tirnOS : TTOV, kov. . 

II. The principle of Analogy, i. e. of the alteration of fonns Analogy, 
by their association with other forms connected with them 
grammatically or otherwise, plays an important part in modem 
languages. Just as fancy works in the extended association of 
the meaning of a word, so in the same way with the formaition 
of new, or the change of old words, the process is affected 
by fancied resemblances or supposed analogies. The- same 
principle is to be recognized as operating in all, even the 
most ancient periods of the history of language. 

These are the two cardinal principles which distinguish the 
new from the older school of philologists. They are so im- 
portant as to demand a more detailed discussion. 

I. First, as regards the theory of Phonetic Law. Bopp was Theory of 
content to say that Sanskrit d for example sometimes re- l^^, 
presented Greek 6, sometimes Greek 6, without any further 
investigation of the conditions by which the one or the other 
was determined. It is clear that from such a statement of 
the facts no true scientific generalizations are possible. 
Curtius made it his aim to establish, and was successful in 
establishing, more scientific views, but even he was content 
with mere approximations to universality. He saw no diffi- 
culty in holding that a phonetic change might take place in 
some cases only, under given conditions, while under the same 
conditions in other cases it might not occur ; nor again in 
holding that a single language might represent the same 
original sound under the same conditions in difierent w;ays. 
In cases like riyos beside a-reyos, he would say that the <t had 
been dropped in the former word, not in the latter : in exdaCpoi 
he saw an epenthesis, which did not under the same conditions 
occur in iXevdepios. Where he attempted explanations of 
exceptions they are not such as we can now acquiesce in. 
When he said that the intervocalic t disappeared in 'iTnrqio = 
fciroo = tiTTrov, because the need of it as a special syntactic sign 
for the genitive was not felt, while it was kept in Xiyoiev 
because of its importance as a syntactic element, he implied 


that sucli phonetic changes are conscious, and that the Greeks 
inherited from their forefathers not words and systems of 
inflexion in their entirety, but rather the elements of which 
words are composed, while the composition was their own 
individual work. And though he admitted that the inter- 
vocalic 0- in eoTTjo-a is due to the analogy of ebei^a, etc., yet 
he would not have said that ecrrricra is a new formation on the 
analogy of e8et£a, but rather that the a- was arrested in the 
act of disappearing by the influence of this analogy. 
Spoken We can hardly insist too much on the instability of a 

andfts spoken language. The motions of the organs of speech in 
changes, producing a given sound are in no two cases exactly the same 
even in the same individual. But the difference of sound in 
any two cases is so minute as to be imperceptible both to the 
speaker and the listener, and any undue divergence is pre- 
vented by the necessity under which the speaker lies of being 
intelligible to those whom he addresses. Any such change 
therefore as that from original i as we find it in Greek to the 
k which appears in Low German could only have been accom- 
plished through a series of minute changes, 

e. g. k — yij — ^2) etc., — k, 
and have been completed only in a community which had 
ceased to have intercourse with the original stock. It is 
inconceivable that in the same community the word cor- 
responding to Latin cajjtd, A. S. keafod, should have been 
pronounced by some people with an initial aspirate, by 
others with an initial guttural. But nevertheless when 
the change was completed it must have been universal, and 
all initial Fs must have become initial ,^'s. For the pro- 
nunciation of a language is not learnt by learning the pro- 
nunciation of all the words which it contains ; rather where 
the same conditions are present, there is an impulse towards 
the same motions and adjustment of the vocal organs, and 
the same sound results. And though some members of the 
same community may have pronounced k^, while others pro- 
nounced kj^, yet the difierence between the two being in- 
finitesimal, the speech of the community as a whole must at 


any one time have been homogeneous. Nothing more than 
this is meant by the universality of phonetic law, that is, an 
uniformity which we can prove historically to have existed 
within a definite area at a certain time. 

We have akeady implied that phonetic change is uncon- Pionetic 
scions. Conscious change would only occur where there was oonecious. 
a necessity for distinguishing between two words which had 
a different signification, but were or had become identical in 
sound. When Curtius says that some sounds were main- 
tained as specially significant, he implies that this signifi- 
cance, e. g. of optative -t, was consciously felt by the 
Greeks, and that the tendency to drop the t was consciously 
arrested. But as we do not suppose that in saying j'aimerai 
a modem Frenchman is conscious of the connexion of the ter- 
mination with the Latin habeo, so we need not imagine that 
in using iir] the ancient Greek felt that the special optative 
meaning lay in the t. Again, when Curtius speaks of the 
maintenance of the cr in eo-r?jo-a, he implies that the speakers 
consciously avoided a threatened change. The Greeks may 
never have said *ecrr7ja, but this only means that in the pre- 
historic times, when intervocalic cr was disappearing, the 
analogy of e8et^a, etc., was already felt: the a- was not 
consciously arrested in the act of disappearing, but ^orrjo-a or 
rather la-raa-a is a new formation which supplanted the 
phonetically accurate *eoT7]a. This is no exception to tie 
phonetic law ; the law has been crossed in the earliest times 
by the counter law of analogy. That the result of the 
analogy is to reproduce the primitive form is not an argu- 
ment for earrjo-a being historically a survival. In late Greek 
we find the form ipipea-aL (2nd sing, mid.), but no one would 
suggest that this was a survival, though it happens to be 
identical with the prehistoric form. 

There are certain other considerations which we have to ExceptioBs 

. , , n n J.- J. to Phonetic 

take account of m deahng with the so-called exceptions to Law. 
phonetic laws. The graphic representation of sounds may 
be inexact ; words phonetically identical may be written 
differently (e. g. Germ, man, Mann; das, dasz), or at a time 

J 8 PHONETIC LAW. i^'^' 

when a change of pronunciation is in progress we may get a 
double graphic representation, the one being the traditional 
spelling which the literary language still preserves, the other 
representing the current pronunciation. This is especially 
the case with the Latin vowels. Again we have to consider 
the case of words borrowed from neighbouring dialects, which 
necessarily obey different phonetic laws ; or the exceptions 
may be new forms which have come into existence after a 
phonetic law has ceased to be in operation. For instance, an 
original a becomes in Attic ij, but nevertheless we find in 
Attic ri/xas with a long d, because at the time when d became 
in Attic 7], the ace. pi. stiU showed a as the final vowel of the 
stem of feminine words in this declension. The lengthening 
of the a to a after the loss of the nasal was a later step, taken 
when the change from a to tj was already completed through- 
out the dialect. The short d of A-stems corresponds to the 
o of 0-stems. Thus riixa-vs answers to ltttto-vs: these in 
Attic appear as rt>as, 'iTnrovs. Further, the exceptions may be 
due to a conflict of two laws. Thus the termination of 
the Greek 3rd sing, -tl becomes -ai between two vowels 
in b[b(o(n, but is unchanged in ecr-Ti because of the 
preceding 0-. 

Again, the same form under different conditions may have 
taken different shapes, and then either one of the two re- 
sulting forms disappears or both are used indifferently. Thus 
the d of quod — old French qwed — was originally lost only 
before consonants, and in Greek els {evs) was once the form in 
use before vowels, es before consonants. 

Further, what appears to be a later ' splitting ' of a sound 
may be an original distinction, as is now thought to be the 
case with the vowels a, e, 0, which were formerly regarded as 
the results of a splitting of the a-sound. 

Finally certain forms, e. g. reduplications, seem to have 
special phonetic laws — i. e., in these cases alone is found the com- 
bination which is the condition of the particular change. The 
law is special, but none the less universal in its own sphere. 
And here we may notice that phonetic law is most fully 

1.] ANALOGY, 19 

in operation in what we may call the natural is opposed to 
the artificial state of a language. The artificial or literary 
form of a language is liable to coiTuption, not merely from 
the fact of borrowing from other literatures, but also from the 
influence of its grammatical system, from the wish, that is, 
to reduce to similarity of sound forms recognized as gram- 
matically cognate; hence the appearance it presents is often one 
of extreme confusion. The spoken language of ordinary life 
is not subject to these influences, and is therefore more entirely 
under the domain of phonetic law. And though from the 
nature of things the ' natural state ' of the greater number of 
Indo-European languages must be unknown to us, yet in 
dealing with the literary language we must not forget to 
make due allowances for those influences to which such a 
language is so specially subject. 

After all this has been said^ there will, of course, remain 
forms unexplained. But these we must look upon rather as 
problems than exceptions — results not of the nature of things, 
but of our own ignorance. There is a wide difierence between 
acquiescing temporarily in an unexplained residuum and 
disguising our shortcomings with some such phrase as ' sporadic 

We now come to the second great principle — Analogy. Analogy. 
The important part played by this principle in the language 
of every-day life can scarcely be overrated. A very con- 
siderable proportion of the words we use we have never 
actually learnt, but rather formed in imitation of other forms 
we have heard or used previously. Memory is no doubt the 
most important agent in our speech, but association is hardly 
less important, especially in the young. Everyone must 
know how a child beginning to talk has one or two types by 
which it inflects all its verbs. And this principle of associa- 
tion is by no means inactive in adults, so that it is possible for 
us to use in conversation a word which we have never heard 
or seen, but which we form instinctively on the analogy of 
other words. Hence comes the possibility of the introduction 
of new forms which transgress the established usage, but 

c a 


unless this new form is spontaneously and simultaneously 
accepted by a majority of the speaking society, it will never 
be used to the exclusion of the old. Hence it often happens 
that the new form, which is the result of analogy, exists side 
by side with the form which is the result of phonetic law, 
e. g. 'S.oiKpa.T-qv, side by side with SfUKptir)?. Phonetic change is 
a revolutionary force in language, on the one hand destroying 
existing groups of words, on the other calling into existence 
new forms, and introducing apparently aimless distinctions 
into systems of closely related words. By this principle we 
say eoTt but eljxi, Keliiai but Kiarai, concutio but concussi. . 
Analogy is the reaction against this power — the restorative 
influence which brings back the lost harmony and symmetry 
of inflexion, and reasserts the principle that what is similar 
in meaning should also be similar in sound. It also leads 
to the creation of new on the model of old forms. A few 
instances from different languages may not be out of place ; 
many others will be found in the body of this work. 

In Gfreek we flnd ka-iiev in place of el-fxev, following the 
analogy of ea-ri, kaTi. The regular form is found in ei-jut for 
ecr-/xt and ft-fxai for 4'(r-/xat, while the same et/xat appears 
as en-fiai in Homer (co. 35°) ^^d ^^ '^^^ Attic compound 
rifjL<piecriJ,ai. Side by side with Kiarai Homer has KeCarai 
upon the analogy of Kei-fji-ai. 

Out of the resemblance of ^e/3ad)s {l3ej3mF(is) and karads 
arose the perfect l3i8dKa {pij3riKa) on the analogy of ^ordfca, and 
in the same way from the resemblance of farads and yeyaais 
{yeynFiis) Pindar has formed a perfect yeyaKa in the infln. 
yeydiKeiv {01. 6. 49), upon the same analogy. 

A still more convincing instance is to be found in the 
present tense form 6ei8w. In Homer we have the perfect 
8ft8ta, 1st plural Set'Stjaez;, which appears in Attic as 8e'8ta, 
hibinev. The present stem answering to this perfect appears 
iji the Homeric forms biov, hUcrdai (ef. Veitch s. v. Sioj). The 
word 8ei6M, also an Epic form, appears only in the ist pers. 
sing, and there is no imperfect. It is really a perfect ; 8ei6a) 
contracted from 8fi8oa for SeiSoia for 6e8fota. 

I.] ANALOGY. 3t 

Other instances of analogy in Greek are l/^oC beside juoC, 
on the analogy of iy(&, bovKevw beside bovXos, on the analogy 
of TTpecrfievo) beside irpecrjSevs. 

In modern German we have fliege, jliegst, fliegt for fliege, 
fieugst, flengt, where the second and third persons have been 
assimilated to the model of the first. 

In French we find aimons (amd.mus), aimez (amdtis) altered 
from *a'mons, *amez on the analogy of aime (amo). (Cf. 
Brachet, Historical French Gram., pp. 62, 77.) 

In Anglo-Saxon we find fot, pi. fet, answering to modern 
English foot, feet, but for A. S. bSc, pi. lee, modern English 
shows ^00^, 5oo^«, following the analogy of such words as form 
the plural in s. The preterite of the A. S. verb ridan was in 
the singular rdd, ride, rad, pi. ridon. Modern English, has 
throughout rode (^ = rdd). 

In the verb bid we form an irregular preterite, iad, on 
the analogy of sit, pret. sat. But in sit A. S. sittan the « 
represents an original e, altered according to the A. S. 
rule of infection or umlaut through the influence of a succeed- 
ing i. Thus sittan, is for *setjan, and a is the regular vowel for 
the preterite of a present stem in e. 

Sometimes, though more rarely, we see a connexion arise 
between two distinct forms as the result of pm'e phonetic 
change — forms which were originally distinct becoming coin- 
cident. Thus OS represents at once suos and jfis ; ei, both 
*eo-t, Epic i(T-(7i and eto-t. Germ, laden stands for O. H. G. 
ladon (to invite) and hladan (to load). 

On the other hand, whether from a desire for intelligibility 
or under the influence of analogy, forms which would become 
coincident are difierentiated. The gen. plur. of the 0-declen- 
sion in Latin is formed after the pronominal declension 
[deorum), perhaps because the form deum would not be dis- 
tinguishable from the ace. sing. The neuter fo-ros is used 
instead of eerrcoy ( = eo-raos) to avoid identity with the masc. 

Analogy then, it has been said, is not to be considered as a 
fatal impulse to bar the road for the regular phonetic develop- 



ment of a language, but it works alongside of the merely 
meclianieal force of memory as an important factor in the 
learning and practice of a language, affording an easier con- 
nexion between the earlier and later forms than would be 
given by memory alone ; on the one hand producing, as 
against the disintegrating action of phonetic law, a con- 
nexion in sound between words connected in meaning, and on 
the other hand abolishing the meaningless identity of sound 
in forms that are distinct in function. 
Analogy J^ lias been obieeted to the recognition of Analogy as a 

operative . . , . , . . , , . , 

at all principle operating at all times m language that analogical 
periods. forms become more numerous the later we trace the records 
of a language ; it is therefore argued that in the earlier 
stages such forms must be comparatively rare, and in the 
primitive language non-existent. But we cannot suppose the 
factors producing a change of language to have been different 
in early times from those operating now. As we, of necessity, 
presume the physiological conditions to have been the same, 
so we must suppose the mental conditions to have been. Other- 
wise we should have to operate with some other principle 
whose mode of action is unknown. For the difference 
between the various Indo-European languages at the time 
when they first come into view is too great to be accounted 
for by purely phonetic causes. We cannot therefore ignore 
the action of analogy at any period in the history of language, 
and it is less dangerous in doubtful cases to ascribe to analogy 
what may be the result of phonetic law than to reverse the 
process. For in the last event we are establishing a principle 
which affects all similar cases, while in the former our mis- 
take, if a mistake it is, only affects a single case. Everywhere 
we must suspect the influence of analogy, and must appeal 
to phonetic law only in cases which cannot be accounted for 
on the ground of association. Especially must analogy be 
looked for in forms which are part of a system, and indeed it 
is only those isolated instances which are not part of a system, 
which give any secure basis for establishing a phonetic law. 
We should not, e. g., be justified in saying that Indo-European 


qt = Greek tit, from a consideration of XetTrroj (= leigtos), 
as here we have the connexion of Kii-KU) and the whole verb 
system. But isolated cases like Triimros (= penqtos), where 
there is no room for association, afford a safe ground on which 
to establish the law. We must look not so much to the 
quantity of the instances as their quality, i. e.,~their immunity 
from association. 

It remains to say a few words about problems, to which the Origin of 
Germans give the name of glottogonic, problems that is eon- ^°J^J 
cerning the origin of word-forms and their elements. We 
have seen that this was the main point to which Bopp and his 
successors directed their endeavours. They were not content 
to establish a primitive Indo-European form, but wished to go 
further still, and shew how this form itself arose. To attempt 
this is the same as in a single language to attempt to go 
beyond the literary tradition, beyond, e. g.. Homer and the 
Vedas, into a region where the material for comparison fails 
us. But we may distinguish three kinds of problems. It is 
possible to trace the history of a sound successfully. As even 
Herodian reduced ilfxi to ecrjui on the analogy of etrri, so we 
are justified in referring 'I-kttos to an original stem ekuo, on 
the analogy of the Latin equus. It is possible also to trace 
historically the syntactical function of a word, to prove, e. g., 
that the relative oy {ios) was originally demonstrative. But 
when we come to trace the origin of the component 
elements of a given form, the case is different. If we knew, 
6. g., the meaning of the element -ie- (-*-) of the optative 
we should gain an insight into the relation between the 
potential and volitional meanings of this mood. But all such 
attempts have hitherto failed. It is for instance very probable 
that -the personal terminations -mi, -ti may be respectively 
connected with the Latin me and the pronominal to, but all 
such attempts to analyze -si, -masi, etc., have failed. It does 
not help Tis to say, with Curtius, that the phonetic laws in 
operation in earlier times may have been different from those 
in operation at a later date ; for a phonetic law can only be 
established in one case by quoting analogous instances, which 


here fail us. And there is no necessity, even if the element 
-si is pronominal, to derive -masi from ma-iva. Double 
roots for the personal pronouns are not unknown. We need 
only quote aMm, iyia, ego beside md-liyam, e-/^e, me. Nor 
indeed need the element -si be pronominal at aU: it is 
certain that the Latin termination -mini in ferimini is par- 
ticipial, and it is probable that Sanskrit -idd, Greek -rw of the 
imperative is the ablative of a past participle (cf. trco and Itos). 
Such formations may have been more common than has been 
supposed in primitive times. Glottogonic hypotheses, though 
only to be rejected when entirely baseless, cannot be proved, 
for the facts at our command are too few to admit of certainty. 
We do not know when and under what circumstances roots 
served the function of words ; we know nothing of the history 
of inflexion within the limits of the primitive speech. We 
find in existing languages different roots ; in the noun, stem- 
forming suffixes and ease endings ; in the verb, tense-stemSj 
mood-stems and personal endings. We can trace the effect of 
the presence of these different elements, but our knowledge is 
not sufficient to eriable us to pronounce with certainty upon 
their origin and meaning. For the present we have to be 
content with plausibility and probability in individual in- 
stances ; wider and deeper knowledge in the futm-e may bring 
us closer to the goal of certainty. 

Origin of The vexed problem of the origin of speech as a function of 
language. ^^ human race is one which falls outside the province of this 
work. The connexion of thought and speech has been a 
difliculty unsolved since the days of the first work which has 
come down to us on the philosophy of language — the Cratylus 
of Plato. Plato recognized that language was neither the result 
of chance nor purely artificial, but he had no notion that the 
struetm-e of a language could be built up by the instinct of 
men living in a semi-barbarous state. It is to the languages 
of semi-barbarous nations that the modern phUologisfc chiefly 
looks. Art and design come later in the conscious processes of 
literary and cultivated languages : but in the speech of un- 
civilized nations and the dialects of the outlying districts of 


civilization, the natural laws of speech remain untrammeled 
and the conditions of change and progress are more readily 
observed. The question of the origin of language can be 
approached from the psychological, historical and physio- 
logical sides. Psychology is concerned with the expression 
in words of thought and feeling. History shows us languages 
in their various stages of development, and enables us to group 
them into families. Physiology gives the physical conditions 
under which, in every variety of place and climate, the spoken 
sound is produced. 

We have now brought to a close our brief survey of the Summary, 
past and present position of the Comparative Study of the 
Indo-European languages. The narrow limits of the field to 
which early inquirers were confined hindered the advance of 
the science till the beginning of the present century. The 
discovery of fresh languages has enabled men to make wider 
comparisons and frame more general laws. A more exact 
attention to the elements of words and the conditions of 
speech' has led to a more rigorous application of phonetic 
laws. The apparent exceptions which cannot be explained 
by these laws are no longer banished to the limbo of sporadic 
change, but are accounted for by the working of association 
and analogy. Finally, we have seen that in explaining 
the elements of Inflexioiiial suffixes the comparative method 
is inapplicable. Such endings as -masi cannot be analysed, 
because they are part of the inheritance derived from the 
original Indo-European speech, which from the nature of 
the case we cannot compare with any cognate languages. In 
such inquiries we are in a position analogous to that of those 
who sought to explain Greek and Latin words before the 
discovery of Sanskrit. The data of comparison are wanting, 
and therefore many glottogonic problems must remain 


The Indo-European Languages. 

The Indo- ^^^ result of the researcties of Bopp and his successors has 
European teen to show that a majority of the languages and dialects of 
a guage . jgyj.Qpg^ ^g ^g]j ^g g^ number of Asiatic languages, can be 
grouped together as common descendants from a single parent- 
speech. Before passing on to consider the phenomena of 
Greek and Latin, and their relation to the parent-language, it 
will be well to give a short enumeration of the different 
members of the Indo-European family. The names of Aryan, 
Indo-European, and in Germany of Indo- Germanic, are all 
applied to this community of languages. None of these 
names is entirely satisfactory. ' Indo- Germanic ' omits all 
notice of Greek and Latin, as well as of the Celtic and 
Slavonic languages ; ' Indo-European ' includes too much, 
while the term ' Aryan ' or better ' Arian ' is also applied in a 
more restricted sense to the Indo-Iranian group. In the 
following pages we have adopted the term Indo-European. 
Their The Indo-European family consists of ten groups or smaller 

UtfoM.'^^" f3,milies of language, three of which are to be found in Asia 
and the rest in Europe. We are justified in distinguishing 
these different groups by observing that each is characterized 
by a great number of special elements — phonetic, inflexional, 
syntactical, and lexicographic. But while we admit that the 
several languages included under any one head are more 
nearly allied to one another than they are to the languages 
under any other head, we can in most cases say nothing of 
their mutual relation to one another. Broad distinctions, 
such as are exemplified by the treatment of the mutes, enable 


US to class together the Indian, Greek, and Italic languages, 
for instance, on the one side, the German languages on the 
other ; or to distinguish the Greek, Italic, Celtic, and German 
languages, where the palatal mutes remain mutes, from the 
Arian, Armenian, Albanian, and Letto- Slavonic languages 
where they become spirants. But we cannot go beyond this, 
at present, to say that Latin, for example, is more closely 
aUied to Greek than it is to Celtic ; nor is any adequate theory, 
in most cases, yet discovered of the mutual relations of the 
dialects of the several languages. 

Nor again is the division necessarily exhaustive. The 
Macedonian languages, for instance, cannot be put under any 
of the following heads ; while the extant fragments of many 
languages, such as the Messapian and Phrygian, are so small 
that no grammar of them is possible. 

We will now proceed with our enumeration. 

I . The Indian family comes first, of which Sanskrit is the The Indian 
head. The name Sanskrit is properly applied only to the * ' ^' 
literary language of the priestly caste of the Brahmans, and 
is distinct from Pali, the sacred language of Buddhism, as 
well as from the languages of modern India. The oldest form 
of Sanskrit appears in the Vedas or sacred hymns j the later 
or classical Sanskrit is the language which conformed to the 
rules of the native grammarians. 

%. The next group is the Iranian or Persian, consisting of Tbie 
the Old Persian, so far as it has been preserved in cuneiform ^^'°-^^'^- 
inscriptions, and the Zend or Old Bactrian, which is the 
language of the Zend-avesta or sacred books of Zoroaster. 
Its modern representatives are to be found in Persia, Afghan- 
istan, and Kurdistan. 

3. The Armenian family comprises the dialects of Armenia, The Ar- 
which have recently been proved to belong to the Indo- ™e"ia"- 
European stock Hiibschmann, (Z. Z. xxiii. 5). Its principal 
characteristic S the possession of the vowel e, which dis- 
tinguishes it from the other Asiatic languages of the Indo- 
European family, and connects it with the European branch. 

4. The Greek family comprises the different dialects of ancient The Greek 


Greece, both on the mainland and in the islands and colonies, 
and their modern representatives. The traditional division of 
these dialects, resting on the myth of the sons of Hellen, 
distinguishes Doric, Aeolie, and Ionic. This division is better 
suited to literature than to the spoken dialects, unless we 
understand Aeolie to include all that is not Doric or Ionic. 
The subdivisions of the spoken Greek were in reality innumer- 
able and their mutual relations are not easy to determine. 
A broad division may be made by a dichotomy into Ionic and 
non-Ionic dialects, based upon the Ionic change of a into rj. 

Ionic. Ionic was spoken in the Ionian colonies of Asia Minor, in 

the Cyclades, and in Euboea. According to Herodotus (i. 143) 
there were no less than four varieties of this dialect in the 
Ionian Dodecapolis. The grammarians distinguished an old 
and a new Ionic, the language of Homer and the language of 
Herodotus. The language of Homer is in the main Ionic, but 
it is possible to trace forms of Aeolie origin, due perhaps to 
Aeolie lays out of which the epic poems were constructed. 
Aug. Pick has even gone so far as to maintain th&t the 
Iliad and the Odyssey were originally composed in Aeolie, and 
to rewrite the poems upon that hypothesis. However this 
may be, the texture of the language of the poems, as we have 
them, is Ionic. With Ionic the dialects of Attica are closely 
connected. Attic preserved, in many words, the original a for 
the Ionic r; : it is distinguished into the Old and the New Attic. 
The Old Attic is the dialect of the tragedians and Thucydides, 
and bears a nearer relation to Ionic than the New Attic, which 
was employed by the comic writers and the orators. New 
Attic writes tt for cro; <jvv for £w, pp for pu, and a for at in 
such words as deroy, ad, e\da, etc. 

Doric. Of the non-Ionic dialects Doric in its different varieties 

extended over the south and east of the Peloponnese as far as 
Megara, the southern Cyclades and Sporades, Crete, Rhodes, 
the Dorian towns in Asia Minor and the Dorian colonies. 
The most prominent characteristic of Doric, as a whole, is the 
use of a for Ionic tj, the T7Xaretaa-/xoy which is spoken of by 
Theocritus (15. 88). Doric too preserved the digamma and 


did not change the dental to a sibilant in such words as bibusTi. 
( = 8t6(ucrt), TVTTTovri (^TviTTova-L). Further differences will he 
noticed in the treatment of the separate sounds and their 

Under the head of Aeolic are usually classed the dialects of 
Lesbos, Thessaly, Boeotia, Cyprus, Arcadia, and Elis. It 
is hard to determine exactly the mutual relation of these 
different dialects. At thg head stands the Lesbian, which is 
represented in the lyric fragments of Alcaeus and Sappho. 
It is marked by the retention of the original a where Ionic 
has rj, by the avoidance of the oxytone accent, in which it 
resembles Latin, and by y]ri\co<ns or the use of the smooth 
breathing, e. g. in Itttt-os, hepos. Other distinctive features 
will be noticed subsequently. The other Aeolic dialects are 
known chiefly from inscriptions. Aristophanes, it is true, has 
introduced a Boeotian speaking in the Acharnians, but a 
comic M'riter is not always faithful in his representations. 
The dialect of northern Thessaly is related closely to that of 
Lesbos and Boeotia, while Aicadian and Cyprian may be 
classed together : from Herodotus (vii. 90) we know that there 
were Arcadian colonists in Cyprus. 

In the literature of Greece each form of composition adhered 
to the dialect in which it had at its origin been written. An 
Athenian of the fourth century would not have written an 
Epic poem or a choral ode in the Attic dialect ; a, Spartan 
playwright, if such there could have been, would not have 
written tragic senarii in Doric. With the exception of 
lyric poetry, the chief forms of literature found expression in 
the Ionic and Attic dialects. It was the Attic dialect which 
became supreme in the world of literature and of politics, and 
it is round the Attic that we group the other dialects of 
ancient Greece. Under the Macedonian Empire it lost its 
purity, and gradually passed into the Koivrj bid\eKros of the 
grammarians, which is represented by the writings of Polybius 
and Plutarch. The vulgar speech, which admitted words and 
constructions of foreign origin or earlier Greek usage, formed 
the basis of the Hellenistic Greek of the LXX and the New 


' Testament. Out of the KOLvq have been developed the modern 

Romaic dialects which belong to the Greek group. 

The Al- _g. The Albanian is classed apart from the Greek family, but 

of its earlier history we have no records, so that it is difficult 
to speak with certainty of its relation to other groups. 
6. The Italic family. 

The Some of the languages spoken in the Italian peninsula may 

^ ^*"' be ignored for the purposes of this book. Of the lapygian in 
the extreme south and the Ligurian in the north, very little 
is known, though the former, at any rate, is supposed by 
Mommsen to be Indo-European. With the Etrurian also we 
are too little acquainted to be able to speak with confidence. 

The remaining languages divide themselves into two main 
groups — the Latin and the Umbro-Oscan. 

L^tin. The earliest remains of Latin date from about three hundred 

years before the Christian era. One notable characteristic 
of this language is that, if we except the distinction of the 
literary and the vulgar Latin, there is no tendency towards 
a subdivision into dialects till the time when it became the 
speech of the different provinces of the Eoman Empire. The 
literary language natm-ally became more or less stereotyped 
at an early period, and still more entirely so in the epoch 
which was initiated by LuciHus and concludes with the 
Augustan Age. The fact that so many Eoman authors were 
also grammarians was not without its effect in estabhshing 
a pure standard of Latinity to which aU classical models 
conform. The vulgar Latin, on the other hand, was the 
speech of the common people, and it was this form of the 
language which passed into the lingua Romana of the 
Empire and gave birth to the eight Romance languages 
of Southern Europe i, Portuguese, Spanish, Catalan (in 
North Spain and Roussillon), Provengal, Italian, French, 
Rhaetoromanic (in the Tyml, Engadine, etc.), and Roumanian 
or WaUachian. 

1 On the Romance languages see especially Diez, Eomauisclie Qrammatik, and 
Groher's articles on ' Sprachquellen u. Wortquellen des lateinischen Wiirter- 
buchs' in ArcUvfUr lat. LaicograpUe, I. pp. 35 sq., 204 sq., 539 sq., etc. 


The Umbro-Oscan group consisted of the Umbrian, spoken Umbro- 
in the east or north midlands of Italy, and the Oscan, spoken ^^''^^■ 
in the south midlands. The dialect of Falerii was perhaps 
Oscan, but nearly akin to Latin ; the Volscian and Sabellian 
were varieties of Oscan. 

Umbrian is best known to us from the Eugubine Tables, Umbrian. 
discovered at Gubbio (Iguvium) in the 15th century. These 
tables contain a code of religious ceremonial, and are written 
partly in the national alphabet and in an older dialect, partly 
in a newer dialect and in Roman letters. The national 
alphabet was borrowed from Etruria, and accordingly does not 
contain the letters O, Q, X. It has a peculiar sign for P, using 
the digamma to represent V. It has no Z (Greek Zeta, 
Semitic Tsadhe), but in its place another sibilant representing 
the Semitic Zayin. It does not distinguish G, D from K, T ; 
but before the palatal vowels I, E it has a special symbol jj^ to 
represent a palatalised guttural or sibilant. This in the 
inscriptions in Roman letters becomes S or S (e. g. U-mu, Lat. 
CIS ; tisit, Lat. decet ; fahia, Ijat.faciat). We find also between 
vowels and at the end of a word a modification of D, which in 
the national alphabet is written S, in the Roman, R or RS. 
This fact explains the Latin ar-iiter, ar-fuerunt, ar-vorsus, ar- 
cesso, which are borrowed forms, so far at least as the prefix is 
concerned. For the Latin gu, representing the hard velar 
guttural, we have in Umbrian /i [pis-=quis, pumpe = quomque, 
etc.). The soft velar becomes h (benud = venerit, herns = verulus). 
An intervocalic s mostly becomes r (eru, erom=esse), but we 
find asa (abl.) = «?•«. Final consonants, especially m, s, t, are 
often lost, a fact which agrees to some extent with the practice 
of Latin at one period and of the Romance languages. 

In inflexion some of the most interesting points are the 
following ; the termination s in the gen. sing, and nom. plur. 
of the A- and 0-declensions (tutas or tutar=urbis, urhes) ; the 
maintenance of a locative ; the termination -ns of the ace. plur. 
appears as -f {asaf=.aras); the infin. ends in u{m) {aferum-= 
circumferre. With this has been compared the Latin venum 
do). The sigmatic future is preserved, e. g. in heniest {veniet), 




Jialiest [habeUt), staheren [stahuni) ; tliere is a perfect in -fi 
corresponding to the Latin form in -vi; the pres. subj. has a 
as its characteristic vowel {e.g. fasia=faciat, portaia=portet, 
etaians = Htent). The. vowel of the A-conjugation is preserved 
in sta7m{sto), mbocau {subvoco), etc. The forms tef-a { = det), 
clifsas { = dent) are of interest as preserving the reduplication 
of the present stem {te-fa-=di-de-t\ 
Osoan. The Oscan dialect is chiefly known through the Tabula 

Bantina, discovered in 1793 and containing the Roman laws 
for the town of Bantia. The alphabet is sometimes in the 
Umbro-Oscan characters, sometimes in Roman, occasionally in 
Greek. It is without O, Q, X, but has two forms of I, one, 
written h, and subsequently adopted by Claudius for the 
Roman alphabet (see p. $^, being a close e, and two of u, one 
being a close 0. Oscan distinguished G from K, and D from 
T, and used doubled consonants, which the Umbrian did not. 
Oscan, like Umbrian, represents Latin qu by p (pam= 
quam) and the velar g by 5 {hiimhened=convenit); s remains 
between vowels, but sometimes passes into z, as ezum (=esse}, 
but FluusM {=■ Florae). The termination d is found in the abl. 
sing. {suvad=swa), in imperatives [estud=:esto),a.nd. in adverbs 
{eMrad= extra). The termination -s is found in the gen. sing, 
of the A- and 0-declensions and in the nom. plural of the 
0-declension. Feminines of the A-declension end in -« 
{vm = via). We find sigmatic futm-es {didest, deivast) and 
infinitives in -um {deibum=: dicer e)^. The A- and consonantal 
conjugations are the only ones existing. 
Eelationto As to the question of the connexion of the Italic languages 
guages. with the other branches of the Indo-European family, it is 
difllcult to say much. The earlier scholars were struck with 
the obvious resemblance between Greek and Latin, not merely 
in structure but in vocabulary, and till recently the existence 
of an original Graeco-Italic period in which the Greeks and 
Latins lived together as one people, distinct from the 

'■ This looks like the accusative of a verbal noun ; cf. the oon'esponding in- 
finitives in Sanskrit from verbal nouns in -tu — e. g. itum from root i (Whitney, 


other members of the Indo-European stock, was accepted as an 
unquestioned hypothesis. The theory is familiar in England 
from the early chapters of Mommsen's history, where the 
identity of some of the most important words in the voca- 
bularies of the two languages is set forth with all the historian's 
persuasiveness, but with perhaps a certain disregard of the 
difference between fact and theory. Very many of his 
instances are not to the point, for the words he adduces, 
though common to Greek and Latin, are not peculiar to these 
two languages. A common Graeeo-Italic period is no more 
proved by the identity of aypos and affer than a common 
Graeco- Gothic period is proved by that of aypos and akrs, or 
a common Indo-Italic period by that of ajras and affer. 
Professor Nettleship, in an Essa^ on Harly Italian Civilisation, 
has recently shown that many of the names of the commonest 
objects in Latin are either peculiar to that language or find 
their representatives not in Greek, but in some other members 
of the Indo-European family. And when we come to the 
evidence of the structure of the language, the result is even 
more striking. For in those features which are most charac- 
teristic of the Italic languages, they stand in closest relation 
not to the Greek, but rather to the Celtic branch. The passive 
in -r and the future in -1-, the most noticeable points in the 
Latin verb-system, find their counterpart in Celtic. 

It is not however possible to substitute an Italo-Celtic for 
a Graeco-Italic period. All that we can insist upon is that 
Latin is not more nearly connected with Greek than with 
other branches of the Indo-European family. The connexion 
of the two nations is of course close and intimate, but it is 
historical rather than genealogical, the result of intercourse 
reaching back perhaps to the times of their earliest occupation 
of their respective peninsulas, rather than of an original union 
maintained unbroken till the two peoples separated at the 
head of the Adriatic Gulf. We are justified in grouping 
together the Latin and the Umbro-Oscan languages as closely 
related and as distinguished from the other languages of Italy 
and from the aon-Italian languages of the Indo-Eui'opean 



family ; but ova- data do not allow us in this case, nor perhaps 
in any other, to go into greater detail. 

The Celtic 7- The Celtic family, once widely extended, is now to be 

family. found Only in the north-west of France and portions of the 
British isles. There is a northern group, consisting of Irish, 
Gaelic, and Manx, and a southern group, composed of Cymricj 
Cornish, and Armorican. 

TheTeu- 8. The Teutonic family may be divided into two main 

fam'1 groups : the eastern, comprising ancient Gothic and Scan- 

dinavian with its subdivisions ; and the western, consisting 
of English, Frisian, Low and High German. Oui- knowledge 
of Gothic is confined to the fragments of the Gothic trans- 
lation of the Bible made by the Arian bishop Ulfilas in the 
fourth centuiy. The Scandinavian group, which goes most 
closely with the Gothic, comprises Icelandic, Norwegian, 
Danish, and Swedish. The western group is not so regular in 
its sound-system or its inflexions. English, Frisian, and Saxon 
go together ; from Saxon sprang the later Low German dialects. 
High German is distinguished from the other Teutonic dialects 
by a diflferent treatment of the mutes. From High German 
and its dialects sprang the speech of the greater part of modern 

, Germany. For a statement of Grimm's law of the permutation 

of consonants and the relation of the German to the Classical 
languages of Southern Europe, see cA. xi. 

The Baltic 9- The Baltic family contains the three divisions of Old 

family. Prussian, Lithuanian, and Lettish. 

TheSla- lo. The Slavonic family is divided into two main groups. 

family ^^^ Southern includes Russian, Bulgarian, Servian, and 
Croatian ; the western, the Czechish and Polish dialects. 
The name Church Slavonic refers to the oldest Slavonic 
texts, dating back in some cases to the twelfth century and 
written for the service of the Church. 

Schlei- The above are the ten chief divisions into which the primi- 


olassifica- ^^'^^ Indo-European language has split. To trace the process 

tion of the of separation and development is a more difficult task. Did 

European Our forefathers come, as has been usually supposed, from the 

languages, plains in the neighbourhood of the Hindu-Kush mountains, or 


was Europe, as some have lately imagined, the cradle of our race ? 
In what order did the different languages break off from the 
parent stock ? Schleicher has constructed a genealogical tree 
showing the successive migrations and bifurcations of the dif- 
ferent Indo-European groups according to his view of their 
relations to one another. The Indian and Iranian groups he 
supposed to be the most ancient, and they remained nearest to 
the primitive home of the race. The first to split off were the 
Slavonic and Teutonic groups, who were followed by the an- 
cestors of the Greek, Italian, and Celtic nations of Southern 
Europe. But though there are features common to the members 
of these different groups distinguishing them from other 
groups, yet each individual member of one group may have 
features in common with a member of another group, which 
has been classified apart. Thus Schleicher has made a 
distinction between the Asiatic and European families, yet 
one of the features common to the Asiatic group, namely the 
change of original palatal k into a sibilant, is also a feature of 
the Slavonic languages of Europe. A second point of differ- 
ence was that Europe had the softened .1 where the Asiatic 
languages retained r ; and a third that whereas the European 
languages possessed the vowels a, e, o, the Asiatic had a 
alone ^. It is true that Iranian and Indian have only the 
symbol a ; still, as we shall prove later on, these languages 
once possessed the other vowel sounds, though in writing they 
represented them all by a. The hypothesis of the splitting of 
the as-sound is erroneous, as will be demonstrated hereafter from 
the laws of palatalization in Sanskrit. Apart from this too, 
Armenian, which ranks as an Asiatic language, has a vowel- 
system corresponding to that of Europe. Schleicher's genea- 
logical classification wiU not hold good if carried through to 
all its consequences. By a rigid division into groups we are 
constrained to overlook the links which connect the indivi- 
dual members of different groups. Again, in dealing with 

1 It ia still true that the Asiatic division, with the exception of Armenian, is 
distinguished from the European by the possession of only a single symbol for 
these different vowel sounds. 

D 2, 


the features of resemblance between different languages, not 
every point of identity is to be regarded as an argument for 
original community of life. A word which is found in some 
languages only may once have been in use in other languages, 
though it has since disappeared, and the same may be the 
case with formative elements, such as the augment, which 
appear in some languages but not in others. Even what are 
supposed to be new formations common to a group ' may by 
subsequent comparison be proved to have their equivalents in 
other groups, as has been the case with the e of the European 
languages (ef Delbriick, Stud, of Lang., p. 138). 
Dialects of Genealogical classifications of the different Indo-European 
tiye^l":^'" ^aces are to be regarded with a sceptical eye. To begin with, 
guage. -^ve do not know how numerous was the primitive race before 
the era of separation. As we attribute to it not only the 
origin of words and sounds but also the inflexions of highly 
developed speech, the primitive language must have had a 
long past history, and should therefore have been the language 
of a numerous race. Such a race must have been spread over 
a wide extent of country, and in that case there must have 
been a tendency to dialectical variety. We need not assume 
that the primitive speech was homogeneous, or that it was not 
subject to the conditions which are everywhere present where 
language is spoken by a numerous race in an extensive 
country and in a primitive age, when communication is not 
developed. The differences then which we can discern in the 
languages of Europe may have begun in the dialects of 
the primitive speech before the Indo-Europeans left the 
plains of Asia, and afterwards have been increased. We must 
then, perhaps without a sigh, resign the use of such palatable 
compounds as Slavo- Germanic and Graeco-Italo-Celtic. A 
Scliinidt's more satisfactory metaphor to represent the reciprocal re- 
theory.' lations of connected languages is that first put forward by 
Johann Schmidt in his work, ' Die Ferwantschaftsverhaltnisse 
der indogermanisclien Sprachenl and since largely adopted by 
other scholars. Schmidt prefers to compare the different 
languages to waves ; by which he means to imply that all 



the languages of the Indo-European family formed once, as it 
were, a continuous whole, the adjacent parts standing in 
intimate relation to one another, and that the splitting into 
diflFerent types was the result of dialectic differences originating 
within small limits and gradually extending themselves so as 
to cover a considerable area. The relation of different lan- 
guages on this hypothesis is to be explained as much by 
geographical as by genealogical considerations. Neighbour- 
ing dialects borrow from one another ; but dialects widely 
separated in locality have no close mutual connexions. We 
may illustrate this by the Greek dialects. An original ri 
becomes tt in Attic, Boeotian, and Euboean, and in these 
dialects alone, since Attica, Boeotia, and Euboea are contigu- 
ous districts ; similarly Rhotacism is introduced into the later 
Laconian from the neighbouring Elis. Schleicher's metaphor 
of the tree and its branches implies that the ' fundamentum 
divisionis' between different languages or dialects is in each 
case one, and that the divisions can be made mutually exclu- 
sive. But this is contrary to the existing facts. If in the Mutual 
case of the Greek dialects we take the treatment of an original "^^ f^g""^ 
a as the ' fundamentum divisionis,' we shall have on one side Greek dia- 
the Ionic and Attic, on the other the rest of the Greek 
dialects. If we take the treatment of tro-, the dialects of 
Boeotia, Attica, and Euboea will stand by themselves ; if that 
of Ti, the Arcadian, Cyprian, Lesbian, Ionic, and Attic dialects 
will form one group. No absolute dichotomy is possible, 
except with reference in each case to some one grammatical 
peculiarity, and any attempt to arrive at a final and absolute 
classification of languages in their relation to each other must 
therefore, from the nature of the case, be futile. 

We may therefore conclude that the Greek and Latin Ian- Mutual 
guages, which will be the subject of our special attention, ^f^Qreek 
were once probably neighbouring dialects of the common and Latin, 
speech, just as they afterwards became neighbours in their 
European home. They are the only Indo-European languages 
which have feminines of the 0-declension, and their systems 
of accentuation are to some extent the same. The resem- 




Latin and 
the Ro- 



bknees and differences of the two languages will be fully 
brought out in the following pages ; but there is no founda- 
tion firm enough on which to build the hypothesis of an 
original Graeco-Italic unity. 

The mutual relations of the languages discussed above 
stand of course on quite a different footing from the relations 
which subsist between the Lingua Romana of the provinces 
of the Eoman Empire and the modern Romance languages. 
Here we have both the mother tongue and the historical 
development of its descendants before our eyes. The Romance 
languages are directly descended from the Lingua Romana 
just as the Indo-European languages are descended from a 
primitive Indo-European speech. But iij. the one case we can 
verify the descent by historical inquiry ; in the other we 
have to assume and reconstruct a parent speech based upon the 
similarity of its descendants. Consequently the Romance 
languages admit of a genealogical classification which with 
the wider extent and great antiquity of the whole body of 
Indo-European languages is only problematical. 

Language consists of words, grammatical forms, and 
syntax. Morphological as distinguished from Genealogical 
classification is based upon systems of grammatical forms, 
and it is by these that languages can be best distinguished 
into groups of larger or smaller extent. It is in its system of 
grammatical forms that the identity of a language lies. 
Syntax and vocabulary may change, but if the grammatical 
system remains, the language is still the same. 

Upon this principle of classification there are three. great 
families of speech : Radical, Agglutinative, and Inflexional, 
distinguished according to the way in which they combine the 
root or central significant elements of speech with the forma- 
tive elements which mark the distinctions of person, number, 
gender, tense, mood, or case. 

In the Inflexional group, to which belong all the Indo- 
European languages, there is, as we have already noticed, a 
distinction between roots Predicative and roots Pronominal. 
From the combinations of these two different sets of 


roots arise the different parts of speecli and their several 
inflexions. In the Inflexional type of language roots have 
no separate existence apart from words. In any Greek or 
Latin inflexion we discover the root, or main significant 
element which we can trace no further back, by a process 
of analysis. The terminations or formative elements, which 
were probably Pronominal in origin, have no independent 
meaning apart from the connexion in which they occur. The 
question of roots and sufiixes however, their nature and com- 
binations, will be discussed more fully under Vowel Gradation 
and Morphology. 

To the Inflexional type also belong the Semitic languages Semitic 
of Hebrew, Phoenician, Assyrian, Syrian, and Arabian. These *"S"*se3- 
languages are distinguished by the triliteral character of their 
roots, which must consist of three consonants, and by internal 
changes in the vowels admitted into the root. Their gram- 
matical system is quite different from that of the Indo- 
European, as for instance in their poverty of moods and tenses. 
Though the Semitic languages admit of being grouped 
together, there is no family which shows such strong featm-es 
of resemblance as the Indo-European group, or enables us to 
trace so readily the various processes of linguistic change 
and development. Hence it is the Indo-European group 
which has provided the material on which the science of lan- 
guage rests. 

The Radical or Monosyllabic languages, like Chinese, use Radical 
roots as independent words, which depend for their meaning ^^S^S^"- 
upon their position in the sentence. In such languages 
we find no formal distinction of the parts of speech, no 
inflexion, no derivation. They form a small minority of 

Between the Radical and the fully Inflexional languages Agglutina- 
come the Agglutinative languages, approximating in varying ^^„e^' 
degrees to one or other of the two extreme types. The 
characteristic of the Agglutinative languages, as a body, is the 
partial fusion of the radical elements, one of which bears the 
leading idea, while in the others the individual meaning is 


obscured. But as the fusion of the elements of words is a 
question of degree, we can draw no hard and fast line of 
distinction between Agglutinative and Inflexional languages, 

In this work we are only concerned with the Inflexional 
languages of the Indo-European family. Still we may add, 
under their different heads, some of the chief languages of 
the other families. 

The Radical or Monosyllabic languages are few in number 
and are found in South-Eastern Asia ; namely, Chinese, 
Tibetan, Burman, Siamese, and Annamese. 

The Agglutinative languages are the most numerous. 
Under this head we reckon the various languages of Africa, 
viz. the Hamitic, including the speech of Egypt and North- 
ern and Eastern Africa ; the Bantu or South African family, 
and the languages of the Negroes of Central Africa. Besides 
these we have the languages of Papua and Australasia, the 
Malay-Polynesian group, embracing the islands of the Pacific, 
and South-Eastern Asia. Next the Dravidian or South Indian 
family of languages ; the Ural-Altaic, which includes Turkish, 
Finnish, and Hungarian ; and the mass of different languages 
upon the American continent. In Europe we must notice as 
Agglutinative the languages of the Basque people in the 
Western Pyrenees, 


Sounds and their Classification. 

Scientific philology, whether comparative or historical, is Sounds and 
based upon the actual sounds of the various languages with •*"" ° ^' 
which it deals, and therefore to determine their nature it 
must depend upon the sciences of Physics and Physiology, 
the one to furnish the acoustic analysis of single sounds, the 
other to inquire into the functions of the different organs of 
speech. Unless we are accurately acquainted with the nature 
of the various sounds and the different organs by which those 
sounds are produced, the science of language does not rest 
upon a basis of phonetic fact, but becomes a mere enumeration 
of the changes of letters in the various alphabets of different 
nations. Letters are but the symbols of sound, and we must 
be assured of the facts which such symbols represent, for the 
same sound need not have the same symbol in every lan- 
guage. Phonetic change coidd best be observed in the 
language of a nation which was conscious of the scientific 
relation of the letter to the spoken sound, and changed its 
spelling whenever a change of pronunciation became general ; 
a nation which was endowed with a sort of orthographic gela- 
tine delicately responsive to the rays of popular pronuncia- 
tion. Our own spelling, for instance, is stereotyped, but 
matters would not be improved if we each and all spelt 
according to our pleasure. Pym. and Shakespere spelt their 
names in any fashion they pleased, but they were not therefore 
more scientific than the Cholmondeley of to-day. Spelling 
ought properly to be a scientific representation of the spoken 




and natural 

Living and 
dead lan- 

Sounds in 

sound, remaining- stereotyped until the spoken sound has 
changed. The laws of the changes and relations of different 
sounds can be best observed in the facts of living language, 
and more clearly in the spoken than in the literary dialects or 
in the language of society, which are more open to arbitrary 
influences. We aim at determining the actual nature of the 
sounds of any given language, and at discovering their rela- 
tion to the copies presented in the alphabetic symbols. In 
the case of savage nations the existing sounds have to be 
fitted to an alphabet. The student of the comparative 
philology of the dead languages has not the advantage of 
being able to observe the living sound. He must content 
himself with the alphabetic signs, their transcription in words 
borrowed by one language from another, and the accounts 
given of them by ancient grammarians. On the other hand, 
the dead languages have this advantage, that in them we can 
trace sound-changes as represented alphabetically in their 
development from the start to the conclusion, and we can by 
analogy transfer to them the general laws obtained from a 
study of the phenomena of living speech. To prove the value 
of correct historical observation of the changes of the written 
sign, we need only refer to the law of consonantal change in 
the languages of northern and southern Europe, known as 
Giimm's law. Here, too, it might be pointed out that the 
discovery of fresh laws can be more readily made by the con- 
sideration of related groups, as was done by Grimm, than by 
dealing with isolated single sounds or letters. Dialects are 
important, as has been said above, because the language of 
literature and society compared with them is a mixture of 
speech and sound-forms of varied origin, and is also more 
subject to the influence of individual caprice. 

Besides the study of single sounds isolated by analysis, 
phonetics are also concerned with those sounds synthetically 
arranged in syllables and words. Sounds are not isolated in 
the living speech, for isolation is the result of grammatical 
analysis. They appear in combination with other sounds ; 
consequently, side by side with the nature of individual and 


isolated sounds, philology has to consider the effect of different 
sounds upon one another when arranged in the actual com- 
binations of a given language. 

A musical sound is a regular periodic vibration of the sur- The nature 
rounding elastic medium of the air, while a noise may be called ° ^"""^ ' 
an irregular vibration. Sounds can be distinguished according 
to their strength or loudness, which depends upon the ampli- 
tude of the vibrations, and according to their height or pitch, 
which depends upon the number of vibrations within a given 
time. In the case of different instruments — as, e. g., the human 
voice, a trumpet, a fife, or a flute — there is also a difference of 
timbre or quality in the sounds produced. Along with vary- 
ing quality go varying harmonics, that is, the secondary tones 
which determine the character of the quality of a sound. So 
too the quality of a sound is affected by the vibrations it 
imparts to the bodies with which it comes in contact. The The organs 
chief organs of speech are the lungs, and, speaking generally, ^P^^""- 
the throat and the mouth. The breath is expelled from the 
lungs and afterwards modified in the throat and mouth. From 
the lungs it passes into the windpipe, and thence into the 
larynx. At the top of the laiynx comes the epiglottis, a 
valve which opens and shuts over the glottis or upper opening 
of the larynx, and which closes over it in swallowing. In the 
interior of the larynx are two ligaments, the vocal chords, 
forming an aperture which can be extended or contracted at 
wiU by the surrounding muscles. When the breath passes 
these ligaments, the pitch or height of sound is determined 
by the number of their vibrations, and the quality of the 
sound is further determined by the form taken by the mouth 
and throat ; these have a note of their own which combines 
with the note which results from the vibrations of the vocal 
chords. The roof of the mouth behind the teeth consists of 
the upper or hard palate and the lower or soft palate (velum), 
of which the lower extremity (uvula) can close the entrance 
to the nose passage. Apart from speech the breath passes 
through the throaty mouth and nose without appreciable 
sound, and the different organs lie at rest. In order to 


articulate, the passage of the breath is regulated and 
the position of the organs of speech is altered at will. 
A stream of air is drawn into the lungs and breathed out in 
bursts of different length and strength. Voice depends upon 
the contraction and vibration of the vocal chords ; in the 
case of a whisper there is less, if any, vibration. A complete 
closing of the glottis causes a check analogous to the effect of 
k or any other mute sound. In forming non-nasal sounds 
the uvula is pressed up so as to cover the passage to the nose. 
The sound is nasalized if the passage be open, in the case of 
vowels as well as consonants. In the French nasals en, vin, 
un, there is guttural as well as a nasal element, not so much 
however as in the English ng. Other elements of sound, not 
represented in alphabets, are the transitional sounds which 
arise, when sounds are aiTanged consecutively in syllables and 
words, in changing from one sound-position to the succeeding. 
Thus on, in, an have in each case a different transitional sound 
in passing from o, i, a respectively to n. 
Distinction From the oldest times grammarians have divided the sounds 
and Con-^ ^^ language into the two main divisions of vowels and conso- 
sonants. nants. Plato, in his Cratylus, distinguished between (poyvri- 
evra and acfxava, while with later grammarians cnjij.<pa)va were 
divided into r]ij,i<pmva and acjioova. This classification, however, 
is based not on the nature but on the function of the different 
sounds ; it throws no light upon the influence of single sounds 
on one another or their independent alterations. For instance, 
m, I, r, n are classed as consonants, and it is true that they 
perform the function of consonants, but yet inquiry into their 
articulation and acoustic analysis shows that there is no 
difference of principle between the sounds which these letters 
represent and the vowel-sounds. The old method of classi- 
fication provides no definite line of demarcation between 
vowels and consonants, and hence the necessity for subordinate 
grouping into semivowels, liquids, nasals, etc. In many cases 
the functions of sounds are due to their position in syllables 
and words. In such words, for instance, as the English 
mddle, riddle, captain, boatswain, etc. ; in ordinary pronunciation 


the. liquid or nasal has the function of a vowel ; the words are 
dissyllabic, and sound as saddl, riddl, captn, hosn. But before 
vowel-sounds these same I, m, n, r do duty as consonants, e. g., 
in such words as riie, night, light, etc. The term consonant 
then is used in two senses ; in one it means difference of 
function, in the other difference of sound character. The old 
division of consonants into Tenues, Mediae and Aspirates is of 
no scientific value, because we no longer take the same view 
of the sounds which the Alexandrian grammarians classified 
in this way. The Tenues are no longer regarded as bare or 
thin letters, nor is any scientific requirement fulfilled by 
calling letters Mediae because they are ranked between 
the Tenues and the Aspirates. 

The number of separable speech sounds is infinite, and to Classifioa- 
classify them all is impossible. For practical purposes a l^^^^ 
limited number of types can be chosen, and upon their 
characteristics our definitions are based. The mouth space 
through which the breath passes has two outlets : one at the 
mouth, the other at the nose. Sometimes this breath passage 
is kept wide throughout, as in the case of vowels and sonants. 
Sometimes it is so far narrowed at a given point that- the 
breath sounds against the narrow walls, as in f, s, ch, etc. 
Sometimes, again, the passage is closed at a given point, as in 
the case of the explosives, e.g. at the lips in j3, h ; at the 
teeth 'Ya.t,d; at the palate in h, g. Besides these distinctions 
we have to note the part played by the bottom of the soft 
palate in closing or opening the nose channel. 

A consonant is the sound or rather noise resulting when Conso- 
the breath is closely squeezed or stopped at some part of the "*"*^' 
mouth or breath passage. The main distinction between 
vowels and consonants is that in the case of vowels the Vowels. 
sound which issues from the larynx is modified by the shape 
afterwards assumed by the open mouth passage, while in the 
case of consonants the noise results from the narrowing or 
stopping of the breath at a given point. In the case of 
a vowel the breath is vocalized by the vibration of the vocal 
chords, and passes through the mouth without check or 


audible friction, but in the utterance of different vowels .the 
mouth passage assumes a different form. The instrument, 
that is, on which we play, is changed. Vowels, like con- 
Classi- sonants, can be classified according to the place of their 
according articulation. It is only recently that with vowels this prin- 
to place of j,-pjg pf classification has been recognised ; and its recognition 
tion. is due to the labours of the English school, notably Bell, 

Ellis, and Sweet. Previously, attempts were in the main 
made to classify the vowels according to their sound, and 
secondarily to inquire into the mode of articulation. It was 
assumed that the original Indo-European language possessed 
only the vowels a, i, u, a supposition which later inquiries 
have set aside, and the other vowels were arranged between 
a, i, u in a, pyramidal form, of which A was the apex, and 
I and U formed the base. But under this classification it was 
possible for a vowel with a simple tongue articulation to be 
put side by side with one which required a combination of 
tongue and lip articulation. By Bell's method of classification 
such distinct articulations are kept apart. Of course there is 
not with vowels, as with consonants, a stoppage of the breath 
either complete or approximate, but the places of vowel 
articulation are distinguished by the position of the tongue. 
Edch new position of the tongue is accompanied by a fresh 
vowel sound, so that the number of vowels can be infinite. 
Claasifiea- For purposes of classification, however, certain typical 
vowels. varieties are selected. Thus we have the horizontal positions 
of the tongue, according, that is, to the point in the front or 
back of the mouth at which the place of articulation lies; 
and the vertical positions, according to the distance of the 
articulatory portion of the tongue from the palate. According 
to the horizontal position of the tongue, i.e. its movement 
backward and forward, the vowels can be divided into 
guttural (back), palatal (front), and intermediate, a, for 
instance, is guttural ; i is palatal. 

According to the vertical position of the tongue, that is, its 
movements up and down, vowels can be distinguished into 
high, mid, and low. Thus the e in English ;pretty is high. 


wiiile the a of man is low. Every vowel sound can be dis- 
tinguished into open or wide, and shut or narrow. In the 
shut vowels there seems to be a greater convexity of the 
surface of the tongue, and a sense of eifort and tension in 
pronunciation. Thus in the word lit the vowel is open, but 
the same vowel is close or shut in the French jini. Besides 
this, again, there are the modifications produced by rounding 
or projecting the lips, which can afiect all the vowels. By 
adopting the above means of classification, Sievers and Sweet, 
following Bell, fui-nish a list of thirty-six distinct vowel 
sounds ; but as it is no part of the object of this work to 
establish an international alphabet for the expression of all 
the vowel sounds in modern use, we shall only take note of 
the familiar varieties which occur in the languages under our 

An open guttural A occurs in father, papa. The same 
vowel, with lower vertical position of the tongue, appears in 
man, liat. 

A narrow palatal I occurs in French jini, and the same 
vowel open appears in English lit. In both words the 
vertical position of the tongue is high. 

A narrow palatal E, with middle vertical position of the 
tongue, is to be seen in French ete, aimer. The same vowel is 
wide or open in English head, end. Of the vowel sounds 
modified by the action of the lips there appears a narrow 
guttural JJ in German gut, with high vertical position of the 
tongue, while the vowel is open in English good wAfull. 

A narrow guttural 0, with middle vertical position, is to be 
found in German so, Sohn, and with a low vertical position in 
English lord, law. 

A wide guttural 0, with low vertical position, occurs in 
English not and dog. 

Consonants, as we have before remarked, are distinguished CSassifica- 
from vowels by the narrowing or stopping of the mouth go°]^nts.*"^ 
passage, which in the utterance of vowels is kept comparatively 
wide and open. Consonants can be classified according to the 
place or form of their articulation, or according as they are 


voiced or voiceless. Three places of articulation were recog- 
nised in older classifications^ viz. guttural, dental, and labial. 
The discovery of Sanskrit led to the introduction of palatal 
sounds. In the original language, as Vill be shown at length 
later on, there were two sets of guttural or palatal sounds, 
i.e. the sound of h, g before the vowel sounds a, o, in which 
the agents were the tongue and the velum or soft palate^ 
and the sound of k, g before the palatal vowels e, i, wherei the 
agents are the tongue and the hard palate. This distinction 
leads to important consequences in Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin. 
Tenues The consonantal system of the Greek and Roman grammarians 
Mediae. embraced two kinds of mutes (i.e. sounds in which there is 
a complete stoppage of the breath), known to us under the 
Latin names of Tenues and Mediae. The so-called aspirates of 
the Greek <^, x, 6, Jj&t. pA, ch, th, had at the time that system 
was put forward already (ef. Sievers, p. 115) become spirants: 
at any rate, we now pronounce pk and ch as spirants. The 
signs for the Tenues tt, t, k, Lat. j), t, c, k, and the Mediae 
^, 8, y, Lat. i,d,g, have passed into the writings of all western 
nations under the same names. Still jb, t, h are in difierent 
districts differently pronounced, with stronger or with weaker 
stream of breath, while I, g are occasionally pronounced • as 

Under the term Tenues the old grammarians meant to 

include the unaspirated voiceless checks, under Mediae the 

unaspirated voiced checks : the classification was based upon 

the nature of the sound, and not upon the place of its 


Place of ar- Proceeding now with classification according to place, we 

ticulation. ^^^ foremost in the mouth the Labials or lip-sounds, formed 

either by both the lips or by the under lip and upper teeth. 

Labials. They are p, I, m, f, v, of which / is the voiceless spirant 

answering to p, and v the voiced spirant answering to h. 

Further back in the mouth come the different sounds produced 

with the tongue in contact with the roof of the mouth. 

Furthest back we have the guttural sound k, starting upwards 

from which any number of sounds can be pronounced at different 



points of contact by the tongue and the roof of the mouth, 
whether dental (front), palatal (middle), or guttural (back). 

Thus in the front of the mouth we have the Dentals t, th, d, Bentah. 
sh, r. 

Further back the Palatals, which result from contact ofPalatals. 
the tongue and hard palate, such as k and g. 

Further back still we have the Guttural sounds, with Gutturals, 
articulation of the tongue and soft palate ; which include the 
deep Semitic gutturals as well as the Indo-European k, g 
before a and o, and such sounds as the ch of German ach and 
the ng of English dng. 

According to. the form of articulation we can distinguish Form of 
Consonants into Open or Fricatiwe, where the mouth passage ^^n""'^" 
is narrowed but not completely closed, e.g. s,f, r,z,v; Divided, 
where the passage is stopped in the middle, but kept open at 
the sides, e.g. I. \ Stopped or Explosive, also called Mutes, where 
there is complete closure of the mouth passage, e. g. k, g, t, 
d,p,b; and Nasals, where the nose passage is left open, e.g. 
m and ». N takes its character from the nature of the 
neighbouring sounds ; e. g. it is guttural in sink, but dental 
in tent. 

Apart from their classification according to place and form Voiced and 
of articulation, consonants may be divided into Voiced and "'"'^ ^^^' 
Voiceless. It is not easy to draw a sure line of demarcation 
between pure sonant vowels and voiced consonants. The 
difference lies in the comparative ratio of the energy of 
exspiration and the width of the voice-passage. The letter I, 
for example, is before consonants a vowel like a and e, 
but when combined with a preceding or following vowel it 
is only semi-vocal, and becomes consonantal in its function. 
What is true of I is also true of the other semivowels r, 
m, n, as well as of i, the consonantal equivalent of which 
has been called the yo^-sound, and of w. 

The Voiced or Sonant consonants, in pronouncing which Voiced, 
there is a vibration of the vocal chords, arc the Nasals m, n, 
and the liquids I, r, which, as we have shown, can perform the 
function of either vowels or consonants, just as » or « can ; the 





Mediae g, d, I, the aspirated Mediae gh, dh, hh, and lastly the 
spirants z,j,v. 

Voiceless. The Voicelesg or Surd consonants are the Tennes p, t, Jc, q, 
the aspirated Tenues kli, th, ph, and the Spirants s,f. 

Glides. Besides the different sounds which we have classified, we 

have the introductory glides represented by the smooth and 
rough breathings. In singing a good singer begins from 
the outset with the voice, and allows no breathed introduction ; 
in speaking there is an introductory breath before vowel 
sounds. If stress is laid upon this initial glide, there ensues 
the rough breathing h, in which the organs of the mouth are 
kept apart as for a vowel sound, but the vocal chords do 
not vibrate. The rough breathing may be regarded as an 
emphasised initial glide which varies in character according 
to the following vowel sound. It can also come at the end 
of a word. In this position the Sanskrit alphabet has a 
separate symbol for the rough breathing, called visarga, 
which is never original but is a substitute for final r or *. 
If no stress is laid upon the^ initial glide before a vowel, 
we have the ordinary smooth breathing. 

Having now classified the difierent sounds which appear in 
difierent languages, we wiU. go on to consider these sounds as 
represented in different alphabets. 

Alphabets. A perfect alphabet would, as we have seen, correspond in 
the number of its symbols to the number of simple sounds in 
the spoken language. No alphabet does this ; the symbols 
inherited from the past are constant, while the sounds they 
represent are continually changing. The symbols of oiu- own 
alphabet are nearly the same as those of Latin; these last 
were borrowed from a Greek alphabet, and all the Greek 
alphabets were borrowed from the Phoenicians. Of the 
rise and progress of the art of writing in Greece we know but 
little. The poets give us different legends ascribing the 
introduction of the alphabet to Prometheus, Orpheus, Linus, 
Cadmus, or Palamedes. Herodotus (5. 58) says, categorically, 
that the art of writing, as well as other arts, was brought 
into Greece by the Phoenicians who came with Cadmus, 


while before that time it was not known. It is more than 
douhtful whether it was known to the Greeks of the Homeric 
age. We have the crrnjLara XvypA which Proetus gave to 
Bellerophon, ypi^jfas ev ttCvuki tttuktiu [Z. 168), and we have 
the marks put by the heroes on the lumps of clay which they 
cast into the helmet (H. 175) ; but in neither of these 
instances is there conclusive proof of actual writing. If the 
letters were known before the age of the Wise Men, yet they 
were not in common use ; for wood, stone, and metal were 
materials too clumsy. The tradition of antiquity is summed 
up by Josephus (c. Apion. 1. %.) where he says ' that the Greeks 
learnt the art of writing at a late date and after great difficulty. 
Those who wish to attribute to it the earliest origin boast of its 
coming from Cadmus and the Phoenicians. The poems of 
Homer were handed down without being committed to writing, 
and only in a subsequent age were reduced to writing and 
arranged in their present shape.' Assuming that the Greeks Phoenician 
borrowed their alphabet from the Phoenicians, the last named ^^ 
were not its inventors. These industrious traders, the middle- 
men of ancient civilization, handed on to Greece the letters 
which they may themselves in the first instance have obtained 
for commercial purposes from Egypt, where an alphabet called 
hieratic had been developed from the older hieroglyphics. This 
is the probable history of the Phoenician alphabet. It became 
the parent of almost every alphabet, properly so-called, upon 
the earth : of the Semitic alphabets of Hebrew and Aramaic ; 
of those of Italy and Greece ; of those of the native in- 
habitants of ancient Spain ; of the runes of the Teutonic 
and Scandinavian tribes, and of the systems of India and 
Abyssinia. The Phoenician alphabet as adopted in Greece is Greek 
different both in the form and value of the symbols from the 
alphabet of Phoenicia proper. The most striking contrast 
lies in the fact that the original alphabet consisted solely of 
consonants ; the vowels were not represented by special signs, 
but understood to be inherent in the consonants. The Greek 
alphabet had two main divisions. Eastern and Western, 
The Eastern division comprised the alphabet of Asia Minor, 

% % 


the Ionian alphabet proper ; the alphabet of the Aegean 
islands, Thera, Melos, Crete, and others, and the alphabet 
of the mainland of Greece, viz. Argos, and Corinth with its 
colony Coreyra, as well as the old Attic. The Western 
division included the alphabets of the rest of Greece and of 
the Sicilian and Italian towns, of which the most important 
were the Chalcidian colonies. 

The earliest Greek alphabet was the Ionic alphabet, found 
in the inscriptions of Greek mercenaries upon the colossus of 
Abu Simbel in Egypt and dating from the beginning of 
the sixth century, or earlier still in the inscriptions in the 
sacred enclosure of Apollo at Naucratis, the emporium of 
Miletus (see paper on the Early Ionic Alphabet by Mr. E. A. 
Gardner in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, vii. 320). 

Speaking generally, the Greeks adapted the Phoenician 
symbols to their own requirements as follows. Four of the 
Phoenician letters, Aleph, He, Ayin, and Yod, were employed 
to represent the vowel sounds A, E, O, I, while a new symbol 
was invented or borrowed elsewhere for 8 \ln\6v. The 
Phoenician Vav was retained in Greek as the digamma, F, 
which is still extant in inscriptions and is required by the 
metre in the Homeric poems, though it is not there repre- 
sented by a special sign. These letters, along with 2 and 
the consonants B, T, A, K, A, M, N, U, P, T, which were 
borrowed with little change of form, are the letters which, 
according to tradition, were brought from Phoenicia by 
Cadmus. Of the other letters the symbol H was used in 
some Greek dialects, as in Italy, for the sign of the rough 
breathing. In the Ionic alphabet, as adopted in Attica, the 
rough breathing had no sign, but H was employed as the sign 
of a vowel. 

The Phoenician Q, Koppa, fell into disuse; it survived 
longest in the alphabet of Chalcis, whence it passed into the 
Roman alphabet as Q. In classical Greek the sound of Q 
was not distinguished from the sound of K, but p survives in 
old inscriptions. In Ar. Nub. 23 we have /coTTTrartas used 
of a horse branded with this letter, just as the old a-dv or. 


compound tro/xm (Hdt. i. 139) is preserved in the word 
traij.(f)6pas (Ar. Uq. 603 ; NtiL 133, 1398). DifFerences in 
the alphabets of different Greek districts may best be ex- 
plained by assuming various centres of Phoenician influence. 
The Ionian alphabet came into general use throughout Greek 
speaking tribes in the fifth century. A special feature of 
this alphabet is the use of the symbol H to represent, not 
the Spiritus Asper, but the long open vowel e. The same 
alphabet also distinguished between O and il. In the 
inscriptions of Naueratis, referred to above, we find the 
symbol £1, showing that the distinction between O and il was 
early regarded as important. Mr. Gardner supposes that the 
symbol was taken from the syllabic alphabet of Cyprus, where 
the Milesians first met the Phoenicians in trading to Egypt. 

If H and 12 were simply long varieties of E, O, it is odd 
that the Greeks should not have distinguished between long 
and short in the case of other vowels. Before the adoption 
of the Ionian alphabet in Attica, in the archonship of Euclidee 
403 B.C., E did duty for E and EI. Apparently then the 
symbol H was adopted to represent the same sound as the open 
e of Italian, and in the same way il represented not simply 
long but a more open sound. 

Z, earlier I, takes the place of Phoenician Zai/in. 

The letter H, Phoenician Saniekk, has in Greek a new 
name ^i. Before the archonship of Euclides this sound 
was in Attic represented by X2 {chs). The Ionic H does not 
appear in Italy, where the sound was represented by X [cs, 
chs). In the Ionic alphabet X (i. e. yZ, ch) represents the hard 
guttural aspirate, though it holds the same position as the 
Roman X {cks). 

The Greek o-iy/^a takes the place of Phoenician SJiin. Ac- 
cording to Herodotus (i. 139) the Dorians called a&v what 
the lonians called (r'lyjxa. This may point to a difference of 
sound and (tAv represent the Phoenician sibilant Tsade. The 
compound o-ajnui is used to denote 900. The sounds of the 
Phoenician sibilants need not be discussed here. 

The non-Phoenician letters, introduced into the Attic from ^W let- 


the Ionian alphabet in the archonship of Euclides, were *, 
X, *, and a. The sounds of the Greek aspirates *, ©, X were 
not, in all probability, fricative like the sounds of modern 
English /and U ; they were momentary sounds followed in 
each instance by a distinct breathing. Thus X repre- 
sents an English k'/i. Before the introduction of the symbols 
4> and X, the sounds were represented by the double letters 
nH, KH. 
Koman. The Eoman alphabet was borrowed, in all probability, 

from that of the Chalcidian and Dorian colonies of Cam- 
pania and Sicily. To this it owes the form of the letter 
L, of C for r, of X for B, and the retention of the 
Koppa in the form Q. The Roman alphabet consisted origin- 
ally of twenty-one signs. A, B, C, D, E, E, Z, H, I, K, L, M, 
N, X, O, P, Q, R, S, T, V. The signs 0, *, * do not appear as 
letters, but are kept as the symbols of notation for loo, looo, 
50 ; though in the case of the first two the form of the symbol 
is assimilated to that of the initial letters of centum and mille. 
The digamma keeps its proper place and sign, but it has a fresh 
value, that of the hard labial spirant, a sound unknown to Greek. 
The letter Z is found on a coin of Cosa, in Faliscan inscrip- 
tions, in the fragments of the Carmen saliare, and is common 
in Osean and Umbrian, but early disappeared from the written 
language, as its sound merged in that of S. 

The introduction of the letter G for the soft guttm-al is 
attributed to Appius Claudius (censor, 31a B.C.), or Sp. Car- 
vilius Ruga (eirc. 294 b. c.) ^. Before that time C represented 
both the hard and soft guttural, and it continues to represent 
the latter even in classical times in the abbreviations C, 
Cn. for Oaius, Gnaeus. On inscriptions we find ecfociont 
(effugiunt), pucnandod, leciones, etc. 

The sign K also disappeai-ed early, as its sound became 
identical with that of C, but it is preserved before a in 
Kaeso, Kalendae, and the abbreviations KK {castra), KS 
(cans suis), etc. 

' The letter G is now known to occur on the as lihrale of Luceria (c. 300— 
250 B.C.) (Edon, Ecriture et Prononciation du Latin, p. 145). 


Y and Z were borrowed from the Greek alphabet in the 
time of Cicero to represent the Greek letters v, (• These had 
been previously represented by u (as in Aeguptus) and ss 
(medial, e. g. tarpessita) or * (initial, e. g. sond). 

The emperor Claudius attempted to introduce three new 
signs — h for the middle sign between i and u, as in ojpthmus, 
d for the consonantal w, and D for j5«, Is. But these characters 
did not survive after his death. 

The alphabet of Aryan India, the devandgan, differed in Sanskrit 
many of the sounds it represented from the Greek and*^ 
Roman alphabets. The actual symbols it wiU be no part of 
our duty to discuss. The written unit was not the simple 
sound but the syllable, and the substantial part of the syllable 
was the consonant preceding the vowel. The short vowel a, 
where not initial, is implied in the consonant. The signs for 
other vowel sounds in the interior of a word are attached to 
the consonants as subordinate. In the following scheme the 
diphthongs are omitted. Represented in our own letters 
we have : 

Simple vowels a, i, u, r, I, both long and short. 

Semivowels y, r, I, v (= English w). 

Sibilants f (palatal), s\, lingual), and « (dental). 

Gutturals Je, g, M, gh, n. 

Palatals e, j, ch, jh, n. 

Linguals t, d, th, dh, n. ) In practice not to be distinguished 
■ '■,',, '77 > by Europeans from one another. (Cf. 

Dentals t, a, th, ah, n- j Whitney, Sk. &r. § 45.) 

Labials p, h, ph, hh, m. 

Aspirate h and at the end of a word the visarga ^ as a 
substitute for final r and s. 

We see then that Sanskrit has no symbols for the Greek 
and Latin vowels e and 0, and that it uses r and I as vowels 
and consonants. Besides this, Sanskrit employs two series of 
sounds as guttural and palatal, and possesses the soft 
aspirates gh, jh, dh, hh, as well as the hard aspirates hh, 
eh, th, ph, which answer to the Greek X) ^, ^- Further it 
distinguishes between dentals or teeth sounds and linguals or 
sounds uttered with the tip of the tongue, and has a nasal 


answering to each of the different divisions of the explosive 
Indo- The Indo-European alphabet, as constracted from a com- 

TlphS" parison of the different Indo-European languages, was 
composed of the following sounds : — 

Vowels 1, u, e, o,- a, and 9 (the indeterminate vowel). 
Semivowels i, u, r, I, m, n. 
Labials p, b, ph, Ih. 

Dentals t, d, tJi, Ah. 

Palatals k, g, kh, gk. 

Velar Gutturals q, g, qh, gk. 
Spirants *, z, J, v. 

Liquids, when consonantal written r, I, 
when sonant r, T 

Nasals, when consonantal written n, m, 
when sonant n, m. 

o ' o 

Indo- It will be noticed that the original Indo-European language 

ToweU ^° is said to have possessed the three vowels a, e, o. This is the 
theory now accepted by the best authorities on the subject. 
Theory of The earlier philologists, however, from the time of Bopp, 
PP' observing the fact that the Sanskrit frequently has a where 
the European languages shew e or o, assumed that e and o 
were later weakenings of a in the several European languages. 
Noticing the fact that the final as of the Sanskrit padas,pddas, 
corresponded to the endings of Greek woSo's, irobes, irobas, it 
seemed natural to them to infer that the Sanskrit represented 
the original sound, of -s^hich the Greek shewed more recently 
Theory of developed variations. This theory was further developed by 
Curtins. Curtius. He established the fact that when e is the vowel of 
a word or termination in one European language, it appears 
also in the same place in the corresponding European lan- 
guages, and that it could not therefore have been indepen- 
dently produced in each. Accordingly he supposed that there 
was a time when the European languages, as a body, had 
separated from their Asiatic relations but had not yet divided 
into the two groups of North and South European ; and that 


in this period the vowel a, which they had inherited from Splitting of 
the mother tongue, was ' split' into two distinct sounds, a, g^'^'^""" • 
which thus passed from the common European speech into 
the Yarious languages which sprang from it. According to 
this theory, the stem hhar (in Sk. bharami) passed unchanged 
into Europe, and there ' split ' into the two forms hhar, hJier. 
In the South as distinguished from the North European 
group there was a further splitting of a which resulted in the 
appearance of o ; hence we have in Greek (^e'pco, 4>opos. 

This theory has been accepted up to comparatively recent 
times, but it has now been abandoned in favour of that 
which supposes e and o to be as much primitive vowels as a. 
The two great discoveries which have established this theory 
are those of the nasal and liquid sonants and of the velar 

I. According to Curtius, the vowel a in a stem like rpai;- Liquid 
in hpa-nov has split, on European ground, into the vowels e 
and in rpi-uu), rpoTros. If it can be shewn that the a in 
erpanov is not a primitive sound at all, but a special phenom- 
enon peculiar to the Greek language, his theory of the priority 
of the a-sound will fall to the ground. This subject will be 
treated at greater length when we come to speak of the liquid 
and nasal sonants in detail ; here it will be sufficient to notice 
the following points. 

The stem of the strong aorist is obtained from the stem of 
the present, in cases where the present stem contains an e, by 
expelling this vowel. 

Thus from the present stem weX- in ire'X-o-jiiat we get the 
strong aorist e-TrX-e-ro : from wer-o-juat we get e-nr-a-p.Trjv : 
from Tret5-£o, e-vid-ov : from (pevy-ai, e-cj)vy-ov. In a precisely 
similar way from the present Tpeir-oo we ought to get a strong 
aorist i-rpiT-ov. And there can be no doubt that this was the 
original form of the tense. In the Sanskrit, the liquids I, r 
are not merely consonantal, i. e. forming a syllable in con- 
junction with a vowel, but also under certain circumstances 
sonant, that is, capable of forming a syllable by themselves 
without the help of a vowel. This power they originally re- 


tained in Greek and other languages : hpiiov, if the liquid is 
consonantal, is unpronounceable ; but in such cases the liquid 
became sonant and developed a vowel sound in its immediate 
neighbourhood, a sound which in Greek was written a, and 
hence we get the form erpairov. 

This proves that the a of irpaiTov is a later development, viz. 
the peculiar form under which the vowel sound of the liquid 
sonant appears, in Greek and cannot therefore be the primi- 
tive form of the stem of which rpeir- and rpoTt- are later 
developments. In the same way we may prove that the 
nasals n, m are under certain circumstances sonant — though 
in this case, in Greek at any rate, all trace of the nasal 
character of the sound has .completely disappeared, and the 
character representing the sonant nasal is identical with that 
used for the pure vowel a. Thus e-irad-ov is the Greek 
fashion of writing e-TinO-ov (cf. ■, for ■ 

II. The theory of nasal and liquid sonants proves that some 
European a's are not primitive vowels ; by the theory of velar 
gutturals it is proved that e is a primitive vowel. 
Palatal and In the original Indo-European language, as will be stated 
turals ^"*' ^^ greater length further on, and in Sanskrit, there were two 
sets of guttura3s — the Palatal gutturals (in I.-E. k, g, gh, 
kh, according to our notation, in Sk. g, j, h,), which always 
appear in the same form by whatever sound they are fol- 
lowed, and the Velar Gutturals (I.-B. q, g, gh, qh ; Sk. k, g, 
gh), whose treatment varies according to the sound before 
which they come. Before most vowels and consonants thp 
velar gutturals remain unchanged in Sanskrit, but before the 
palatal sounds, i,^i/., they are replaced hj the .corresponding 
palatal consonants c,j, h. Thus we have from the same root 
. ark-ds but arc-4s, ug-ras but 6j-iyas, mdgh-avan but mdmh- 
lyams. Now the same change between k, g, g^ and c,J, h also 
occurs before the letter a, but as a rule only where that letter 
corresponds to a European e. "We have, for example, kdtaras 
(-TToVepo j) ibut ca (re), gkarmds but hdras (depea--). 

These facts point to the following conclusion : that e is a 


primitive vowel of the Indo-European language, and as such 
is preserved in the European branches of the family ; but in 
the Asiatic languages it became confused with a, and has 
completely disappeared as a separate sound. Traces of its 
original existence are seen in the fact that the Gutturals 
become Palatals before a only in those cases where a represents 
an original e. The a in ca, haras, that is to say \ represents 
an original palatal vowel e and influences the preceding 
guttural in the same way as do the other palatal sounds i, y. 

Thus it is proved that the vowel e existed in the original e and o 
Indo-European language. But the existence of e implies the P"™' ^^®' 
existence of o. For, as we shall see later, e regularly alter- 
nates both in roots and terminations in all Indo-European 
languages with another vowel, which in Greek and Latin 
becomes o, in the Asiatic languages -« in open, a in close 

Compare, e. g., ■/ y^v, Sk. jan with yk-yov-a, Sk. jajana. 

V bepK, Sk. clarg with hi-hopKa, Sk. daddrga. 
That is to say, the a in daddrga and a in jajana both corre- 
spond to an original vowel alternating with the a[ = e) in jan, 
darg, and represented in Greek by o. The vowel therefore 
represented by o in Greek, by a, a in Sanskrit, must have 
existed in the original parent language. 

By these considerations it is proved, as against Curtius, 
that a, e, o are alike primitive vowels, and existed side by side 
in the original Indo-European language. 

' This a representing an original e is often written a*. In some books it is 
also written as a, and the Indo-European o-vowel as a^ or a" ; but there seems 
no objection to writing both respectively as e and o, and this notation is un- 
doubtedly simpler. 


The Simple Vowel-Sotjnds. 

After the statement of the different sounds and their 
alphabetic representation, we will pass on to illustrate the 
correspondence of the simple vowels in Latin and Greek 
which represent the vowels of the primitive Indo-European 
Indo-Euro- Indo-European a, appears in Greek as a, in Latin as a, 
answering to Sanskrit a. 

An original a is represented by the short vowel of the vo- 
cative of the a-deolension in Greek, e.g. bia-iroTo., and by the 
suffix -a of the instrumental singular which appears in Greek 
Tiap-A, &ii-a, etc. (for Latin, see p. 62). 

An original a is to be seen in the following words : — 
ayo) ago. 

uK-pos ac-ies, ac-us. 

ha-n-avT) dap-es, damnum. 

Damnum is for dap-num just as somnus is for suep-»us, with which cf, Gk. 

craiT-p6s sap-or. 

bdicpv lacrima. 

Old Latin dacruma (Liv. Andr- ap. Paul. Fest. 68. 10). 





P final is not found in Latin. 





crak-ivuv (for aFaK-J 






d,yp6s, &ypci(TTr)s 

ager, agrestis. 



KKa^eiv (for Kkayieiv) clango (for clagno). 

fxap-aiviw mal-us. 

iiaka\xrf palma. 

The medial a in the Greek ia the neutral or indeterminate vowel a. 

At-Xa-ito/xatforA.t-Aa(r-jo/j,ai. las-civus, Lar-es. 

Adir-Toa labrum. 

Xa(f>--6(r(T<i> la-m-bo. 

n6,K-ap mae-te. 

SyXo) ango. 

ayKvkos angulus. 

ayKtiv ancus. 

Ancus a,p]pea,Ts in ancilla,AncusMartius; for the last compare the Homeric 
BfpdirovTes 'Aprjos. 





ajxpos (from a^-v6s) 




&KX.OS (dXtos) 





arceo, arx. 

eted with the root of apu-itu 

but showing an interchang< 

uompare dA/t-iJ, aka\Ktlv. 

apy OS, apyvpos 

argutus, argentura. 



*au) for clFlu), fat. aaco 




&K-apov (Hesyeli.), ixx-Xvs aquila, aquilo. 
aiiTQi ap-tus. 

For the irrational aspirate of the Greek, of. iviros beside equus and ^fi€is 
beside ditfie. 

KaT!-v(o, Ka-n-vos 
liAyj-op,ai, f).a-)^-aLpa 
fiah-aw, jj-ab-apos 
\Ay-vos, Xayy-d^o) 
a^iV fkarriv Hesych. 
oKxos • S/nos Hesych. 
&}(vpov, a)(yri 

vap-or (for kuapor ?), vap-pa. 

mac-tare, mac-ellum. 

mad-eo, mad-idus. 

lac-sus, langueo. 


ax-illa, ala (for ax -la). 



^6,KTpov (baculum). 

Mkt/joi/ can hardly be separated from 0aiva, Indo-European ^i^em, to which 
it is related as ei,K-r, to ri-erj-iu. : initial g before a vowel cannot become Latin 
h (cf. p. 139). 

K(jgoy cassis (cad-tis), cadus. 

&pepov artus, armus. 

ap-TTtiC'o rap-io, rap-ax. 

In the Greek there is metathesis of the r, L-E. V^arp. 

av-akros alo, alumnus. 

Kar-afo) cano. 

<Ppa(T<T<jo farcio. 

<pp6.aaai for <j>paK-ia with metathesis of the liquid (cf. Meyer, GA. Gfj-. 259). 
lx\\op,ai for craX.-ioiJ.aL salio. 

a\Kv4v alcedo. 

Cf. I. 563, but Attic aXxviiv, by popular etymology from aXs. 

apaxvr) aranea. 

fidplSapos balbus. 

(SoXaros (gj-) glans. 

ydXaKT-, yXay-os (g')lact- (?)• 

KtlpraXAos, KApraXoy ) cartilage, crates. 

Hesych. ) 
KpipL^os carbo. 

Ix6.kj3a^, ixaXdixn mal-va. 

TToXr] palea. 

vXA^ planca (for plac-na). 

TrpdiTiSes palpito. 

xdXaCa grando. 

Te-Tay-av tango, conta(g)-inino. 

Original a In all the foregoing instances in Latin tbe short a comes 

m Latm. ^^ ^^^g originally accented syllable ; in the unaccented syllable 

it always appears as e, at the end of a word, in close syllables 

(i. e. before two consonants), and before r. Thus we have 

ivda beside inde (Osthoff, Z. G. d. P., p. 338). 

So forms like moUitiem are parallel to Greek forms like aXr\- 
Oeiav with short a. As a remains in Latin in nom. sing, 
fern, and neut. plural, it must originally have been long, and 




therefore in instances like parricida the vocative cannot have 
taken the place o£ the nom., as an original parricida would 
have become *parricide. Parricida can only come from an 
original parricida. 

Other instances of e in Latin for original a are pdrticeps 
(cap-io), reddere (dare), ped-e (instrumental ; cf. a/xo, weSti). 

In open syllables before labials and I it becomes u which 
changes to i, as m-sulio, in-silio (salio), occupo [cap-io). Before 
I followed by a consonant it becomes u, which does not change 
to i (mswlto). 

In other open syllables and before np it becomes ^, as con- 
tingit {tango), ddigo {ago), etc. 

Long Indo-European a appears in Greek as a, but in Attic Long Indo- 
and Ionic mostly as jj ; in Latin as a. ^uropean 

The Indo-European feminine suffixes -a-, -id-, etc. are 
represented in Greek ■)(uipa-, Latin ded-bus, etc. 

The nominal sufiix -rdr- (Attic -rTjr-) appears in Doric, e. g. 
I'eo'-rar-os, Lat. novi-tdt-is. Other instances of a original are 

ahvs (for crFahvs) 

suavis (for suad-vis), suadeo- 





kMis (for kXciFCs) 

clavis, claudoi 






fama, fari. 

t-a-Ta-jxi (for o-i-o-ra-^i) 

stator, stare, stamen. 

ydixov KapL-nvkov Hesych. 


z^aCs (Ion. vrjvs, Sk. nam) 


'dyeoixai (for (rdyeonai) 

prae-sag-us. >^ 

S.\os (for FdXos) 


'AA.iy (for fdXiy) 


'dxto (for Fdxd), cf 1 
2axi5 (for fifaxT^) i 








(TKriTrwv, Dor. crKdir Aviov seapus. 

ixrjxoi, ii.dxava mag-nus, major (for mahior). 

va-a-os, vd-p6s, va-fxa nare. 

ipdyos fagus. 

■ndy-vviJii pac-em. 

a in Attic Attic and Ionic represented the long a of the above Greek 
and Ionic, j^g^j^nces by rj, and employed the same letter to represent the 
Indo-European open e, as for instance in drj-cra). This change 
from a to }j in Ionic and Attic took place before rds and irda-a 
had arisen out of ravs and irdvaa, which would -otherwise have, 
become ttjs, T;r]aa. On the other hand, in the dialect of EHs a 
long in jjid, da, ■nardp represents the original open e of /^jj, 
eir\, Trarrjp. 

In the feminines of the a-declension wheie a was original, 
Attic has only preserved the vowel after a preceding i, v, p, 
while Ionic does not go so far even as this. Homer for 
instance has kkait] and ayop-q. Even in Attic we have Kop-q, 

Where Attic shows oa an intervening t has disappeared, as 
for instance in Trod, answering to Homeric iroifTj. In x^6r\ 
for x^oFr\ and fio-q, on the other hand, we find tj. 

In some instances the original long d was shortened, as for 
instance in oXrjQua, avalZeid. 

We should farther note that in the contracted verbs in -acn 
we have r\ for d in a few verbs, e. g. weti'TjTe, bL\j/r]v, ^tJv. In 
the case of xp'jo'Sc") although Herodotus wrote xpaa-dai, yet the 
fact that the tj remains in other dialects points to a belief 
that jj was original. As a rule in Attic we have original d in 
the present, e. g. rtjudo), though not in other tenses, e. g. 
Tt//,Tj-<7co, ert/iTj-cra. 

Indo- Indo-European short e appears in Greek as e, in Latin as e. 

^uropea j^ appears in the root syllables of neuters in -to--, as for 
instance, ve(p-o9, epep-os, gen-us, etc. It also appears in present 
stems with middle degree of the full root (cf. p. 236), e.g. 




In Sanskrit, as has been said before, short a, e, o appear 
under the symbol a alone. 

eoTt, Sanskrit dsii 












^(ofxai (for (reS-to/xat) 



sella (for sed-la). 


Stella (for ster(u)la). 

Kepaos (for KepaFos) 








But cf. p. 305. 







ore'y-et (also reyos) 


crriyos, riyos, Sk. ■>/sthag may point to a double form of the root in the 
original language. "We may perhaps compare the Homeric reipea (S. 485), 
meaning 'couetellations/ with d-arTip, 

eros (for Feros) 
fxeaos (for fieO-ios) 


Tetpoi (for rep-ico) ■ 



•nrepov for Trer-pov 

veitobes, ai'e'i/f-to? 


med-ius ; cf. Sk. mddliya. 
sen-ex, sen-ium. 

f penna (for petsna, cf. pesna, 
1 Pest. 305. 209). 















heri, hestemus, 
















nex. (for 





ireCo's (for we 







creipd, (for (Tep-Lo) 








-Tepo- of comparatives 


The € was pronounced open like d in the dialect of Elis, as 
we see from the representation of the sound on inscriptions, 
e. g. ivcrapioi for eicre/SoT. 

< in Latin. e remains unchanged in Latin before r, at the end of a 
word, and before double consonants. But in an originally 
unaccented syllable before a single consonant it passes to i 
(colligo — lego, dgimini — ay6p,ivoi), and also before -gn- and 
before nasals followed by gutturals (see p. 73). 


Indo-European e appears in Greek as r\, in Latin as e, in 
rjp.1.- semi-. 



vrj-jxa nemen. 

aix(j)-'^pr]s re-mus. 

t-Tj-ixi, rj-ixa semen. 

ixrjv-os (Aeolic fj,r]vvos 
for iJi,r]v-cros) 

TL-drj-vq, 6rj-\vs fe-mina, fe-lare. 

dr]s (for icr-iris) sies (old Latin for sis). 

■!r\7;-prjy, irlix-'irX'q-iJLt, ple-nus. 

eb-rjb-ds ed-imus. 

In Latin e appears to become * in filius (of. fe-mina), sub- 1 in Latin. 
iUis (cf. tela), delinio {lenis), suspicio {spec-), convtaium (feTr-oy, 
Indo-European Vtieq). But the first two may be instances of 
the ' balancing power of ^ (p. 71), and in every case there is 
an i in the following syllable. Delinio and its derivatives 
often appear in MSS. as delenio, etc. If the i is correct, the 
word is perhaps best connected with Imum. 

Indo-European appears in Greek as o ; in Latin as ; in indo- 
the northern languages it has been confounded with a and^"''°P®*" 
the indeterminate 9. 

Short o is to be found in the stem of the perfect, as in 

bi-bopK-e mo-mord-it. 

It appears in the root syllable of the O-declension, 
XevKO-cpop-os, Sx-°^> Tov-os, proc-us (prec-or). 
and also as the thematic vowel of the present tense, 

Sk. hh&ra-nti <f>epo-vTL cf. vivo-nt. 

Other instances are 

oCeiv (for dS-teti'), d8-ji.W7 odor, ol-ere. 
opvvixt orior. 

o\X.vp,i ab-ol-ere. 

oKTco oeto. 

bonos domus. 

Kopa^ corvus. 

^opd vorare. 

KoXcavos coUis. 

oToVos tonare. 

■Koa-LS, iroT-via potis. 

V 3 


o\/f-o/xat; ofx-jxa 







stor-ea, torus, 






0X.0S (dXfoy, cf. Epic ovXos) sollus. 

6p(()av6s orbus. 

o^eAos opulentus. 

TTpo pro. 

Lengthened as a monosyllable, cf. Eng. fro-ward, 

jxovvos monile. 

BpoTos (cf. aopTos, Callini. } 

7, _ ^ >inor-ior. 

Iraff. 371) ) 

ovoTos nota. 

fioOpos fodio, fossa. 

ow-dwz' (cf. a-ocrarirqp for 


» in Latin. Unaccented in Latin regularly becomes u (e. g. fili-ws), 
except after u and w. At the end of a word it becomes -e, e. g. 
sequere = €'7re(cr)o. In accented syllables before two conso- 
nants, especially if the first be a nasal, it often becomes u 
(uncus — oyKos, umbilicus — dju^aAos). 

Indo- Indo-European long appears in Greek as to ; in Latin as : 


(cf. a-ocrarirqp for 1 

/ \ > soc-ius, cf. sequ-or. 

-ir]-Trjp) j ^ 



















'nSt-p.a (cf. 



po-culum, po-tus. 




IJ-<op-os mor-osus. 

e-pw-77 ros. 

Cf. A. 303 ofyua iimf]aa rrepl Sovpi for eptaiai in sense of ' gush ' or ' flow.' 

fi&s, Doric (bos). 

Long appears in the ablat. sing, of 0-stems : 

c58e, irS (ttou, Acopteis Hesych.), c5 Locr. ( = unde), Lat. 
Gnaiv-od; in the ist sing, of the thematic present, 

<j)€p-a) fer-o ; 

and in the terminations 

-rcop -tor. 

Ij,eij,6,-T<a memen-to. 

A long 0) was in Greek developed dialectically out of short Dialectic 
o from different reasons. Thus tovs, the accus. pi. masc.'"' 
which we find in the Cretan dialect, becomes in Doric rds, 
but in Attic and Ionic tovs. An original KopFos passed after 
the disappearance of the F into Doric K&pos, Epic Kovpos, but 
Attic Kopos. These phenomena wiU be dealt with at length 
under vowel-combinations (p. 1 85), 

sometimes appears in Latin as € ; ef. da-tHr-ws beside 5 in Latin. 
dator, fiir beside ^ca/s, 'hue for hod-ce. This change is unex- 

A vowel is sometimes developed, both in Greek and Latin, The Inde- 
between two consonants. But this vowel differs from thcy™'^*^ 
vowels proper a, e, in the fact that it has no defiinite char- 
acter of its own ; and that while we may say that under 
ordinary circumstances it is represented by a, yet it is largely 
influenced by the nature of the neigh-bouring vowels, or by 
the analogy of kindred forms of the same root. For instance, 
according to analogy, the weakest form of the root do 
should be d-tSs (see p. 236). But such a sound is unpronounce- 
able. The Sanskrit under these conditions sometimes assi- 
milates the two consonants, and we get devd-t-ta for devd-d-ta. 
In Greek assimilation is not carried to such great lengths ; 

' Compare throughout the following pages Havet in Mem. Soc. 1 7 sqq. 


8-To's could only become r-ro's and tos, whicli offers no appa- 
rent connexion with the form Si-Sco-fyit. Accordingly the 
Greeks inserted a vowel between the two consonants, which 
in this instance, on the analog-y of o) and o of the other forms 
of the root, takes the form o, and we get boros. But in Latin 
the more ordinary representation of the indeterminate vowel 
by a is seen in da-tus. The same indeterminate vowel 
appears in Sk., where it is called a svarabhaMi vowel, and 
appears as t. In the notation of the I.-E. alphabet we 
write it 3, and speak of it as the I.-E. schwa. 

As instances of the indeterminate vowel in the weakest 
degree of roots we may give — 

I.-E. sth-d-tos Vsfha Sk. «th-i-tds a-r-a-ros st-a-tus. 
d-9-tds ^/do d-d-i-ta 8-o-roy da-tus. 

Vse k-Tos sa-tus. 

p9-ter pi-tdr -na-Trip pa-ter. 

gh 9^1 y-d-\oa>s glo-s. 

ffAl, ghgl x-a-KaCfx gra-n-d-o. 

The same vowel appears inserted between the root and the 
termination in cases where it is difficult to say whether it is 
to be regarded as part of the root or not (see p. 115). 
Thus Sk. duh-i-tdr 6vy-a-Tr]p. 

dam-i-td a-bdfjL-a-Tos dom-i-tus. 
vam-i-id e/x-e-ro's vom-i-tus. ' 

jan-i-tdr yev-e-r^p gen-i-tor. 
■nak-a-firi pal-ma. 
i>k-e-vr] ul-na. 

Ko\-o-Kavos cracentes. 

Old Latin for gracilis, cf. Gracchus. 

av-e-ixos an-i-mus. 
Tek-a-fidv ter-mo. 
(f)ep-€-Tpov. ) 
(ftep-rpov. ) 
^iprpov is to be considered the older form rather than a contraction for 

The above instances show that the precise sound which 


represents the indeterminate vowel in Greek is almost a 
matter of accident, or at any rate that the laws that deter- 
mine it are not very well defined. 

In Latin it may be said roughly that the indeterminate in Latin 
vowel becomes w before I and m, e before r, i before n. 
Thus compare 

vit-u-lus, for vit-lus, with h-a-Xos. 
pat-u-lus with TreV-a-Aos. 

saec-u-lum, vinc-u-lum with saeclum,vinclum, which 
are to be considered as the older forms. 

pop-u-lus with OldLatin poploe, cf publicus, Poplicola. 
Herc-u-les with me-hercle. 
um-e-rus with Sjixos (for dju-cros?), cf num-e-rus. 
inf-e-rus with infr-a. 
ag-er for agr, agy, with dyp-oy, agr-estis. 
vol-u-p with FekT!-oji,ai. 

h-u-m-i with yafial, for xmii,ai ; the strong root comes 
in homo for hem-o (cf semo = *se-hemo). 
S-u-mus with Sk. s-mds. 
vol-u-mus with vol-t. 
col-u-mn-a, eol-u-men with culm^. 
We may add the Plautine discip-u-linae, nomenc-w-lator, and 
singuli, Indo-European srg.h-U. 

In borrowed words we get drach-u-ma, Tec-u-messa, Aesc- 
u-hpius [AicrKX.r]Tn6s), m-i-na, daph-i-ne. So ac-i-nus : Sxy-rj, 
as-i-nus : Svos for dcrz'oy (? Semitic word). 

We may also compare the termination -i-nus in dom-i-nus 
Gk. -avo- for original -nno-. So in nom-i-nis the old form would 
be nom-nSs, but here the analogy of the nominative is operative 
(nom-en for *nom-n). 

As a special feature under this head we may notice what Balancing 
has been called the ' balancing power of l^ i. e. the tendency P"^®"" ° ^• 
of this letter when standing between two short vowels to assi- 
milate the vowels on either side. In calamitas the first a, 
whatever we connect the word with, is original ; but when the 
second a changes to u in composition, the first is assimilated to 
it and we get incolumis, not incalumis. Medial e unaccented 


passes to * (emo but redimo) ; nevertlieless we tave eleplidntus, 
elementum, not elijohanhis, elimentum. Similarly a before a 
labial becomes io {aucwpo), yet we find dlapa, not dlujaa. This 
will explain volumus, rather than *volimus like regimus, and the 
whole group of adjectives in -His, -iilus ; of. similis, but simulo 

In snmus the « does not pass to i, because it is in an initial 
syllable (of. tmnet, lubet, as opposed to maximus) ; quaeswrnus is 
archaic and pedantic, and is preserved just as the same 
pedantry has prevented Poeni, moenia from becoming *Pmi 
[Punicus), *munia {mmio). 
Correspon- So far we have proved that in ordinary cases Greek a, e, o 
simple correspond to Latin a, e, o. But this law has to be modified 
vowels in ^jy ^j^g special phonetic laws of both languages, or the altera- 
Latin. tions which these vowels undergo independently in both 
languages through the influence of the neighbouring sounds. 
These alterations are specially frequent in unaccented syl- 
lables. In accented syllables and at the beginning of a word, 
the stress necessarily laid upon the vowel tended to preserve 
its character ; in unaccented syllables the vowel-sound was 
slurred over and approximated to the sound of the indeter- 
minate vowel. It was therefore very much at the mercy of 
the neighbouring vowels and consonants. 

The following are some of the most important phonetic 
changes between Greek and Latin : 
Greek in I. The o of Greek nom. sing, of masc. stems in -o and 
Latin, u,. neuters in -os became in Latin u, except where it was pre- 
ceded by u : 

e.g. yevos : genus, -varus : -jSopos, 
but eqwos : hiros. 
And generally we may say that an unaccented o becomes in 
Latin w, as an unaccented a becomes e (evdd but inde, p. 62), 
and an unaccented e becomes * (\v-ei,s for *\v-e-cn, -lu-is). 

2. A Greek o often becomes in Latin u, especially before 
a nasal followed by a guttural, 

oyKos : uncus. -cunque : quondam. 

ov-v-^ : unguis. nuneupo for nom(i)cupo. 


a(j)6yyos : fungus (borrowed), gungrum : yoyypos (?). 

. f lungus (for longus) is vouched 

^ ■ ■' * I for by Ital. lunffo, Fr. loin. 

hone : hnne. 

Oncare is borrowed from dyKclojiiat, but we also find 
uncare. Tongitio, tongere show the rare -ong-, but the former 
is of the Praenestine dialect; the latter only occurs Fest. 

The same change of to m seems to occur in the neighbourhood of gutturals, 
cf. Imiius : Ko^6s (but nox : vii^), and labials (S/iss : nmerus, liiMpaX6s : umbo, 
v6/ios : mimerus) but with liquids, (<pv\Kov •.folium, 6vpa : fores, nvKr] : mola). 
With long vowels we have fur : ^iip, ulna : oiKivr), tec, illuc for hoc, illoc ; 
cf. quo. AAA fire :<pva, storax : arvpa^, (but ulnlare : bXoXv^nv) and the bor- 
rowed words amitrca {afi,6ir/r]),funda {acjievSovri) by popular etymology from 

3. As in Latin becomes ii before gm., gn, or a nasal fol- 
lowed by a guttural, so e becomes * in — 
lig-num ^ : lego, 
tig-num : tego. 
signum : in-sec-e. 
dig-nus : dec-et. 
pinguis (for pnguis) : wax^y. 
quinque for penque : irevre, 
ignis, Sk. agni ; Indo-European ngnis. 
beni-gnus, mali-gnus : bene, male, 
septingenti for septm-Tcnt-i (for g, cf p. 1 1 a), 
lingua, dingua for Angua, Germ. Ztmge. 

In abi-e-gnus the e is due to the preceding vowel being i, ef. 
abi-et-is but mil-it-is. 

There are very few cases of -egn,-, -egm- in Latin, and in 
most of them the vowel is long: segnis, regrmm,tegmen,oUegmina 
(cf. tectm) have the apex over the e in inscriptions ; and per- 
haps segmen may also have the first vowel long. 

The Greek vowels are in the main regular in their The Greek 
representation of the sounds of the original speech, buty^jg^ 

' Priscian's statement (ii. 63) that every vowel followed by gn is long is 
not borne out by the evidence of the Romance languages. 


in the different dialects we occasionally find a difference 
of treatment. In some instances, such as Xttttos, Lat. equuB, 
we find an irregularity common to all Greek dialects (ef. p. 

a and f . We find that vowel-sounds in the immediate neighbourhood 
of a liquid or nasal vary in their representation in different 
dialects, just as the vowel-sound of a nasal or liquid sonant 
was indeterminate in its ehaiacter, and therefore at times 
varying in its representation. 

Thus in place of e we find a in — 

TpaTTovcri (Hdt. i. 63) beside Attic Tpeirco. 
Megarian rpdcjiev (Ar. AeL 788) beside Attic Tpi(j)€Lv. 
Similar instances are rpd^fB and arpAcfx)} for Attic rpe'xco, 
crrpiipui. These we may compare with the common Greek 

Locrian (pApeiv Att. (pipeiv. 

Elean Fapyov Att. epyov. 

Att. ^apaOpov Ep. fSepeOpov Arcad. (ipeOpov. 

Dor. "Aprap-is Att. "Apre/xiy. 

Att. P&XXm Arcad. (iKkca, ea-biWovres. 

Att. &.p(7r\v Ion. ep(rrjv. 

J. Schmidt {K. Z. 25. 23) regards this variation as a proof that the original 
inflexion ran epffrjv^ gen, dpffeySs. 

Other instances sometimes without a neighbouring nasal 
or liquid are — 

Boeotian yd beside Attic ye. — Dorian kA, Ep. Kev. — Dor. 
TTOKa, HkXoKa, Lesb. aXXora beside Att. TroVe, akkore. 

elra, eireira, ev€Ka beside etrev, eneirev, IvsKe on Attic in- 
scriptions (Meyer, Gk. Gr. § 34). 

€ and 0. We find an interchange of e and in — 

Lesbian ibovTes beside Att. dbovres. 

UovTcs was prohably connected with ido/mi by popular etymology. The 
o of dS6vTes ia probably prothetio. 

Att. d^oXo's Boeot. 6j3€k6s Cret. dSeXo's. 

The original 6 has in Attic been assimilated to the other vowels. 


Att. 'AttoAXwi' Doric 'ATr^AAcoi;. 

The etymology of the word is obacure. Profeeeor Sayce (Iwtr. to Science 
of Language, i. 319) explains 'Air6}0y.av aa for 'A-icfo)0^wy (? Ai:" oWaiv) and 
connects it with itiKojiai, Sk. ^/car, making it mean ' the son of the revolving 

and a interchange in — and a. 

Cretan &vap, Hesych. Attic Svap. 

hyKokai, Hesych. Attic dyK( 

appa>bea), Hdt. Attic dppa>bea>. 

We may compare the representation of a liquid sonant in 
Aeolic by o, e. g. 

crrporay^o), NiKoVrporos : Att. o-rparo's. 
Ppox^ois, Sapph. 3. 7. Att. jSpaxvs. 

KopCa • Kapbia, Il6.(pioi is a gloss of Hesychius. 

1 and e interchange in — 

Arcad. and Cyprian Iv Att. ev. 

Epic iyvvr) (N. 2 1 2) is perhaps a compound of fv-. 

Ion. iarlr] Att. kcrrla. 

1 appears in place of e in Greek — - 

iiTTTos : cf. equtis ; Sk. agvas. 

TTLTvriij.L beside inTavvvp.i. 

(TKlbvrjfu beside crKebdvvvp.i. 

XiKpicpis beside \4\pios. / 

In imros, Lat. equos, the alteration of the e may be due to the influence of 
the following guttural which is labialised. mTVij/u and aKiSvrjiu perhaps 
follow the analogy oi/cipyrjfu, rnKvanimi (beside xepivvvfu and TreAafw), where ip, 
i\ represent a liquid sonant. In Kiicpuj>is the change of e to 1 maybe explained 
as an assimilation to the character of the succeeding vowels. For i in the 
neighbourhood of a guttural consonant we may compare i-X^&, 'I-ktk, where the 
t is probably prothetic. A coefiBcient 1 is also to be found in t-a8i the impera- 
tive of ilnl (Osthoff, K. Z. 23. 679). 

In many of the non-Ionic dialects e passes into t before the 
vowels and a, and in the Boeotian dialect sometimes be- 
fore et — 

Att. Oeos Boeot. dios Lacon. a-ioi. 

Att. kyi Boeot. id>v. 

So in the contracted verbs in eco- Aristoph. Lysist. gives the 
Laconian forms enaivCw, ixoyioixes, vp,vmp,es : and in the future 
of liquid and nasal stems we have Ifx/xei'io). 


Aeolio V. The grammarians regarded a change to v as especially 
a mark of the Aeolic dialect. Thus Epic ajivbis (cf. 5/xa), 
akkvbti (dAAo-), €ira<T(ruTepot, wiz/naroy, alcrviJi,vqrr]s (ai'cra-) were 
accounted as Aeolisms. 

Other instances of the appearance of v in close connexion 
with a liquid are bLairpva-ios, •npvravi.s, upvixva, TrpvAe'ej {'npo), 
VTTo^pvya [PpoX')- 


Diphthongs and Semivowels. 

Speech sounds can be considered either separately, i. e. Glidea and 
apart from the combinations in which they occur in actual *jo"^J" 
speech, or they can be considered as they appear actually sounds, 
combined in words and syllables. In passing from one 
spoken sound to another there are glides or transitional 
sounds for which there are no fixed alphabetic symbols. The 
acoustic efieet depends upon the force and rapidity of pronun- 
ciation. If the breath passes before vocalization, there en- 
sues a gradual beginning ; if the breath is held back till the 
moment of vocalization there is a clear beginning as in 
singing. If stress is laid upon the initial glide in the 
gradual beginning we have the rough breathing h. Similarly 
the vowel endings can be clear, gradual, or stressed as in the 
case of the Sanskrit visarga. Where, vowels succeed one another 
in different syllables, the "second is introduced by a fresh effort 
of exspiration, which can be either the smooth or rough 
breathing. The frequent instances of the contraction of neigh- 
bouring vowels in Greek and Latin show that the intervening 
glide was soft and scarcely perceptible, and this is incompatible 
with a check of the voice or a rough breathing. Apart from the 
succession of vowel-sounds upon one another, there are mono- 
syllabic combinations of vowels, both those which are known 
as diphthongs, and those in which a semivowel is followed by 
other vowels. 

By a diphthong we understand a combination of twoDiph- 
simple vowels, the first of which carries the stronger accent, °"^^' 
pronounced in a single effort of the breath. Alphabetic 
symbols sometimes stand in the way of the recognition of the 
true diphthongal sound. In the English 'he ' the sound is really 


diphthongal and may be represented by -iy-, while the sound 
of' who ' is represented by uto (cf. Sweet, Handhooh of Phonetics, 
§ 209). 
Proper Diphthongs have been usually divided into proper and im- 

proper proper. To the first group belong such combinations as ai, ei, au, 
thon s "*' *^^* ^^' *^^ diphthongs whose second component involves 
a closer naiTowing of the mouth than the first ; while in 
the second group the conditions are exactly reversed, and the 
i and u come first. Historically speaking the diphthongs of 
the Indo-European languages had i and u in the second place, 
while the so-called improper diphthongs first developed at a 
later date out of monosyllabic e and 0. Besides this there is 
a physiological justification for the distinction in the fact 
that the i and u have less fulness of sound, and so fall 
naturally into the subordinate place. 
Quantity There is no limit to the variation of quantity in the com- 
thongs. ponents of a diphthong. For instance the first component is 
short in the ai of ' high ' and au of ' now,' long in 'he' and 
who. So too we may compare the old Greek a, rj, o), av, r]v, 
0)1) with at, et, 01, av, ev, and in Sanskrit the fftma [e, 0), and 
vrddhi (di, du) diphthongs. We may say then that a diph- 
thong is composed of a sonant or syllable-forming letter 
followed by a semivowel. A complete list of diphthongs 
gives us 

at m, ei ei, 01 01. 

au du, eu eu, bu du. 
These have been more faithfully preserved in Greek than in 
the related languages. In Sanskrit we have e, 0, di, du. 
Of these e and are regarded as the corresponding gwna- 
vowels to i and u, that is, strengthenings of i and u, while di, 
du are instances of a still higher increment of i and u and 
represent the corresponding vrddhi-YOw^. 

The Greek upsilon was a modified sound, as we can see from 
the transcription of the full Latin u, e. g. Litcius becomes in 
Greek not Avkio^ but Aovkios. The Boeotians still further 
modified v to t. But in the diphthongs i; possessed a fuller 
sound, and the Roman transliteration of Movcra was Musa. 

, unaccented 


Indo-European ai-= Greek at, Latin ai, ae. indo- 

aWo) aedes, aestas, aestus. Europeari 

atrcoz; aevTim. 

aicra aequus. 

Aaw's laevus. 

, f scaevTis, ob-scae(v)nus, 

(TKawS { o ^ 

{ Bcaev-ola. 
vaC nae, ne. 

•napal prae. 

In originally unaccented syllables ai becomes in Latin I, as Latin ai in 
in vn-quiro beside quaero, ex-lstumo beside destumo, mensls for "'^?'°^®'' 
mensais. So si as a procKtic is unaccented, like the Greek 
al, and stands for an original emi. Compare Oscan svai, 
svae, Umbrian sve, Greek al, aWe. 

Indo-European «m= Greek av, Latin au. Indo- 

f taurus (if not a borrowed aiT^"^^^" 
™"P°* { word). 

iravpos, vaijQ) paueus, pauper, pauUum. 

aavxixov' acrOeves "^ 

Hesyeh. j ' 

KavXos caulis. 

yavpos gaudere. 

Here we are really dealing with ate ; cf . gavisus : but the a is shortened 
before the semivowel followed by a consonant. 

Bpavco fraus. 

crravpos instaurare. 

av, avTis autem. 

aiTo-\avto Laverna. 

In originally unaccented syllables in Latin au becomes w ; 
fraudor but defrudo, claudo but cdnchstts, etc. 

Indo-European ei= Greek ei, Latin ei, which in early times Indo- 
becomes monophthongous and is written *. ^_uropean 

heLKvvp.L deico, dico. 

Kel^ai ceivis, civis. 

- saucius. 


ei/xt adeitur, aditur. 

•niWuv fido. 

In inscriptions we find ei used to represent a long (close) e, 

as in leigibus, pleibes, or a long (open) i, as in veivos,faxseis. 

But these are rather graphic representations of a particular 

pronunciation of the simple long vowel than true diphthongs. 

Indo- Indo-European en = Gmek ev, Latin ou, which becomes «, 

Enropean ^^^ sometimes 5 (p. 87). 

A true Latin diphthong eii is only found in the Leucesie of 

the Carmen Saliare. 

XevKos, Old Latin loumen, Loucina. Classical lumen, 


ev(o uro, ur-na. 

eiibu) sudum. 

Cevyos jugera. 

e-psid-ui rufus, robigo. 

But tliege words may come from the Italian dialects, as a medial 9 should 
be represented in Latin by d (p. 148). 

• plorare. 

So IToXuSe^j/cijs is transliterated Polouces, PoUuces, Pollux. 

Indo- Indo-European 02= Greek 01, Latin oi, oe, which in classical 

European ^^^^^^ becomes u, e. g. 

o'iv7\ oinvorsei, oenus, unus. 

But in final (unaccented) syllables oi becomes in Latin i, 

Toi is-ti. 

fewotj equTs from equois, equois. 

The i otqui comes from its accentuation as an enclitic, si qui, 
dliqni ; hi may be on the analogy of isti, etc. 

Other So far we have dealt with instances of diphthongs which 

thongs. we may assume to have existed in the original language, but 
to these must be added the diphthongs which arose from 
changes of sound within the limits of the separate languages. 
In Greek for instance diphthongs arose from the coming to- 
gether of two vowels after the disappearance of an intervening 


spirant or semivowel, and appear as the result of contraction 
and epenthesis. The graphic representation of the Greek 
diphthongs so produced was the same as that of the original 
diphthongs, but the sound was not in all cases the same. 
Thus the sound of the original Greek diphthongs et and ov 
was, as we shall see, not the same as that of the ei and ov 
which resulted from contraction, epenthesis, or compensatory- 
lengthening (cf. p. 179). 

From yajj-io) we get yai'co. 
/cau-tco KaCo}. 

■nay-jfOo itaica. 

K\fF-L- KXet-roy. 

yev«ros yevovs. 

liTTTOcrio hTtoio, 'luTtoo, Xnnov. 

TpfL-es Tpels. 

In all these instances an intervening spirant or semivowel 
has disappeared, leaving a diphthong, either with or without 
contraction of the vowel-sounds so brought together. 

With the phenomena of Hiatus, Elision, and Contraction as 
a whole we shall deal when we treat of Sound Combinations. 

Diphthongs are also the result of t and perhaps y Epen- Epen- 
thesis. Thus where a syllable ending in A., p, or v is followed t^'^^'^- 
by an t sound, this t vanishes after palatalising the preceding 
syllable which itself develops an t ^ (cf. p. 197). V< 

IxeXavia /neA.aii'a. 

Kepico Kelpca, etc. 

In the Lesbian dialect a diphthong with i is developed 
before s in cases where a nasal has disappeared. Other dia- 
lects show a compensatory lengthening of the vowel : 
Tovs Attic Tovs Lesbian rois. 

uKovaavTs Attic anovads Lesbian aKO^aais. 
To pass on now from the question of the origin of diph- Pronnn- 
thongs to the history of their pronunciation in Greek, a com- °o^^°^. 

1 This infection of a preceding syllable by a following vowel is common in 
Anglo-Saxon (cf. p. 21), and especially in Old Irish where the original ter- 
mination has to be inferred from the effect it has had on the preceding 
syllable, e. g. Latin eg-Mi, in Old Irish eich. 



parison of the difFerent dialects at different stages gives 
the following results. 

at in Greek answers to ae in Latin, and was the Greek 
transcription of the Latin sound. 

In Boeotian inscriptions of the fifth century at is repre- 
sented by ae, as can be seen in such instances as MayjxLvhai, 
Avaavia^. AeOp-q for AWprj appears upon a vase of unknown 
origin, but the alteration of at is probably due to Roman 
influence. After the reception of the Ionian alphabet the 
Boeotians wrote ri for the diphthong at. Thus for Ittttotm, 
iTTTTOTr] : for ©rj/3aTos, ©ei/Btjos. At a still later date the Boeo- 
tians employed et to represent this sound, as in 'AOavdos, 
where the et was pronounced as close e. 

The same change in all probability went on in other 
dialects, and is indicated by the criticism of Socrates in 
Ar. Nub. 872 : 

Ibov Kpinat, i>s rjkidiov e<^9e'y^aTo 
KOt Toio-t x^''^^""'^ bLeppvrjKoa-iv. 
We have an interchange of at and et in the conditional 
particle in Homer, where et, eWe, stand side by side with at, 
aWe, but in this case the Oscan svm seems to point to at 
being distinct in origin. For Attic ureivoi, <\)deipu), Doric has 
KTaCvco, (jidaCpa, at least according to the grammarians (Ahrens 
a. 186). The meaning of this interchange we cannot 

The Diphthong et seems in its pronunciation to have 
approximated to close e as in German See. In Ionic and 
Attic it was still a diphthong at the beginning of the fifth 
century, but afterwards passed to the e-sound, and in the third 
century B.C. to i, as it is pronounced now in Modern Greek. 
The change is seen earliest in the Boeotian dialect. Thus 
for original et we have t in acSco, AlvCas, ylTaiv. 

In our editions of the Greek authors many words appear in 
this later form, as for instance rto) for reto) and tjudrtov for 
et/xartoi'. The Doric etKO) is older than Attic tnoi, ve((l)Hv 
than viipiiv. We can here notice too that the quantity of i 
of the Homeric dative points to an originally fiUler termina- 


tion either in -ei or -m, as for instance in AmvtI, ix-qrl, Ail- 
TrerTjs. There is also a variation in the quality and quantity 
of the ending of the modal adverbs, e.g. -npend, Aratjuwrf, 
l^eyakcoa-rt, and of the penultimate syllable in a)^e'A.eia, m(pfkia, 
'Epfjtdas, 'Epixeas, etc. Attic has xiXloi for the xe'^"" of 
Ionic inscriptions. The Latin transcription wavered: we 
have Aeneas, Galatea, Sigeum, but Nibis and CJiiron. 

An unexplained representaiion of the diphthong by e is to be found in the 
Herodotean a-rrSSt^t^, iSe^a, etc. as well as in the word irpiaPvs, liOji. pris-cus, for 
which in the Cretan dial«ct we have Trpeur-/(vTS.v as well as trpayiaroi, 
irpeiyova, etc. 

The sound of 01 can be represented by the sound of English 01. 
loy. Its distinction from t can be illustrated by the difference 
of Xoi/xos, Xiixos as quoted in the oracle (Thuc. ii. 54). In old 
Boeotian inscriptions we find ot represented by oe as in Atcow- 
(Toe, Koepavos. After the end of the third centmy the Boeo- 
tians rendered 01 by v, although they always styled them- 
selves BoLwToi. The process of change seems to have been 
from ot to VI, as in the Lesbian locatives Tvlbe, ■nrjXvi, which 
come in Sappho, after which it passed to ii. The progress of 
itaeism has led to modern Greek t. 

The long diphthongs di, ei, oi, were not in all probability Long diph- 
frequent in Indo-European. In the Greek dt, jjt, wi, the first °"^^' 
component is long and in the later MSS. i was written under- 
neath, as in a, j?, &). The long diphthongs are original in 
the datives iWcot, fiowai : elsewhere they have arisen through 
the lengthening of short vowels, e.g. ala-Oavojxai, ■gcrQop.riv, 
Xiyas, and subj. keyrjs. In the first century B.C. the second 
component was no longer sounded in the Attic, and, as was 
already the practice in other dialects, was no longer written. 
False analogy has led to the subscription of iota in such in- 
stances as ovTU), 6TrCa[a-)a>, irpoTepod. These original ablatives 
or instrumentals were understood to be datives and so the 
iota subscript was added in the manuscripts. 

The union of the long hard vowels a, rj, (a with the semi- 
vowels D in a diphthong can be seen in vavs, Epic vr)vs, 
Latin ndvis, where the a was originally long, Attic has 
shortened the long a of this diphthong in davfxa, enava-a. 


Similar shortening has taken place in the words Ze?;?, Sk. 
dyais, and /3oi;s, Sk. gais, Doric ^ws. 

In the augmented tenses of verhs beginning with ev we 
have JJV-, as in rjvpov, rjiiba. 

The sound a>v which comes in cavTos (E. 396), and the 

biVTos, aeoiVTov, etc. of Herodotus is the result of Crasis and 

is not original. Its appearance in the forms Ocavfia, 6wvfj,a.Qi>, 

is peculiar to Herodotus. 

Short diph- In the short diphthongs av, ev, we probably have the u- 

av, fu. sound full and not narrowed and modified as in v yjnXov. 

In Ionic inscriptions eo replaces ev, but eo as one sound by 
synizesis is a close neighbour of the diphthong en. 

On the other hand ev replaces eo in such instances as 
TTOievvrai, KaToiKevvrcov in Ionic. The difference between the 
two becomes almost a mere question of orthography. Simi- 
larly we also find on Ionic inscriptions av represented by ao. 

av, ev have had a common development. The second com- 
ponent vowel has become consonantal till finally in Modern 
Greek the two diphthongs are sounded av- and ev- before 
sonants, af- and ef- before surd sounds. 

In such words as Kaico for Kay-ioo, and vaCco for irav-iu), the v 
after becoming consonantal disappeared. In Alexandria the 
V was regarded as a spirant ; so Aa^lb, e.g. for Aavib, would 
seem to show. 
ov. The diphthong ov passed in the fourth century to the 

sound of it. Older than this change is the alteration of on 
to 0. 

VttXv *TrAoi;co passes to ttX&Jo). 

\/sru peat but p( 

"'• The combination vl stands apart from the diphthongs 

proper, as its components are both soft vowels or semivowels. 
In Homer it appears with diaeresis in avt, bpvt, but as a 
single sound in veKVi., irkijOvl, etc. 

The same sound occurs in p,vM and the fern. sing, of the 
part. perf. act. Before a consonant the combination was not 
allowed, as can be seen from the Homeric optatives, eKfiCfxej' 


(Q. 99) and baivvro (12. 665) ; sometimes it was even disallowed 
before a vowel, as in avabvr] (i. 377). 

The Latin language, as we find it in classical times, is History of 
almost entirely devoid of diphthongs proper. The only one *® '^'P''- 
which survives is aw, and even here we find a strong ten- Latin, 
dency to substitute a simple sound for the diphthong. In the 
time of Cicero for instance some branches of the Claudian 
gens called themselves Clodii, while others still retained the 
more archaic spelling of the name. 

The original diphthong ai is frequent in the oldest Latin Ai. 
inscriptions and survives even in those of the time of the 
Empire, both in the body of a word and also in the suf- 
fixes of cases. In the inscriptions on the tombs of the Scipios, 
e.g.*(B.c. 250-150 circ), we find aidilis, aide (aedem), Gnaivod 
( Gnaeo), quairatis ; but side by side with the last form in the 
same inscription we find aetate. That this form ai however 
was originally dissyllabic is proved by its scansion in the 
older poets (e.g. magndi rei puUicai gratia, Plaut. Mil. 103; 
a scansion which became a traditional archaism in poetry, e. g. 
Aen. 3. 354, 6. 747) and by the fact that the second com- 
ponent of the diphthong is represented sometimes in inscrip- 
tions by ei (e.g. conquaeisivi). The diphthong passed into the 
monophthong about B.C. 300-150, and was written ae ; but 
the spelling ai long survived, especially in the legal style, 
though it cannot be supposed to represent in the ordinary 
language any difference in pronunciation. 

In the few cases where ai occurs in classical Latin it repre- 
sents not an original diphthong but the result of a contrac- 
tion, e. g. maior from mahipr, aio from ahio. In originally unac- 
cented syllables ai [ae) becomes *, e.g. incido (caedo) (v. p. 79). 

The diphthong au may either represent an original diph- Au. 
thong or be a secondary product. In this latter case it is the 
regular representative of an original ou, as for example : 
oFts avilla. 

oFim'os avis, antumo. 

Formed from &di].*awturmis{ctmarif'U.mus) originally used of augury; cf. ofio/icu. 


Xovoa lavo. 

■jrroe'w paveo. 

o5s auris. 

(coe'oj caveo. 

Ko'os cavus. 

6o6s faveo. 

The alternation of au with o may be a relic of the original 
ou, e.g. lomentum, lotus; ospicor, oricilla ; claudicat, {clodicat, 
Cic. de Or. %. 6i) ; ci.frustra {fraus). 

On the other hand Latin au is often developed from 
an original d. Thus we find 

eautes but cos, cotes ; cf. catus, Indo-European htos. 
plaudo beside plodo. The compounds explodo^ etc. show 
that the o is original, as au in composition becomes w (claudo, 

ausculum, etc. beside 6s, osculum, Sk. as ; cf. aureae, auriga 
(also origa), ostium (also austium). 
Cauda, caudex beside coda, codex, 
aula beside olla. 

Claudius, claudus, beside Clodius [Kkahapos ?). 
fauces but foeale, sufFocare. 
Plautus but Plotius, semiplotia. 

Saurio may be connected witli KaTavcai^ KaQavtxai (Hesych.), f^avffrrjp 
{Aesah.Fraff. 355), but in composition we bave dehorire. Others suppose tbe 
stem to be ghos-, Sk. ghas, seen in hasia ; cf. ' latus Tiasta haurire.' (Cf. 
K. Z. xxviii. 157. sq.) 

'Bui fautus, cautus, not *fotiis, *cotus. That au was not the 
same in pronunciation as is proved by the story in Suet. 
Tesp. aa. Mestrius Florus a Consular having pronounced 
plaustra as plostra was greeted the next day by Vespasian 
as Flaurus^. 

All is the most stable of the Latin diphthongs, but never- 
theless began very early to pass into the sounds or u. In 
one of the oldest inscriptions we have, we find the form Pola 
for Paula. We may compare the representation of av in 
Greek by ao (Meyer, Gk. Gr. § 118). 

^ In tbe common language au was often corrupted to without any 
philological justification, e.g. orum for aurum, where au is original (cf. ^fis, 
Sk. auaas). 


In originally unaccented syllables au becomes w in excuso, 
condudo ; but oe in ohoedio. For this diphthong in combi- 
nation with other sounds cf. p. 189. 

The diphthong ei seems to have been pronounced with Ei. 
a sound midway between e and *, and with one or other of 
these sounds it early became identified. Only in the earliest 
inscriptions is it to be taken as a true diphthong ; elsewhere 
it is merely a graphic representation of e or *. Lucilius 
attempted to lay down rules for the use of ei and l, but they 
were not observed (Eitschl Op. 4. 376), and practically even 
in the very earliest inscriptions we find * and ei side by side. 
So great is the confusion between the three sounds ei, i, e, ov [*■' 
rather so near did they approach one another in pronunciation, 
that we find ei used to represent e, I, even in cases where 
there is no trace of an original diphthong (e.g. decreivit, 
audeire). The confusion even extends to the short vowels, so 
that we find impeirium, heicce ; and in many instances we get 
the same form indifierently with e, «, ei, e. g. heri, here, herd 
(Eitschl Op. 1. 62a). 

In meio, peior the diphthong is the result of a contraction 
{meihio, pdior). 

The diphthong eu only appears in the single instance of Eu. 
Leucede in the Carmen Saliare. Elsewhere, according to an 
invariable Latin law, it becomes ou and then later «. 

The rules for the change of an original eu in Latin are as 
follows : 

I. Eu invariably becomes ou. 

a. Before a vowel this ou remains unchanged : e. g. novus : 
veos, novem : evvea, moveo : a^ktvui, ovare : ev6.(a), lov-is : Zevj. 

3. Before a consonant it becomes u, e. g. AevKws, Loucios 
(inscriptions) Ludus : C^vyea, jugera : d/^ei^o), mutare : nundinae, 
{novem, nourn). 

An eu in Latin, where not the result of contraction, repre- 
sents an original nghu ; e. g. levis : fXaxis, brevis : ■ ^paxvs 
(Indo-European Inghu-, brnghu-). 

Neuter, neutiquam, new, ceu, seu are only the result of an 
abbreviated pronunciation of ne-iitiquam, etc. 


For the diphthong in unaccented syllables, etc. v. p. 187. 
Oi, This diphthong existed in early Latin and survived to 

the beginning of the first century B.C. in the formal and 
archaic style, e.g. oina, moincipieis in the Zesc Thoria. But 
just as ai became ae, so oi became oe, and this latter diphthong 
survived in the time of Cicero in the archaic style (e. g. de 
Legg. iii. §§ 6-11 we find ploera, oeniis, coerari, oesus) and 
always in some words [foedus, poena, Poeni, Coelius) ; oe pro- 
nounced as a modified German 0, then sunk in most words to 
a, but we find moenia and mmiia, poenire and punire side by 
side, and always poena, Poenus ; cf. oioedire. The change 
may be paralleled by the change 01, oe, v, of the Boeotian 
dialect (Meyer, Gk. Gr. § 114). 

In some few words (e. g. fidus, vicus, vinum) an original oi 
may have become i by an alteration of oi to ei, but of these 
vicus, vinum may be borrowed. 

The diphthong oe results from a contraction in eoepi {co-epi), 
coetus {co-itus). 
Ou. The diphthong ou in Latin never represents an original 

ou, that is an ou existing before the separate existence of the 
Latin language. That diphthong, if ever existing at all in 
Latin, is represented by u. 

Boues for example is perhaps borrowed from the Italian 
dialects ; as we shall see elsewhere, the initial consonant in 
pure Latin can only be v representing Indo-Euiopean g 
initial before a vowel. 

Ovis is similarly borrowed; the true Latin form is *avis^, 
which survives in avilla, avena (sheep-grass). 

This ou representing an original eu when accented is kept 
before vowels, in which case the second element of the diph- 
thong becomes consonantal, but in unaccented syllables it 
sinks to « ; so novus beside denuo, monui ( = mone-ni). 

The old forms sovo, soveis of the inscriptions by the side of 
Sims, tuus may be explained by supposing the original exist- 

' 0ms instead of avis may possibly be due to an assimilation to lovis. 
Avilla, avena may come from the stem aa- in agnus. 


ence of two parallel stem&, so that eo's [sewos) corresponds to 
sovos, Ss {(tFos) to euus. 

Before consonants this ou becomes « or 0, the latter being 
apparently a latter formation ; e. g. the regular participle of 
moueo is *mi{tus, which appears in midare ; motus is a later for- 
mation with the vocalisation of the iinite verb. So we have 
lobus and bulus, opilio and wpilio, robigo and mhigo [e-pevd-os). 
Tabulating our results we find : 

Latin eu = original ngkw. 
au (0) = original au, on. 
Sk(u) = original eu. 

The semivowels of the Indo-European alphabet are i, u, r, The Semi- 
7 vowels. 

I, m, n. 

The characteristic of a semivowel is that under certain cir- 
cumstances it plays the part of a vowel, i.e. it is capable of 
forming a syllable by itself either with or without accom- 
panying consonants, while in other cases it is a consonant, 
that is, it possesses no proper sound of its own but combines 
with a vowel proper to form a syllable. 

For example in the word Tret^co the i is consonantal. It has 
no proper and independent sound of its own but acts only, to 
adopt De Saussure's term, as 'a sonantic coefficient' of the 
proper vowel e. (Cf De Sauss. p. 8.) 

But in the thematic aorist, e.g. e-iTLd-o-v, which, as we Expulsion 
have seen (p. 57)j ^^ the case of roots containing e in the 
present stem, is regularly formed by the expulsion of the e, 
the I appears no longer accompanied by another vowel but 
stands by itself between two consonants. Ipso facto it ceases 
to be a mere coefiieient glide-sound to e, but becomes fully 
and independently vocal. 

What happens in the stems Tret^-, ttiO-, with the semivowel 
I, happens also in the stems (p^vy-, (pvy- (of (pevyco, fcpvyov), 
with the semivowel u. 

With regard to these semivowels i, u, we may say 
generally that when appearing between two consonants they 
are autophthongous or fully vocal : when following a vowel 







they are symphthongous or merge with the preceding vowel 
into one sound called a diphthong ; when coining between a 
consonant and a vowel they are fully consonantaP. 

7 and u consonantal are in this book written i, u. 

Now r, I, m and n stand exactly on the same footing as 
i and u. What happens in the one case, happens also in the 
other. It has been pointed out (p. 57), that as from %dQui 
we get a strong or thematic aorist iiridov, and from Tre'Xo/xat a 
thematic aorist e-TTX-6ij,r)v, both alike characterised by the loss 
of e in the stem, so from hipK-oiiai., Kki-n-Tco, *'!T€v6-c^ (cf. 
■nivd-os and TreiVo/iiai for irevO-a-ofiaL) we ought to get by 
expulsion of the e the thematic aorists ^k-nvO-ov, *k-Kk'n-ov, 
*€-bpK-ov. Now this last form we do actually find in San- 
skrit. We have there a form ddrcam, corresponding exactly 
to ebpKov, and we know that the liquids r, I in Sanskrit have 
under certain circumstances the value of vowels ; that is, they 
form a syllable by themselves without the addition of any 
written vowel. From the stem dark, e. g. we get d-da-ifh- 
a-nta, from the stem par we get pi-pr-mds, etc., where 
r represents the liquid with the value of a vowel, and where 
the liquid is no longer a consonant, but is fully and indepen- 
dently sonant. 

Brugmann and his followers have sufficiently justified the 
hypothesis that this liquid sonant is not a special development 
of Sanskrit, but existed as such in the original Indo-European 
language, and that traces of it are found in all branches of 
the Indo-European family. But while in Sanskrit the vowel- 
sound of the liquid is never written, in the other languages it 
is written. This liquid sonant, the sound of which would 
seem to have been indefinite, found no peculiar equivalent in 
the alphabets of the different nations : each represented it by 
that vowel, ox combination of vowels, which it seemed to 
them most to resemble. When, therefore, we find in Greek 
Kaphi-a, in Latin cordis, in Gothic hairto, we must not con- 
clude that a Greek a answers to a Latin and Gothic ai, but, 

' In such cases as vrfl, auTfi-q, etc. the semivowels do not really immediately 
follow the vowel, an intermediate sound having dropped out, c. g. vijfi. 


looking to the Sanskrit hrii, we must suppose that the varia- 
tion of vowels in the three languages is due to the fact that 
the vowel-sound of the liquid sonant, not finding its exact 
equivalent in any alphabet, was differently represented in 

The liquid sonants (I, f) are thus represented in the different 
languages with which we are concerned : 

T = Sk. r Gk. ap, pa Lat. or. 

I = Sk. r Gk. aA, aX Lat. ol, ul. 

But it cannot be supposed that eventually, at any rate, the 
Greek aX, e. g., as the graphical representation of a sonant, 
differed in pronunciation any more than in writing from aA. 
representing an original al. 

In those cases where we have only one language to go by, it 
is often impossible to be certain whether that combination of 
letters which may represent a liquid sonant does actually stand 
for it in any given case, and not rather for an original vowel 
plus an original consonant. "Where, however, the same stem 
in a corresponding formation or inflexion is found in a kin- 
dred language, the agreement or non-agreement of the vowel 
is a sure test. The Greek SAAos, e.g. (for aAios) compared 
with the Latin alius, shows by the agreement of the vowels 
that both correspond to an original alios : the Greek napbCa, 
as compared with the Latin oordi-s, shows by the disagree- 
ment of the vowels that both correspond to an original 

The existence of nasal sonants is more hypothetical. Liquid Nasal 
sonants exist as such in Sanskrit : nasal sonants have left °^^^ ^' 
slight trace of their nasal character even in that language. 
But a comparison of the following words out of many that 
might be given leaves little doubt on the subject: 
raro'y Sk. tatd Lat. -tentus. 










k-nrS. sapta septem, etc. 

Evidently that which happened in the case of the liquid 


sonants has happened here : only that in Sanskrit and Greek 
the nasal has disappeared, leaving no trace of itself whatever, 
and being represented solely by the vowel-sound with which 
it was accompanied, raros, iatd, -tentus must all go back to 
an original tffS^ where n represents the nasal sonant. In 
these eases, therefore, there is no trace whatever left of the 
nasal in Greek and Sanskrit, but it is simply represented by 
its accompanying vowel-sound. In Latin, on the other hand, 
both the consonantal and the vowel-sound of the sonant are 
represented in writing, and the result en is not distinguishable, 
except by inference from connected words, from an original 
vowel plus an original consonant. 

The representatives of the nasal sonants («, m) in the 
Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin are as follows : 

n = Sk. a Gk. a, av Lat. en. 

m = Sk. a Gk. a, ay, Lat. em. 

The special treatment of the sonants in various combinations 
will be more properly considered under the respective letters. 

It may be noticed that the liquid and nasal sonants have 
their representatives in modem languages. 

When we say ' My father is old,' 'My ankle is hurt,' 'Pad- 
dinyton Station,' ' Give them a book,' the words 'father, ' ankle^ 
are dissyllabic, ' Paddinyton ' is trisyllabic, ' them ' forms a syl- 
lable. But in no case is any definite vowel heard in the final 
syllable : the syllables are formed by the trilling of the 
liquids, and the grunting of the nasals. The sounds might 
more properly be represented hjfathr, ankl Paddinytn, thm. 

So in French, e.g. theatre is trisyllabic, but the last syllable 
is only the liquid sonant, and the same may be said of words 
like edel in German. 

The Semi- As will be seen in dealing with the question of Ablaut 
IZtniB! (P- 2^3)= tlie quantity of i or u in any syllable depends upon 
the accent of the word in which they occur. It would have 
been possible to group i and u as sonants along with the hard 
vowels a, e, o, but in consideration of the twofold nature of their 
functions we have preferred to deal with them separately. 


Indo-European » = Greek t, Latin I' : Indo-Euro- 

pean 1, 





Fib-dv, FCb-pis, F'kt- 


















re-lie- tus. 



llxaXid (measure of meal, 

> simila, similago, 



tv (avT-qv' KijTTpioi Hesych.) i-s. 

With iv the Cyprian for avrrfv and avrdv we may compare the demonstra- 
tive -I of ovToia-i, or else it answers to afiv. 

■7Tpo(T-iT6s red-itus. 

In J^^os the guttural has, as often, been aspirated before 
the nasal. Ixyos possibly answers to- imaz/o for ihmago*. 

Indo-European I = Greek i, Latin I : Indo-Euro- 

^ ' _ pean 1. 

Fls vis. 

eljxev (k<T-ijXfv) s-imus. 

Fplyos or arplyos frigus. 

6kij3(o af-flig-ere. 

diyyav(o{ '/d/dt/vfith. pre- ] n 

sent stem nasalised) / 

f toy (for Flcros cf. Flcro- ) . . . 

CM { virus, virosus (virouentus). 

revT-s, ioeis J >. « / 

Flrea vitex, vitis, viere^ vimen. 

Wapos Idus (properly ' the full moon ' ). 

Hesychius gives Wapais, whiot has a number of senses; in the sense of 
Ka9ap6s the word comes in the Anthology xt. 22 Kpavav iSapav. Hesychius 
also gives tOap- eidiois, which, according to Cobet, is for Homeric (T6ap, 


kXivo), kXitvs clivus, inclino, Clitumnus. 

Kvia-a nidor. 

mcov, TTTVio (= irtu^co.) pituita. 

(cpTjua crimen, 

i^o'y viscus. 

Indo-Euro- Indo-European u = Greek v, Latin w : 
P®*'' ■ (vyov jugum. 

(pvyri fuga. 

juma (for /^ucr-ta) musca. 

Tivdfiriv (for <}>vdij.r]v) fundus (for fud-nus). 
The initial aspirate of'pvBjj.rjv changed according to Grassmann's law of dis- 
similation (of. p. 174). 

Tvix^os ttimere. 

vno sub. 

v-nip super. 

As the Sk. iipa, upari show no initial spirant, the Greek and Latin forms 
are probably for e^-vw6, i^-virip, with the £ of the first compound lost before the 
accented syllable. 

hvm, 6w duo. 

\vxyos luc-erna. 

e-pv6p-6s ruber 

Kkveiv eluere. 

kAdto'j inelutus. 

Indo-Euro- Indo-European u = Greek v, Latin u : 

pean u. \ / j i 1. 

yAVfpoy glubo. 

0u/xoy fumus. 

TTvp purus. 

fj-vs mus. 

vvv nun-c. 

a-KVTOi scutum. 

vs, avi sus. 
The retention of the initial a in Greek may be due to assimilation. 

Srpn/xoSi' E,umo. 

This is the old name of the Tiber ; the root is \^sreu ; of. Eng. 










Indo-European i, at the beginning of a word, appears in Semi- 
Greek as the rough breathing, in Latin as,;' : Conso- 
Ss Sk. ^dg. "^"*^- 
vjjLtis, U/xjiies Sk. ymma. 
vanLVi] Sk. yudh-. 
rjirap Sk. ydkrt Lat. jecur. 

Initial aspiration in Greek is frequently irregular (of. 

P- 173)- 

This semi-consonantal i must be distinguished from the 
spirant j, which appears initially in Greek as f, though in 
Sanskrit, Latin and English, original 7 is represented by the 
same letter as i, e. g. 

Sk. yugdm ^vyov jugnm yoke. 

&pa year, 

ydhrt rJTrap jecur. 

Answering to Sk. VyaJ (offer) we have in Greek 017-105 ; answering to Sk. 
*/yas (be heated) we have Greek fe'a?. 

In Greek Zei;s the Z originated in an original Ai-, cf. 
Sanskrit dydws, Latin lov-is, Bies-piter. 

Indo-European i between two vowels fell out in Greek 
after all vowels except v, e. g. : 
Sfftos = Seoy. 
8e8fota = 8ei6co (cf. p. 2o). 

^iXetw := (^tXe'ft). 
6r;Xota) = SrjXoo). 

OTioToi should pass to xiarai, but on the analogy of /ceT/Mi the form neiarai 
is kept as well as the correct form. This word really represents xev^rai. 

Consonantal t appears instead of t in certain words where 
the diphthong in the interior of a word appears metrically as 
short, e. g. : 


N. 375- 0^^' o.peTr}V olos eo'a-L (olos = 6-los). 
2. 105. roTos eiav olos ovtis 'A)(ai&v xaAKOX'Tcoz'coi'. 
n. a^^. avLTTTOTTobfs xct/^^'f^i"*' ( = Xa/J.a-,iei;z'ai). 
V. 379- ^li-'naiov (= ffiTra-Lov). 
The t, instead of forming a diphthong with the preceding 
vowel, plays the part of initial consonant to the succeeding 

This consonantal i also appears- in the so-called shortening 
of a diphthong in hiatus, e. g. avbpa jxoi evveire (= avhpa 
\xo-i evveTre), 8. 429 AlyvTrrlrj, B. ^^y 'la-TLoiav, B. 81 1 eoTi 
8e Tis TTpoirdpoiOe ttoXlos alirfXa KoXatvr), B. 415 hr][oio. 

a becomes t, -lu>v of comparatives = -iiatv, Sanskrit -lyams. 
And in presents like iSim (Hom. IhXov v. 204), kovIm, /xiji/Eco 
(B. 7^9)) '^'7^10) (Soph. P^«7. 697) TToX.vs 8' di'eKTjKiei' tSpciJs 
(N. 705) the -to) stands for -uai. 

Such explanations, however, both of the shortening of 
diphthongs and the alternation of I and t are to be regarded 
as hypothetical. 

Consonan- The consonantal u is not to be distinguished in Greek 
from the digamma, the spirant sound corresponding to the 
Latin v, English w. There is nothing like the criterion 
given in the case of consonantal i by the distinction between 
initial C {= spirant j) and the rough breathing (=. t) in 
Greek. U will, therefore, be better treated under the head of 
the spirants ; but we give a few instances below where it 
appears as v : — 

TaXavpivos for raXa-Fpivos. 
avCax^os for a-FiFax^os : cf. F l-F 6,yj-r). 
ampvaav for a-Fep-va-av. 
Vvel. ivkrjpa for f-Fkrjpa, Lat. lora, Hesych. avXtjpov. 
evpvs for k-Fpvs, Sk. varlyas. 
anavpau) = cnr-a-Fpau). 
BO uTTovpas = aTTO-Fpas : cf. airo-epa-e (verrere). 

V veg. ( av^dvu), for a-F^dvw : cf. a-Fe^co, Lat. veg-eo. 

V ug. \ avy-q, for a-Fyri : cf. vyirjs = Sk. ugrd. 
Forms like xoCipos for KopFos will be explained later 

(p. 185). 

tal u in 



In Latin the semivowels i and u between vowels either i and u m 
appear as consonants or else disappear altogether. *'™' 

Consonantal w, after an originally unaccented vowel, appears 
as V, as, for instance. 


beside Greek 




















Afber accented vowels i and u disappear, 

bSere but hovdre corresponding to ^ofav. 

So ama-i-o becomes amo, as Tiixaioo, rt^S. 
mone-i-o becomes moneo, as ^t\e<», ^i\5. 
audi-i-o becomes audio, like Kr}idu>, lbia>. 
cofiffm-i-o becomes congruo, as ^pviai, ^pvca. 

After the loss of the semi-consonantal i, the final vowel of 
the stem is shortened before the following vowel, but the 
original quantity appears, for instance, in fu-vi-mus (Ennius 
in Cic. de Orat. 3. 4a. § 168). Compare the length of v in 
^vojjLfv (Ar. Av. 106). Similar cases are ple-i-oses, which 
becomes pleores (in S. C. de Bacch.), plures ; cf. TrA.e-t-o)!'. 
So aure-i-us becomes aureus ; cf. xpv<Te-L-os, xpvaeos. e-i-o 
becomes eo ; cf. eljxi. 

So an original dhw-i-o gives suffio, Greek 6v(a, Ovioo, and 
ihu-i-o gives _y?(7, Greek ^vo) Aeol. <l)viut and <f>lTvco. 

Before unaccented vowels i, u are consonantal, even in 
classical times in poetry, genua {—J), abiete {—^^), tenuia 
(— ww), and so too miluus or milvus indifferently. 

After consonants ui, uo become vi, vo, as seluo becomes solvo, 
velwo becomes volvo, suaduis becomes suadvis, suavis. 

The combinations au, ou, eu have been treated under the 
diphthongs, while those of ue with consonants will be treated 
under Consonantal Combinations. 

The origin and nature of liquid sonants have been sufficiently The liquid 
explained (p. 57). "We need only repeat the law, that the ^^^ek.^ ™ 


liquids appear as consonants before vowels, as sonants before 
consonants. As consonants they will be treated later on ; 
as sonants they appear in the following instances. r=Gk. ap, 
pa. ^i=Gk. a\, \a. We can classify them either, as below, 
according to the different formations in which they occur, or 
according to the particular sounds before which they appear, 

(i) Before consonantal sounds, and at the end of a word, 
e. g. in Terpa-ros, naTpa-cri, fjirap. 

(2) Before t as in (maipta (for crTrop-tto), tr/caXAo) (for cr/caAto)). 

(3) As transitional sounds before sonants with a following 

r or I, e. g. j3ap-vs [l3rp-), rdX-ds ('"/A.-). 
In thema- Liquid sonants, classified according to the formation in which 
they occur, appear in simple thematic aorists from present 
stems containing p or A, e. g. pres. stem bepK, thematic aor. 
ebpaKov (ebpKov). The same sonant appears in the Homeric 
adverb virobpa for viroh'K, the Sanskrit -Arc-, k in Greek dis- 
appears at the end of a word (except in ex, ovk), and we have 
v-nohpa left. 

f errpaOov (eirrdov) \ 

•nepO- -l (TtpaQeTo > Homeric forms. 

V hianpadieiv ' 

I cmoTrapbcov, Trap8?j( 
repTT- TapTTcaiXfda (tttt-). 

Tpe(j)- €Tpa(f)ov {errcjyov). 

According to Veitoh, the form is ezceedingly rare, if not doubtful. The 
best MSS. give hpacjie (V. 90) and erpaff 3' evSvKem Kal abv eepdirovT 6v6ii7]V(v 
(*. 279). So also in B. 661 TKriir6\eiios 8' kvfl ovv rpaij)' kvi eirrqxToi, but 
in inferior authorities we find rp&cpri kv, while in T. 201 we find Ss Tp&<pr} Ic 
Sriiiqi 'Wdttr/s, which is universally accepted; cf. also A. 222. The strong aor. 
pass. eTpd<prjy (iTr<p7}v) is common. 

, . , f cbva-TTap-eCs Hdt. o. 04.. 

Treip-co (7re/3-tco) -j . '„_ . ^.^^ 

''"■'(. bia-Traprj Lucian Ftsc. 51, 

The very rare form 'iaTi\9r,v (C. I. &. 3053) ia a ease of false analogy. 

KeCpo) (Kep-ica) Kapfj Hdt. 4. 1 37, etc. 
^P^X~ ^^P^Xt^ Anacreont. 31. 2,6. 


(jiOep-, (f>6eCp(o 

Wep-, (paelpu) \ 
(for ,i>eepm) / ^'^^'^^''^ {^<t>H-V^h 

Here the liquid has become sonant, though not followed by a consonant : 
strictly we should have had etpBpriv, but k(p9iipr]v is due to the analogy of 
((p0apimi {i(p$^iiai) and the fact that in all other forms of the verb a vowel 
appears before the p. 

^Kpayov, ^bpajxov, inrapov, i^dkov have no corresponding pre- 
sent stem in e. The true present of /3(iAXco, as we shall see later 
on, appears in the IcrhiWeiv of the Arcadian dialect. But the 
existence of stems in Spe/i-, wrep- is vouched for by the forms 
bpojxos, TTTopos, where we see the o which regularly alternates 
with e in the same root. 

For eiTTapov the present uT&pvvfLi is only very late, while the form nrdpo), 
which is given in Aristotle Probl. 33. i. 3, etc., should rather be irraipa, as 
Dindorf indeed is inclined to read. Upon the analogy of <jiSeipa> we are justi- 
fied in reconstructing -nTapoi or irraipw as miipw (for Trreptw), when we should 
have the regular series Trnp-ioj, irrdpos, enrapov. 

Of reduplicated aorists we have TerAp-neTo, which admits 
of the same explanation as TapiT(&p,eda. 

The perfect pass., like the thematic aorist, is regularly in the 

formed by the expulsion of the e. Passive. 

(TTrep- in cnreCpai for crwep-tco ^-cmap-Tai. 

Sep- 8e-8ap-/iiei;os. 

(j)6€p- in (pQelpw e-( 

jxep- in jxeipoixai for p,ep-top,at ei/xaprat (et/xrrat). 

The root of pielpopiai is ff/ic/i-, and dp.aprrai is for aiaiirjai. Hesychius 
has a gloss ip-Pparac iipiapTai, and this form shows a metathesis of the liquid 
and the insertion of a euphonic 0, as in jj/i-P-poTov, p.iaiji^-P-pia, etc. The late 
forms p-kimprai and fi.iii6pr}TaL (Ap. Eh. i. 646) are on the analogy of the per- 
fects with syllabic reduplication, when the original spirant of the root had 
been forgotten ; /4£;ll(5/»)Ta^, /xe^opij/icVos owe their to the example of 'ip-nopa. 

nep- in KeCpco KiKapp-ai. 

oreX- in crr^XXto for crreXto) ecrraX/iat. 


rpeKJ)- Tedpaixp-ai. 

The real root of this word is 9pe<l>-, which has become rpecp- in the present 
stem according to Grassmann's law (p. 174); the initial aspirate reappears 
where the second aspirate does not occur. 

The present indie, of verbs in -jat is regularly formed with stems!'^'' 

H a 



a long vowel in the singular, and a short vowel in the dual 
and plural, e.g. 

Similarly from an assumed *7rt/xTreA./iii, Sanskrit piparmi, we 
get a 1st pers. pi. iriixTrXajxev (juix-'nl-fj.ev) corresponding to 
the Sanskrit ^«joma«. 

The Greek present actually in use is tt'iixttXtjiu, and the 77 is not only Ionic 
but Doric. Thus in the fragments of Bpicharmus and Sophron we have 
Trii^TrXrj, (venKrjaav, vX^fipr/s. It is true that Hesychius gives TrKdBovs' irXrjOovs, 
and that nXASovai is read in a corrupt chorus of the CTioepltoroe, 585, but these 
must be regarded as bad Attic imitations of Doric (cf. Ahrens ii. 132, De 
Sauss. p. 13). The form TriiiirXijiJii is by metathesis for m/^-rreXiM. The loss 
of the € vowel in those stems which show a short vowel in their full form, 
corresponds to the shortening of the long vowel in SiSaifu, SiSofiev. 

irllJi'TTpriiu for Trt/MTrepjut, like iriVirA.Tjju.t, pi. -niii.npaii.iv. 
This verb is post-Homexic, and in Homer we have vpriBa. 

<f>ep- m(j}pa,vai. 

The word is only found in the compound e(T-m<ppavai Aristot. Hisf. Anim. 5. 
p. 541 b, II, but in Attic we have ex-cppe-s, eTr-eia-<ppa, which justify the 
assumption of a root ipfp- answering to the Sk. bi-hhar-mi (cf. Curt. FisrJ. 160, 
Veitch, p. 611, De Sauss. p. 13). 

In Verbals These verbals, when connected with pres. stems in e, show 
in -Tos. ^^g same loss of e that we have already noticed in other 
formations. In those roots which contain a liquid, the liquid 
consequently becomes sonant : 

, f bparos (*. i6g). 

" \ bapTos is late. 

Keipco (= Kep-ico) KUp-Tos. 

(jideipco (^ (jidfp-ico) (jiOap-Tos. 

(j>ip-a), verbal (^ep-ro's, Sanskrit ikrtd — (fxpros should 
regularly be (jjapros : eyepros is another exception. 

The reduplicated verb idWai has a verbal laKrSs Aesch. Choeph. 23, where 
the reduplication is kept contrary to rule. 

(TTteipco (= (TTTep-Lco) (TTTapTos (Soph. 0. C. 1534). 

From this root is formed, with change of accent, ait&pTov (cf. cnreTpa). 

In second- The Only presents showing a liquid sonant are those formed 

llemsr^^ with the addition of a suffix to the pure verbal stem. We 

shall see later that the expulsion of the e-sound is inseparably 


connected with the phenomena of accentuation. Where the 
accent originally fell on the stem the vowel was kept : where 
it fell on the suffix the vowel disappeared. Present stems 
like Tpe<j)-a), which are formed without a sufBx, took the accent 
on the stem in the present tense, and consequently the vowel 
was maintained throughout. Stems, on the other hand, 
formed with the suffix -to, -te often appear with the weak 
root, and it would, therefore, seem that the accent must have 
fallen on the suffix. But it is to be noticed that forms with 
the full root are not less common (e. g. (nrdpm for cnrepio) 
beside airaipoi for (map-jM), and in Sanskrit the 'ya-class' 
(the 4th class of the Hindu Grammarians) regularly takes the 
accent on the stem. As far as Greek is concerned, we cannot 
say that the one class is older than the other. 

The following show the reduced form of the root in the 
present stem (Meyer, Gk. Gr. p. 11). 

aa-Tialpm for aa-nrio. 

(TKatpo), cf. a-KipTaa> and crKeppbv 8vTa' aKipT&vra Hesych. 

Xa^poj, cf. gratus {ghfto-), but, on the other hand, x'^P^' 

yapyaipia and (j)6alp<ii (Doric) uncertain (Ahrens a. 186). 

j3A\Xa) for /3|ta). 
The simple pres. comes in Arc. IffSeWo) : c£ pf\os. 

TTciAAft) for ttIico, compare TreA.ay, and Latin ^e^^o. 
IdiXkai for (TL-al-iM, Sanskrit sharti. 
HXXoixai may be for aliofuu, but tlie vowel of Lat. salio is against this : the 
sonant I would in Latin have been represented by *sulio. 

baibaXXco is a denominative from baCbaXos. 

CTCpdWai, cf. e(r(f>r}\a. 

bdWu- KaKovpyei Hesych. ; cf. doleo, but also delere, 

brjXri fxcov. 
iXQaipui for exOnco, cf. exOpos. 
We have already spoken of the reduction of the root upon InNominal 
the addition of suffix -to in the formation of verbal nouns. tio™* 

The suffix -ri goes along with expulsion of the radical e, 
and consequent reduction of the root : 

biar- Sk. 6MI 


Kep- Kapais late. 

The original t passes to ff before i according to the Greek rule. 

ayappCs' &dpoi,(ns Hesych. 

ayappis has been assimilated from ayapats for ayap-ri-s. The full form of 
the root is found in aycipa for dyfp-ia. The accent of ayappis is contrary to 
the rule of the formation and may be a later corruption. 

cTTeX- uTdiXais late. 

8e/3- bdpa-is late. 

Exceptions to the above mle are to be found in the full 

root of such nouns in -o-is (suffix -rt), as kd\jris, pyjcris, ^ixt^wtls, 

/xTjns, but these are confined to Greek. 

The suffix -4 is accompanied by a reduction of the root 

Vmerd ^pabv-s Sk. mrdw. 

The /3 of the Greek is euphonic, as in BKijanoj beside eiioXov. Hesyohius 
gives dj3\a5e'«s' ^Sfois, which admits of a connection with Lat. mollis, which 
according to old etymology was for molduis. 

TrXaTus Sk. _priM. 

Unless irXiBpov is related to this root, there is no corresponding form in e. 

Opacrvs, 6ap-(TV-(dapaijvw), Sanskrit vdkr; cf.Qep-criTrjs. 
Kparvs, icdpra, but comparat. Kpia-auiv. 
I.-E. gV-, j3apvi, Sk. ffuru, Lat. gravis. 

XvKos for F)^aKos, Sk. vrh-a. 

In this word the change of the Towel in Greek is due to the influence of the 
spirant sound f. 

When roots containing e with a subsidiaiy semivowel are 
used as nominative themes without a formative suffix, they 
expel e and reduce the root, as in the Homeric adverb, 
SepK v-n6-hpa(K). 

Kapb-ia, Kpab-irj. 
Lat. cord- shows a reduced root beside the full form in nrjp. 

apKTos Sk. rha Lat. ursws (= orc-sus). 

kavKaviri (X. 335), cf. Sk. srkvam (corner of the mouth). 

KavKavir) perhaps for aXaKfaviri with v epenthesis as in ravpos (cf. p. 198). 

Trpa<Tov (jrr) \i&t. porrum. 

In nouns of relationship and nomina agentis in -ter-, we 
have the reduced stem in the weak cases (cf. p, 299.) 



•Ka-Tp-l Sk.^i-tr-^ 

ira-TpA-a-i pi-tf-su. 

And in the same way with ii,r]-Tp6.-(n, avhpa-cn, dvyarpA-cn. 

In composition we have the reduced form in avhpd-irobov, 
but this stands by itself. 

In certain neuter words we find a suffix r or rf, e. sr. San- 
skrit ^Mrt, Greek ^wap, 'L&iva.jecur. 

An exception is to be found in ov9ap, for in Sanskrit we 
have udhar, which shows that the ap does not stand for a 
liquid sonant, but for original -ar. 

We have seen that the liquid sonants in Latin are ordi- Liquid 
narily represented by ol, or ; but in the case of ol the indeter- Latin. 
minate vowel preceding the liquid in the majority of cases 
became vl, u being the vowel which, if there be no preventing 
cause, appears before I (p. 71). 

From the fact that the Latin vowel-system is less complete 
than that of the Greek, and that the various forms from the 
same stem were far more regularly reduced to one pattern, 
the sonants in Latin are at once rarer and more difficult 
to identify. The following instances, however, seem pretty 
certain ^ : — 

pello pulsus i^Uo-). 

vello vulsus. 

per-ceUo per-culsus ; cf. procul {procl) for 
proc^st, ^)/i. pra-hrs-ta (distant). 

sepelio sepultus. 

mel- mulsus (mixed with honey). 

per- irep-as porta {prtd). 

KeCpw curtus {^rto), corresponding to Gk. 


cfnilpm sportula, from a past part. sprtSs = 

Gk. (TTiAprov. 

1 In the ease of those words containing I, it is impossible to say whether 
the alternation of e and u is due to the liquid sonant or to the merely pho- 
netic change by which el becomes ol {ul) in Latin everywhere except before 
» or a second I (p. 189). 


All these are past participles (or formations from the past 
part, stem), taking accent originally on the last. 

Morsus would seem to be for mrdt4s: the pres. should be 
*merdo (appearing in Gk. crixepb-vos, Germ. Sckmerz, Eng. 
smart) : mordeo is a derived present = {s)mrdeip, originally 
accented after the stem ; or mordeo may show the same Ablaut 
as in ipopeco beside ^epco. 

There is the same diflBculty about forreo, horreo. The forms 
in e are seen in terra [ = tersd), repcroixai, and xepco'j: tostus for 
*torst2is [trstS-) probably shows the liquid sonant, but whether 
the presents are new formations or show the original Ablaut o 
is doubtful. 

Other miscellaneous forms are — 
cordi- [krdi-) Gk. upabia, Sk. ^rdi. 
porrum, for *porsum, Gk. irpdcrov, I.-E. prso-. 
ursus for *orcsus, Gk. S.pKTos, Sk. rha. The original 
form will be rhd-. 


forth is connected with fero, the termination -ti ori- 
ginally taking the accent. 

sortis, connected with the root ser-, which appears in 
ex-sero, prae-sert-im, Gk. idWto = cn-a^-ia). 

jecur, Gk. rfKap, Sk. yakrt. 

The declension of this word will be discussed later here ; it will be enough 
to observe that the r only appears in the nominative ; the oblique cases are 
formed from a stem jekn-, Latin jecinis. The form jecinoris is the result of 
a confusion of the two stems. 

mollis for rrilims-, Gk. jMoXd-aKos {p-lO-aicos). 

For connection with 0paSis (for nr&v-s), which better explains the a which 
we must suppose in the primitive form, cf. p. 102. 

gravis for ^gravis. 

We have already seen that a Latin av represents an original ov. But this 
*groms is itself the result of a metathesis and is for *gorms. The metathesis of 
the liquid explains the retention of the velar guttural asg: if it had originally 
appeared before a vowel, it must have become v in Latin (v. p. 187). The 
original form then will be c/rui, and we can compare the Greek Papiis (v. 
Havet, Mim. Soc. Ling. 6. p. 18). 

dormio is for drmip. We can compare tapOavM {br-d- 


muttus, multa by the side of melior, seems also to show 
a sonant. The comparative keeps the strong form of this 
root quite regularly (ef KpiCrTOiv beside Kpina-Tos, oAeifcoy 
beside SkCyos). The Greek i/,a\kov for ixIlov has bon-owed 
its vocalisation from the superlative : melior is the older 

mulceo by the side of a-fxikyui may also show a sonant : 
but the combination el passed into ol (ul) in Latin, ex- 
cept in the forms eli, ell (v. p. 103 n.) : so that the vowel in 
mulceo may be a purely Latin phenomenon. If however 
it shows a sonant, we may compare the Gk. jSpaKdv (for 


mortis cannot be put on the same level with, forti-s, as 
the stem shows everywhere (ef. /3poros), and that vowel is 
therefore probably original. 

cornua may be compared with Sk. <^nga,, and would then 
be for corngua. 

We may find the stem in Kip6iij.fiv^ (for ktv-'), tlie c being on the analogy 
of aipas. 

furnus foxfornus Sk. ghrnd, heat. 

morbus Sk. mrdh, enemy. 

The nasal sonants differ from the liquid sonants in having The Nasal 
no remaining trace of the nasal in Sanskrit and Gi-eek, at any ^o"*''*^- 
rate in unaccented syllables. Nor are there in the Sanskrit 
alphabet any nasal semivowels corresponding to the liquid 
semivowels I, r. The existence of nasal sonants is therefore 
a matter of hypothesis ; but it is an hypothesis which is so 
far justified by the results as to have fully established its claim 
to a place among the laws of the science. 

The nasal sonants (written n, m) are represented in Greek Howdiffer- 
by a, av, ajx, in Latin by en, em. They differ further from the lil^i™^. 
liquid sonants in their origin. Liquid sonants, we have seen, nants. 
are always due to the loss of an e in a syllable containing 
a liquid ; nasal sonants are sometimes due to the same cause, 
but also result from the addition of a suffix beginning with 
a nasal to a stem ending with a consonant. We shall con- 
sider these two cases separately. 


As in illustrating the phenomena of liquid sonants in 

Greek and Latin, we shall take in sequence the different 

formations in which nasal sonants are to be found. Another 

method of arrangement could be pursued, viz. to classify the 

nasal sonants according as the syllable in which they occur is 

accented or unaccented. Thus, 

In accented (i) The nasal sonant appears in an unaccented syllable 

cented s"! ^^fore mutes, nasals, and liquids, and at the end of a word, 

lables. e. g. : 

f-naro-v {(KnTov) Lat. centum, 

ixi-jxa-jj-fv {fie/xnixev) memento, 

ovoji-a (^ovoixn) nomen. 

{%) In unaccented syllables before t, e. g. : 
I.-E. gmib /3ajix-ta) = ^aiVoj venio. 

(3) In accented syllables before a consonant, e. g. : 

I.-E. s-nti ea-avTi = edai. sunt for sent. 


(4) Before sonants, where it becomes a transitional sound, e.g.: 
I.-E. tnn-u Tav-v- tenuis. 


In different We have seen that the thematic aorist is regularly formed from 
formations, ^j^g -^reak stem : e. g. from AetTro) we have eXmov. Similarly from 
aorist ^^ stem mvQ- in -nivdos and Treia-ofjLai, for TtevOcroixai we should 

get i-nvBov. But the three consonants together being unpro- 
nounceable, the nasal became sonant, and the result is e-naOov. 
In the same way ex^-bov is for exg^oz'. The present x^vbdvoi, it 
is true, has the a-vowel ; but the future xf'o'Ojuat (c- 17) for 
Xevb-aoixai, shows the e of the full root, just as ireio-ofxot for So also eXaxov for eKn-xov points to a full root 
VXeyx, the o-degree of which we get in \e\oyxa. 

The nasal sonant also probably appears in the so-called 
aorists fa-creva, ex^va. These forms are more probably im- 
perfects, of which the original inflexion was *kxevm for exeFfgi, 
fX^vs, ix^v{T). The plural and middle voice, as we have 
already seen, should show the reduced form of the root, and 
therefore we ought to have exviJ.ev, exvre. These forms do 
not occur, as the a of the ist pers. sing, has been extended 
throughout the tense, but the Homeric middle ^wo (4'. 385), 
etc., is quite regular. 


Similarly, from a stem Krev- in Kxeivca we ought to get an 
aorist *€KTeva, '^fKTev{T), plural skt'^ixsv (iKrafLev), etc. But in 
this word the reverse process has taken place, and the weak 
stem sKTci- for eKrn- has been extended to the singular in 
^KTav, l/cra. The middle forms in Homer, KTaixevai, KrAjxevos, 
KT&crBai, aireKTaTO, also show the nasal sonant. 

As in the aorist so in the perfect, the plural of the active and In the 
the whole of the passive voice is formed from the reduced ^^^ ^^ ' 
verb-stem. Therefore from a stem i^ev- in jxivos we ought to 
get a perfect. 

sing, ^^ova ii,e^iovas \xijx.ove. 

plur. f^efjtnfxfv fxe^Jinre. 
And these forms we find in the Homeric ixeixajiev and 
ixifxare. Other forms are fxe/iarov (©. 413), iJ.iiJ.daav (N. 337), 
fxefjacis (passim), but /^ejuiatas (n. 754) ^^^ iJ-efJ-ada-i. 

Similarly, from yev- in yivos we have the perfect yiyova, 
plural yeyafjLev {yeynij,€v), eKyeyarrjv (k. 138), infin. yeydixfv 
(E. 248), and the partic. yeydds, which in the form yeyds 
sm'vives in Attic tragedy. 

In yeydiis it seems that ^ before p has passed to av-, e. g. -jiynfas = 
yeyavfas, which, on the analogy of (araiis, has passed to yeyaiit. 

So also y€yad<n (for yeyvnti — yiyvaaC) has been assimilated to ykya-inv, ykya- 
Toi' and become yiyk-aai. The explanation of ixtiiaaai is the same. A clear 
instance of analogous formation, parallel to yiya&s is to be seen in Pindar's 
yeydiceiv ( Olym/p. 6. 49). The similarity of ytyafitv (the plural with weak stem 
of yiyova) to 'eara/iiv led to the assumption of a form yeydaa on the analogy 
of iaraKa. Such too is the probable history of jStiSoKa. 

In the perf. mid. we have rhd-Tai = Tern-rai, with the 
root rev- in reti'to ( = Tev-LOi). 

■ffefjbarat = Trecpnrai, root ^ev- ; cf. ipovos. Other forms are 
TTf^dcrdaL, 'n€<j)avTai. 

A stem fxevd- seems to be proved by nfvdrjpai (Hesych, 
jxevOripr)' (fipovTLi). We shall hardly accept the derivation of 
the Mymologicon Magnum, which derives the words from 
[j.kvo'i and d-qpAofxai, on the ground that the soul (=/xewy) is 
hunted, i. e. governed, by thought. The reduced form of p-evd- 
perhaps appears in ep.a6ov for e-p.n6-ov. €p.aBov may however 
show the reduced form of the stem pad- in eiTLpdO-qs (cf. 
De Sauss. p. 152). 


Another stem ending in a fnl] consonant is seen in veTradvia 
(■neTrndvla) beside ■jreirovOa : and probably in F. 99 we ought 
to read with Aristarchus ni-nacrQe ( = ireTTajd-re) for the vulgate 
■ni-noa-de. At the same time it is difEcult to separate the stem 
•nad- from Lat. pat-ior, where the a must be primitive and 
cannot represent a nasal sonant. 

In present In verbs corresponding to the eighth class of the Hindu 

s ems. grammarians, where the pres. is formed by the addition of 
the suffix -nu to the reduced stem, we iind nasal sonants in 
rA-vv-rai Vrev- and a-vv-rai, Sk. sanute, Vsan (obtain). The 
original sibilant is represented by the aspirate of the Attic 
a-vv-(a and of avd-ev-Trjs. 

In nominal The suffix -to takes the reduced form of the root. Hence 

^*^'°'- we have— 




V rej;. 

Sk. matd 











Par OS 



'Jgem (Lat. venio). 






/3aros may also show the weak form of V/3a in 'i^dv, but 
Sk. gatd can only come from gm-. k-paros, with the common 
prothetic vowel before the liquid, may be identical with Lat. 
lentus. On the other hand the adverb ripiixa points to a '/rem 
rather than ^/ren, therefore iparos is for kpmros. 

The suffix -ti also takes the reduced root. So we get racris 
for rncri's. ^Aais is open to the same doubt as jSaros. An 
amplified stem appears in avbpo-Kraa-l-r] (ktuo-i-t]) ; full root in 
KTeivbi (^KTev-Lco). 

The termination -4 also was sufiixed to the reduced form of 
the root. This enables us to connect -uaxus {Trnxvs) with the 
Latin pinguis (for penguis, pngu-is), the e becoming i before 
-ng ; cf. p. 191). The Sk. bahu shows that the original stem 
was ihnghi, whence we get baJm by Grassmann's law (cf 
p. 174). In this case the law must have come into operation 
before the separate existence of Latin, as an initial hh is 
ordinarily represented in Latin by/. 

e-Aaxi^s goes back to k-Xn^vs, the Indo-European 



and is identical with the Latin levis for Inhuis, a Latin ew 
corresponding regularly to Indo-European ngh-. 

Similarly ^pax^s is for ^pnxiJS, Lat. hrevis for hrenhuis. The 
diflFerence of pinguis and brevis is due to the fact that the 
latter shows a velar, the former a palatal aspirated guttural. 

So SaoT^s {pn<Tvs) corresponds to den-ms, with a difference of 
termination. The same nasal sonant appears in ^ad-6i (^ndvs), 
the strong stem being seen in jSevOos (also jScidos). 

ensis is Sk. as% and is for nsz-s. The same stem may perhaps 
be seen in Gk. &op = *aa-op [n(T-op)\ 

ttAtos, beside the Sk. ^dnthan, gen.. patJids [pn-thds), seems to 
be for *T7^ros. In Latin we have po?i(i)-s, which ought to 
have had a gen. pent-is (pni-ts) ; cf. ttc&s *Tre8os. 

The 1st pers. pron. plural seems to have come from an 
Indo-European msme, whence aa-jxe = &ij,p,e (Aeolic), or by loss 
of spirant and compensatory lengthening, fjixe-, where the 
aspirate is on the analogy of vjneis (Sk. yusma). In the 
German languages, and we get *ums(me), whence 
Gothic «M«. 

In the weak cases (cf. p. 391) of declension the e of the fuller in suffixal 
form of the stem was dropped : before a vowel the nasal ^^ ^ ^^' 
remained as a consonant, before a consonant it became a 

This is specially seen in stems with suffix -men-, e. g. stem 
■noipiev-, with the weak form in Tiolp.v-r]. The dative plural 
TTOLf/.e-a-i, in which the initial letter of the termination is a 
consonant, has been assimilated to the form of the other cases. 
Originally it stood as TroLixna-i = iroifxaa-i,. 

4>priv, (j)pev-6s with the o-degree in o-c^^poji', (Tc&(ppovos, should 
show in the dat. pi. <ppn(ri = (ppacri, as we find it in Pindar, 
rather than the Attic (^pe-aL The stem ■Kpo<\>pov-, nom. masc. 
'np6<^paiv, has in the fem. Trpocppacrcra for Trpo^pgrta, with which 
we may compare riepcrec^aTra, where we have the same root as 
in '7Te-(pa-Tai, -(jja-ros, etc. 

The stem iov- has masc. ktiv, fem. eacrcra for ea-nna: cf. 
Lat. db-sens. 

1 Another view is that oop is for a-afopB, Eng. sword. 



In the nom. and ace. sing, of neuters in -men, the final a of 
Sk. ndma, Gk. wo/xa, compared with Lat. nomen, gives proof 
of an original sonant. Originally this nasal would have 
become sonant only when the succeeding word began with 
a consonant. In wojuia and the stems similarly declined, 
TjTTar-, vbar-, etc., the sonant nasal remains throughout, 
thanks to the presence of the dental suffix in the oblique 

Beside nana ovojxa we may set the nouns of number. 
sapid ewrci septem. 

ndva ivvia novem. 

ddga 8e/ca decem. 

The extended ovofxa-ra answers to Lat. cognomen-ta. 

The Sanskrit grammarians give saptan-, navan-, etc., as the 
stems of these words, but of the congenital languages Latin 
and Lithuanian show the labial nasal, while Gothic has final 
n, according to the rule of that language which converts final 
m to n. 

In the Germanic languages the labial nasal has passed to 
the dental, on the analogy of the ordinal numbers, where the 
labial m was naturally dentalized before t. E. g. tenth, zehn-te, 
and ten, zehn, in place of tem, zehm. 

In Sanskrit the terminations of the ordinals from two to 
ten are -t4t/a, -tha, or -ma. 

Taking the following — 

saptamd ^pbo[jLos Septimus. 

navamd (li^a-roy) nonus for noumus. 

dagamd (SeKa-roy) decimus. 

Sanskrit shows the labial nasal in the termination, and 
these are the only numerals which show a nasal in the ending 
of the corresponding cardinals. Unless then some strange 
chance has difierentiated the nasals of ordinal and cardinal 
numbers, we are justified in assuming the same labial nasal in 
both, and in taking -a rather than -ma as the derivative suffix 
of the ordinal (cf De Sauss., pp. 30-33), e.g. — 

saptam-d ?/36o/;i-oy septim-us. 


The forms eva-Tos, biKa-ros, and the w of oetavus must 
be dealt with under the morphology of these words 
(pp. 319, 365). 

Leaving inflexion for Composition and Derivation, we find I1 Compo- 
that suffixes, which drop e before certain endings, also drop it Deriva- 
when the theme of which they form part becomes the first *'*"'• 
member of a compound word. If the second member of the 
compound begins with a consonant, a sonant will show itself 
at the end of the first member of the compound. E.g. ovojxa- 
kXvtos. But in Greek the rule was not faithfully obeyed, and 
we find such compounds as appev-o-yovos on the analogy of the 
stems ending in -o. 

The Greek theme h-, for older o-e/x-, appears in a-ira^ for 
a-m-iia^, and uTtkovs for a-mTiXovs. The same sm- is to be 
found in Latin sim-plex, sim-ul, sem-el, sem-per. 

We can now pass on to the terminations which show Intermi- 
instances of the nasal sonant. In these the e, which has 
been expelled in the stems previously considered, has never 
existed at all. 

The rule is, that the nasal sonant bearing the accent 
becomes -an- and not -a- in Greek and Sanskrit. 

Thus in the 3rd pi. the ending -nti added to a consonantal 
theme developes a sonant, and as this syllable originally bore 
the accent the sound is represented by -an. -avri appears ia 
Greek as -dai ; e. g. in the Homeric p,€}i,6,-d<Ti, yeyd-acri (p. 107). 
Compare also yeyp6,(l)-d<ri, \e\vK-acn, etc. An ending -an, 
-d(Ti, appears in the perfects eOcoKaTt, 'ne<pr\vaa-i, and ktkoyyaai in 
the poets (cf. p. 379}. 

To the influence of accent may be due the -an-, Gk. a, 
of the present of the root es. Sk. sdnti, Gk. eao-t. 

The accent as it exists in Greek affords of course no help to 
the solution of the question. In saying that the nasal 
sonant of the ending originally had the accent we refer to 
the position of the accent in the primitive language, to 
determine which Sanskrit is a better guide than Greek. 

In the 3rd pi. of the perf. mid. we find -arai for -nrai, after 
a stem endiag in a consonant in the following eases : — 





rerpdt^arai, Theogn. 43 ; Plat. Hep. ^J,"^. 
TerpitparaL {-to), Hdt. 2,. 93. 
fj,epiC^aTaL, Hdt. I. 146. 
elkixO'Tcii, Hdt. 7. 76. 
opcupiyarai {-to), II. 834 ; A. a6. 

8et8e'xarai (-ro), A. 4 ; r], 'J'i; bixarai, M. 147. 

epXaTai {-to), kipxcvro, H. 481. 

TiTa-xaTai, Thuc. 3. 13. 

€(je<Ja\aTaL, Hdt. 7- 63. 

■yeypacfiaTai, Inscr. 

K€Kpv<f>aTai,, Hes. Op^. 386. 

eTT&Jxaro, M. 350. 

r€r(i(^arat, Hdt. 6. 1 03. 

aTTLKaTO, Hdt. 8. 6. 

This list only includes stems' with a guttural or labial conso- 
nant ; besides these there are the dental stems, e. g. aycoriSarat, 
Kex<i)p^8ara6, earKev&haTo of Herodotus, and the Homeric epripi- 
Sarat and aKijxs'Sa™'. The same endings, -arat, -aro, also occur 
after a vowel, e. g. /3e/3Xj)arai, Kearai, etarat, TTupojS'qaTo, ksx"- 
XdouTo, and in the optat. middle, as in the Homeric yei/otaro, 
■jTuSoiaro, Aafotaro, dyo^oro, yiVcraiaTO, bvvaiaTO, iretpuaro. 
The Attic tragedians also employ the same ending ; Soph. Ai. 
84a ; 0. B. 1374 ; 0. C. 931 ; M. 311, etc. 

The a of the ace. pi. and sing, after consonants arises from 
a nasal sonant, e. g. 7ro'8as — irohns and iro'Sa = irobm. So in 
JjiAiin j)edem=jiedm, pedes (ace. plm\) =^e^«z«. 

Miscellaneous instances of nasal sonants are — 

viffinii for *vigenti for vi-Jcnt-i, Doric FUaTi. 

For the o of f-fiKoffi of. p. 370. The soft guttural in Latin in the numbers 
from 20 to 90 is due to the nasal sonant, e.g. septingenti {sepimJcnti), where the 
hard guttural regularly becomes a soft between two sonants. 

friens is for tri-ns ; cf. rpias (rptMs), which has been assimi- 
lated to the stems in -8. 

The present partic. in Latin shows the sonant. The 

v.] NASAL SONANTS. 1 13 

original declension was e. g. Iheront-, bkerniSs (cf. Sk. IMran, 
Ihdratas). Tke Greek has assimilated the strong form, the 
Latin the weak, throughout. 

Finally, we have the most common instance of all in the 
negative prefix Gk. a {av), Lat. en- in-, Gothic un-. The en- 
becomes in- in Latin from the fact that it generally occurs 
in unaccented syllables. The av before vowels in Greek, 
where we should expect v, may come from the nasal sonant 
in accented syllables ; compare the Sanskrit nd. 

We have now to consider the case of an original combination, DouWe 

7, sonants, 

Osthoff {Z. G. d. P. 4a I ) holds that unaccented m, n, I, r, i, u, 
before vowels and after a short syllable, have the function of 
consonants, but that after a long syllable we have ii, wi^, mm; 
nn, p, rr, without reference to the position of the accent. 

The double liquid sonants so produced are represented in 
Sanskrit by ir, ur, il, ul, though the quantity of the i and u 
seems to vary, in Greek by op, oX. 

Thus TToXiJ Sk. purw. /3oAerat Sk. gurdle (?). 

Bope'as giri. ropdv tirdti. 

TTo'Ais pv/ri. [jLoXelv milati. hird. ■nopa.v purdyati, 

^opd girdti. crrop- stirati. 

But Sk. ir, ur answer to Gk. ap, aX in 

fiapvs guru. -napa pura. 

TrApos _purds. 

Latin has ar, al, or, ol, answering to Sk. ir, ur — 











storea ] 
torus J 



The original 

nasals nn, rnm 

are represented by Sk. an, am.. 

Gk. av, a/x. 



tnnu Sk. tatvA Gk. ravvT-. 


just as ffrru guru fSapij. 

and e^llov i^oKov. 

Other instances with double nasals even in unaccented 

syllables (while usually n, m = an, am only in accented 
syllables) are — 

iTmniov erafjiov, 

ymmai -j^afxaL 

Compare humi, where tlie u is due to the following labial, but e Burvives in 
hemones and Semo — Se-hemo. 

\L[x-7Tnnui XnmAvai. 

In iriTvai there is only one nasal. 

In TiKTaiva for renTnia, av replaces n before i, and we get 
TiKTavia, which then by Epenthesis (cf. p. 197) becomes 

^alvu) = l3avL0) is from original ((mio, where the labial has 
been dentalised before the semivowel ; compare koivos from koij.- 
J.OS, cf. Lat. cum : Kaivui beside Kancav points to original Kajxio). 

In Latin the double nasals are represented like the simple 
nasals by en, em — 

tnnu raw- tenu-is. 


Long The Latin representative of rr, ^l is doubtful : gula may be 

for glla (Osthoff, Z. 6. d. P. p. °586). 

The question of the long sonants is obviously connected in 
some way with that of the appearance of stems increased by 
the addition of an indeterminate svarahAakti vowel side by 
side with the simple stems. 


Compare — 

yeve-rrip beside 

! yvrj-ros. 

Kdjxa-Tos beside 



























In these groups of words it would seena most probable that 
we have a double set of roots existing side by side — 

(i) The ordinary root extended by the addition of a svara- 
hhakti vowel (yevs-rTjp beside Vyev-). 

(ii) A reduced root followed by a long vowel. 

The loss of the root vowel is the same phenomenon that we 
have met with so often before, and originates from the same 
cause, viz. the place of the accent. With regard to the first 
class, the question whether we are to consider the svarahhakti 
vowel as an integral part of the root or a merely phonetic 
insertion is as yet undecided, but we may notice two 
points : — 

(i) The quality of the svarabhaJcti vowel, in Greek at any 
rate, is determined mostly by that of the preceding vowel. 
We have y^v^-Trjp, but GavaTos. 

(ii) The quality of the svarahhakti vowel determines that 
of the long vowel in the corresponding stem. We have 
■yvrj-Tos, but Ovaros. 

The second class of forms, which exhibit a long vowel, origi- 
nated from a long sonant /, 7, n, m. For the theory of the 
long sonants we must refer to p. 475. 

The long liquid sonants r, I, are represented in Sanskrit by Long 
«r, ur. In Greek they appear as po), Kat, and also apparently g'^n^g 
as op, oA. Latin has rd, la, where Greek has pco, ka>, but ar, al 
where Greek has op, o\. 


^pioTos granum. 


stratus-; De Sauss. 363, 

' 265}. 
I.-E. bhrfffds =frdctus (Z. G. d. P. 178); I.-E. 
urd-i- = radix, English root (short sonant in pdbaiJ.vos, Goth. 
vaurts, Engl, wort) ; I.-E. krtei = crates (short sonant in 
Goth, haurds, cf. Engl, hurdle) ; I.-E. tps = {t)ldius {Z. G. 

I a 

Sk. glr-na 





(short / in o-rpaTos) 


d. F. 0,66 ; K. Z. xxv. 49), and so on. So qudrtus may 
represent I.-E. qtuHSs [Z. 0. d, P. 435), with a metathesis of 
rd to dr. 

On the other hand, 
Sk. mdhvd opdos arduus. 

dirffM 5o\-L-xos largus (for dlargus?). 

The full root may appear in ev-SeX-exv^- 

iirffa opyrj. 

girsd Kopa-q. 

purti TTopTis pars. 

Urnd ov\os for s. 

krgd- KoKeKOivos (cracentes). 

irmd armus. 

Mrdati cardo. 

The above is mainly the list given by De Saussure, but 
many of the cases quoted are very doubtful. We may, how- 
ever, be pretty safe in asserting r, Jto be represented ia Greek 
by pa), Ao), in Latin by rd, Id. 
Long nasal The long nasal sonants are more doubtful still, but Osthoff 
sonants. ^jj^_ jj_ -^^ forwoH, p. iv) sees m in fia-di, ^n-Triv, Sk. gdta, 
by the side of m in ^aTr)v, Sk. gatd. (Otherwise K. Z. xxvii. 
606.) So Sk. dth, Gk. vrjaa-a, may come from I.-E. nti- (Lat. 
anas is obscure). Sk. ydtar- may be for mter- (cf. eiyarepej, 
janitrices). The long nasal sonant has also been seen in Gk. 
vd-, vr\-, of vr]-Kephrii, etc. (X. Z. xxvii. 606). But none of 
this can be considered certain. 



Explosive letters may be classified either according to the Mutes or 
place in the mouth at which they are articulated, or according g^^^' 
to the mode of their articulation. Their characteristic as a 
group is the voiceless moment or check in their pronunciation. 

According to place of articulation they can be divided into 
labial, dental, palatal, and velar sounds. The labials are pro- 
nounced at the lips, the dentals at the teeth, the palatals at 
the hard palate, the velars at the velum or soft palate. The 
last two divisions may also be grouped together as gutturals, 
but this term is more properly applied to certain consonants 
of the Semitiq languages, and, as the sounds known as 
palatals are distinct in origin and treatment from those 
known as velars, it is better to give each class its proper 
name. The difference in mode of articulation may be illus- 
trated by the English ' Hn, ' and ' cool,' in the former of which 
the guttural is pronounced nearer the front of the mouth than 
in the second. 

According to the manner of articulation the Explosives 
can be classed as Aspirated Tenues and Mediae and Unaspirated 
Tenues and Mediae. The Tenues, being pronounced with the 
vocal chords wide apart, have no accompanying vocal sound 
and are also called Surds. The Mediae, being pronounced 
with the chords close together, have an accompanying sound 
and are also called Sonant. 


The following table shows the notation adopted for the 
diiFerent explosives in this book : — 

Labial. Dental. Palatal. Velar. 

Tenues . . . p . . t . . k . . q^. 

Mediae . . . I . . A . . g . . g. 

Tenues Asp. . ph . . th . . kh . . qli. 

Mediae Asp. . hh . . dh . . gh . . gh. 

The diB- The distinction between palatals and velars is comparatively 

between recent and of great importance in the history of modem 

palatals philology. 

That the Sanskrit gutturals correspond in the majority of 
cases to gutturals in Greek and Latin has long been a familiar 
fact. But there have always been a certain number of words 
in which a Sanskrit guttural was known to be represented by 
a Greek labial or dental, while the Latin preserved the gut- 
tural, but sometimes as c, sometimes as qu. Philologists have 
never ventured to separate Sanskrit m, Greek re, Latin que ; 
or Sanskrit Mtaras, Greek vorepos, Latin titer (for qtioter"^); 
or again Zend cis, Greek ris, Latin quis. No adequate ex- 
planation however has been given by the older school of phi- 
lologists of the circumstances under which the guttural was 
thus modified in the different languages. Curtius, in the first 
edition of his Gnmdzilge, did indeed distinguish these irregular 
phenomena by the names of labialisation and dentalisation, 
but such names are not in themselves a sufficient explanation. 
It was manifest that the guttural did become a labial or a 
dental, but to the question under what circumstances the 
change took place Curtius offered no answer. The explanation 
that he gave of the phonetic difficulty was that the change 
was produced under the influence of a parasitic i/od and v 
sound ; but it is clear that what is sporadic and parasitic 
cannot be grouped under a general law ^. 

' It must be added that the remarks in Curtius G. E. 479, especially 
that 'tbe transformation worked by zetacism (dentalisation) is usually 
brought about by the influence of neighbouring i and e sounds ' is very near 
the truth, and in the 5th German edition, Curtius acquiesces in the theory 
of Asooli, etc., on this point. 



3 ■ 

• . 3KK)- 

9 • 

. . gh. 

J ■ 

. . JH^). 


The great discovery which has set the phenomena in 
an entirely new light was originated by Ascoli {Corsi di 
fonologia, p. 42 n.) and elaborated by Collitz {B. B. iii. 
177), De Saussure {Mem. 80c. Ling. iii. 369), and especially 
Johannes Schmidt (K. Z. xxv. 63). To clearly understand 
it, it is necessary to go back to the Sanskrit. 

Sanskrit once contained the following distinct series of 
gutturals ^, using the term, that is, in its looser sense. 
I. . . . Q . . 

11. . . . h . . 

III. . . . c . . 

Thus we have — 

I. Palatals: <;,j,jh{h) (of which c is called in Sanskrit 
grammars a palatal sibilant, while j, jh have 
no special name to distinguish them from the 
palatalised velars). 

' The letters in series II. and III. are called by Whitney {Sk. Gr. § 5) 
respectively ' gutturals ' and ' palatals ' ; but the ' palatals ' are recognised as 
derivative and originating in an alteration of the ' gutturals ' (§ 42), i. e. as 
we shall see, they represent the ' gutturals ' before palatal vowels. 

9 has come to be a palatal sibilant and is pronounced as ' sh' (§ 63); but 
according to the theory now generally adopted it represents an original 
guttural, though one distinct in kind from those in series II. 

_;■ and, in theory, jh (which however actually occurs as A, § 220), repre- 
sent under the same symbol two distinct sets of sound ; first, the soft 
aspirated and unaspirated 'palatals,' corresponding to the 'gutturals' g, gh, 
just as c corresponds to Jc ; secondly, the soft aspirated and unaspirated sounds 
corresponding to y (§ 219). 

Some obscurity is unavoidable for two reasons. Pirst, the Sanskrit alphabet 
has but one set of symbols for two sets of sounds totally distinct in origin. 
Secondly, the symbols in series III. (e, j,jh) are unfortunately known in 
Sanskrit grammars as ' palatals,' while on the other hand the series f , j,jh are 
called by German philologists ' palatals,' as distinct from the ' velars ' k, g, gh. 

We have not ventured to introduce any new terminology into a science 
already overweighted with technical terms, nor have we thought it well to fill 
our pages with Illustrations from Zend and Church Slavonic, which distin- 
guish the soft and aspirated palatals from the corresponding palatalised velars 
by a special symbol. But it is to be regretted that a subject which is in itself 
one of the most difficult in comparative philology should be further obscured 
by an ambiguous nomenclature. 



II. Velars: h, g, gh (called in Sanskrit grammars 
' gutturals '). 
III. Palatalised Velars : c, j. jh {h) (called in Sanskrit 
grammars ' palatals '). 

Now the sounds in Series I, g, j, jh, are uniformly repre- 
sented in Greek and Latin under all circumstances by K,y,x- 
c, g, gh, or equivalent sounds. 

The sounds in Seiies II, k,g, gh, and Series III, c,j, jh, 
regularly interchange with one another in Sanskrit, the latter 
taking the place of the former before i (y). 
Thus we have : — • 

\/f «c (gleam) quh-ra, (bright) but gSc-istha. 

'^vaj (be strong) ug-rA (mighty) but 6j-ija-. 
Varc (shine) ark-d (sun) but arc-is. 

Vtij (be sharp) tig-ma, (sharp) but tej-istha. 
Now i (y) is the palatal vowel, and the explanation of 
these phenomena clearly is that the original guttural before 
the palatal vowel is under its influence pronounced not as a 
pure guttural, but with a palatal affection. 

But this interchange between h, g, gh, and c, j, jh, occurs in 
Sanskrit not merely before i [y), but also in some cases before a. 
For instance we have— 
'^vac (to speak) vdk-a but vdc-as. 

katards (which of two) but ca (and). 
Vi/ug (to yoke) yig-van but yojate. 

gharmds (warm) but hdras (warmth). 

Sk. a and In nearly every case however this a before which the 

urop. e. gjj^g^jjgg takes place corresponds not to an a but to an e in 

Greek and Latin. For instance vdcas corresponds to the 

Greek stem eweo--, ca to re, hdras (with h for jh) to Oepea--. 

What is the inference ? Clearly that the Sanskrit a which 
corresponds to an European e is not identical in origin with 
the Sanskrit a which corresponds to an Em-opean a ; but that 
the two sounds a and e originally different have become con- 
fused and identical in sound and character in Sanskrit, while 
they have remained^ distinct in the western languages. But 


traces of the original existence in Sanskrit of this second 
palatal vowel are preserved in the palatalisation of the gut- 
turals before those a's which represent an original e, while 
before those a's which are original the guttural remains 
intact. Indo-European a and e were only confused in San- 
skrit afier the latter had palatalised the preceding eon- 

We have now sufficiently established the following facts : Conolu- 
that there were originally in Sanskrit two sets of gut- 
turals : — 

(i) The Palatals,^, y, _;'/? (k), whose character is unaffected Palatals- 
by the succeeding sound. 

(2) The Velars, ^, ff, gh, which before the palatal vowels Velars. 
C(y) ^^^ * corresponding to an original e, passed into the 
corresponding palatalised sounds c, j, jh (K). 

Now this double row of gutturals existed in the original 
Indo-European language. This we should hardly be justified 
in assuming from the evidence of Sanskrit alone, but it is 
conclusively proved by the phenomena not merely of Latin 
and Greek, but also of the North-European and of the othier 
Arian languages. 

Without discussing this further for the present, we may 
lay down the following laws. The original Indo-European 
language possessed two sets of gutturals — 

(i) The Velar gutturals, q, g, gk, which, under the influence of Velars, 
succeeding sounds, took different forms in different languages. 
We may divide the Indo-European languages into two 
groups, according to the way in which they represented these 

On the one hand, in Greek, Latin, and German, q, g, g/i Languages 
continually appear as >?:-sounds, or their equivalents, with 
a succeeding labialisation u, e. g. I.-E. qis, Lat. quis. We are 
not to regard this m as a 'parasitic' sounds but rather to 
suppose that the labialised guttural was originally a simple 
sound, differing, that is, from the complex souHd produced by 
the addition of the semivowel u to the palatal guttural A, as in 
ek-uos, Sk. dg-va, Ik-Fos, eq-uos. Still it must be admitted that 




of East. 

Velars in 
Sanskrit ; 

in Greek. 

the languages of this group are not consistent in exhibiting 
the labial affection in all cases ; frequently the labialisation 
appears in one language and not in the rest, or in one word 
but not in another in the same language, and under apparently 
the same circumstances. 

On the other hand, in the Eastern and Slavonic languages, 
with which, apart from Sanskrit, we are not concerned, the w 
as an inherited affection is entirely absent ; but it is not pos- 
sible to say whether these languages never possessed the sound 
or whether they let it drop in pre-historic times. 

The Velar gutturals then are represented in the different 
languages as foUows : — 

In Sanskrit by h, g, gh, but before i{y) and a( = e), by the 
corresponding palatalised gutturals c, j, jh (^). In neither 
case is there any trace of labialisation. 

In Greek the velars appear either with a labial affection or 
without. Without it (when we write them $', g, gJi) they 
are /c, y, x = with it (Ti^, gS, gh'^') they become before t, e the 
corresponding dentals t, 6, 5 : before o, nasals, liquids, t, Q, s, 
the corresponding labials tt, y8, ^. 

Where a precedes or follows the velar, they are represented 
^y f. y. X- 

In Latin without labialisation the velars become c, g, gh {ff 
or h) ; with labialisation k^i becomes qu or c; g^ becomes gu, g 
or V ; gh^ becomes/, b, gu or v. 

The following table gives the various representatives : — 






q . . 

k^ . . 


. K, TT, T . 

. C . . . 

. c, qu . . 


g • ■ 

• y • • 

• y,l3,b. 

. g . . . 
• gu, V, g . 


gk . . 
gm . 

• X • • 

• X, -^^ ^ 

. g, h . . 


(2) The Palatal gutturals, ^, g, gh, appear in Latin, Greek, 
and the Teutonic languages as mutes, but in the Slavonic and 

VI.] PALATALS. ] 23 

Eastern languages, including Sanskrit, as spirant sounds. 
This difference of treatment may perhaps reflect an original 
difference of dialect in the parent speech. 
The following is a table : — 

Indo-European. Greek. Latin. Sanskrit. 

9 ... y ... g ... j. 
gh . . . X ■ • • "^^S • • ^- ' 

Curtius explained the transformation of gutturals to labials Labialisa- 
and dentals by supposing that the gutturals developed after ' ' 
them a ' parasitic ' or ' sporadic ' semivowel u 01 i; just as we 
have the palatal guttural followed by m in kkuos, Lat. eq-uos, 
where it is indistinguishable from the simple labialised velar 
in g'o = Latin quo. But the later theory differs from that of 
Curtius in supposing two originally distinct sets of gutturals, 
and not one set modified or not as the case might be by 
a sporadic i or u. As has been stated above, however, this 
u sound is not always constant. We are to regard it as 
an original part of the velar sound, but we must yet admit 
that the conditions under which it sometimes appears 
and sometimes does not, are not yet completely known. 
For the Indo-European q we get normally Latin qu, Gothic 
hw : but, on the other hand, there are cases where the labial 
semivowel has completely disappeared, and where we have 
to enquire whether a Greek k or Latin c corresponds in 
Sanskrit to a i: or a p before we can decide to which 
order of gutturals it belongs. Practically then it is necessary 
to distinguish between those cases where the velar is labial- 
ised by a succeeding a-sound (which we shall write k^, 
g», gP), and those cases where it is not, {q, g, gA). We 
shall proceed to illustrate the theory under each of these six 

I. Indo-European q (the unlabialised hard velar) is in San- Indo-Eu- 
skrit k, Greek k, Latin c before a, r, I. ropean. 

(Where the Sanskrit is not given, the character of the sound 




is determined by other languages — Zend, Lithuanian^ Chm-eh 
Slavonic^ etc.) 

Sanskrit. Greek. 

MTckati (he laughs) Kax<iCeti' 

krpdnas (sword) 
Vkr (mention) 
karkatas (crah) 





KXd(o), Kkayy-q 


< arpaKTos, rpe'ira) 

< an 


coUis, excello. 

cancer (for career), 
scobs, scabo. 
' clavis, conclave, 
crocio, gloctorare. 

tarkus (spindle) I arpeKris, TepiriKe- V torqueo, 


kapis (incense) 
Vkrt (to spin) 

[■ vapor (?). 

V pavvos 

There ia labialisation in rpiira, torqueo, and in tlie derivative repm- 

6.Kapov (blind, aquilus, aquilo, 
Hesych.) aquila. 

KOTTiJa), Ka-nvos, K€- 

Kiprakov, KkcoOcjo (|) crates (f ) 
We find the short liquid sonant in Gothic haurds, English hurdle. 

kalamas (writing- 
Vkrt (to cut) KeCpui 

Vkurd (to leap)} 

Vsku (to cover) a-Kvros 

We may perhaps compare ohscttrus and axid. 

Krtfco, evKrlp,evos, 
aju^iKTiorey, KTikos 
In Latin we have in this instance labialisation. 

> KtlXajuos 

Vkst (to possess) < , 

calamus, culmus. 

curtus [krfS-). 

comus (krno-). 
quies, tranquillus ; 
cf. Eng. wJiile. 






aiiMs (hook) hyKutv, SyKos 

garhard (flint) xpoKij, kpokAXtj 

Vrah (to protect) dp/ce'co, dA/cTj, a\e^co 

takman (child) tskvov 

tahsan (carpenter) TfKTcov 



calx, calculus. 


Eng. fAane. 


In some of the above instances an original q appears un- 
labialised before letters other than a, r, I, though with a 
following a, r, I in some connected form. The following are 
more irregular cases of the absence of labialisation : — 

kdlas (black) KrjA.Es [icdXis) 

hdrahas (cocoa-nut ) , 

'^ > Kapvov 


kesara (hair) 

'/lamp (to 
karkaras (hard) 
kalyds (sound) 
kanyd (girl) 


Koipos (thread of 
warp, Hesych.) 


KuXos (Ep. KciXos) 




- eaesanes. 


Eng. Jiale. 

I Kpai 
) va6- 


Vkr, kpwti (to do, ) upaivm, Kipbos 

kravis, krwrds 

(raw flesh) 
^/kas (scratch) 



creare, Ceres. 

"1 Kpeas, Kpvos *| cruor, crudus. 

J Kpvoeis Kpv<TTaWos J crudelis, cruentus. 

!■ Kacrrcap. 

{KaXvTnTca, KaMprj j 

occulo, clupeus. 
'^ \ eululluS; ealix. 

In this group there are traces of labialisation ; occulo is for *ohquelo, witli 
el=ol before a vowel, and quol written cwl. In the S. C. de Baxichanal. we get 
oquoUod, which preserves the labjalisation. 

KaXeiv calare, kalendae. 

\^kai (to drive) Kkovdv (for nok-veiv) pro-ceUa. 

krgas (slim) 

Vskand (leap) 
Vksad (divide) 


Sanekrit. Greek. Latin. 

kXcJo) cla-des, eulter, clava. 

culter ia for qytr- : clades, cldva from qj-. 

Gladius, if not a foreign word of Celtic origin, may be connected, the c being 
softened to g before the liquid, as in gracilis. 

'/hr, hir (scatter) ) 
kirati J '^ 

In Sanskrit one or two late forms show sk (Whitney, Supplement, p. 23). 

f KoXeK&vos, KoXoKCLvos gracilis. 
( (Hesych.), Kokoaa-os Old Lat. cracentes. 
V skkal (stumble) a-Kokios 
kankani (orna- \ 

ment with \ KavdCo 



KokAiTTa), KoKaipos, 

(TKaXoxjf, (TTiiXa^, 


The of KoXacpos, etc. is irrational ; anA.\a{, airapiaaa show labialisation from 
the allied forms. 

The Ionic pronominal stem ko- in k&s, kov, etc., as opposed 
to wws, TTov, quo, quot, etc., shows a dialectical peculiarity, so 
far unexplained. But the whole group of words from this 
root presents diiEculties not yet fully cleared up ; ufer, e. g. 
can hardly be separated from TroVe/jos, yet cannot by the laws 
of Latin phonetics stand for *quo(er or *cuter. 
Again with an original q we have — 

KOfXT] coma. 

Kopmvri corona. 

kotvXt] (catinus ?). 

Kopr], Kovpr}, KovpCbios (curtus ?). 

Cf. Kovpil, K6par). According to Curt. (Stud. i. 250, O.E. 148) to be con- 
nected with Keipai, because maidens before marriage dedicated their hair to 
the goddesses {v. Ebeling, Zex. Som. s. v.). 







kdravas (crow ?) 

Kopa^, Kopdvr} 

corvus, comix. 


Sanskrit. Greek. Latin. 

hdnas (flour-dust) kovis cinis. 

'/kal haldyati (to ] 

urge on) ) "^^'^^ celer, celox. 

kokilas (cuckoo) kokkv^ cucus. 

Tcantha (garment) k4vtp<ov, kovtos cento. 

kavu (wise) Koern, A-kotJ-w cavere. 

Here an initial s is lost ; cf. Ger. schauen, Eng. show, and Gr. $vo-(Tk6os. 
A labialised q (/J») is represented in Greek by k, in Latin by The velar 
c, if . follows or precedes- j^^nwith 

w&as (wolf) Xtukos (FXvk^os). "■ 

The Latin hipus, owing to its p, must be borrowed from the Italian dialects ; 
Goth, vulfs, Eng. wolf. 

ndkti (nigbt) vvkt-os cf. noct-is. 

cakrds (wheel) kvkKos {k^ek^h-s). 

Cf. Ang.-Sax. hweohl, hweohol, Eng. wheel. 
Vriic (to shine) kevKos lucet. 

rw^a, roffas (sickness) \vyp6s, AeuyaXeos lugeo. 
yugam ^vyov jugum. 

'•J'muc, muRcati (re- \).VKTf\p mucus. 

okas (repose) ei/K-dXos. 

Hence /SouKoXoy, but oSowo'Aos, aJiroAos, etc. (cf. De Sauss. 
Mem. Soc. Ling. vi. 161.) 

We may add a-KVTOi, k'uKi^, which appear above. 

II. The velar q with the subsequent labialisation [k*) The labia- 
beeomes in Greek before the thin vowels i e, the corresponding ^^^^ ''^ 
dental t. Before similar vowels in Sanskrit it becomes the 
palatal c. But between Sanskrit c and Greek t there is no 
immediate historical connexion. The dental only appears in 
Greek in those cases where other words of the same group 
show a 77 before the full vowel o, e. g. reAAco : nokos, rio : 
■jTodev (v. infra). We must distinguish between the cases 
where the velar is labialised {k^ + e), and those in which it is 
not {q + e). In the former case we have in Sanskrit the 
palatal c, but in Greek and Latin r, qu (e. g. cis, ris, quis, 
Indo-European Jfiis). In the latter case we have in San- 


skrit c, but in Latin and Greek k and e (e. g-. KeXris, celer, 
Sanskrit cal, Indo-European qel ; cf. Ksvrpov, KeCpoo, etc. above). 
We must therefore distinguish these two cases — 
Before e, i. (i) k^i becomes in Greek r, in Latin q^i (c) before e, i. 

Vcar, cdrati (he ) , , , . .,. 

, \ f reAXo), Tikaov colo, inquilmus. 

proceeds) j ^ 

For colo from *quelo v. p. 189. 

Sanskrit. Greek. Latin. 

ca re que. 

-ca o-re quis-que. 

ci tLs quis. 

Compare the Ionic tcwj', Ttoiffi, reot reqj. 
catvaras (four) reropes quattuor. 

For the various forms of this root cf. p. 369. 

JL , . . J dTo-o-a (through )voe-is 

vacya {^oice) | fona from f ok^) J 

, , . ( \ev(r<T(x> (from ) . 

/«. (shine) I ^^^^,^^) |lucis. 

Vsac, sacya (follower) a,-ocrcrr]Trip socius, sequor. 

aoaariTTip is for sm-soTiiki-eter : showing the same root as iiroiuu ; t. infra. 

"J pac (cook) TTecrcrco (from TTek^iai) coquo. 

Coquo is by assimilation for *pequo, becoming ^queqno, as q%inque is for 
*penque, prope for ^proque {/cat irpSica re Hdt.); ci.proc-simus'jpopa is an Italian 
word from the same root. 

Indo-European enikHo, evCcra-co for evcK^iay, cf. IvItt-tw, 
„ hhaW<ia, (pdaaa for (paK^ia, cf. (f>a\jf. 

„ k^eim-, k^otm-, i-re.Tp.-ov, cf. worju-oy. 

„ okHs, ocrcre, TpiorrCs. 

The guttural appears in oculus, Eoeot. oK-raWos, the labial in o\poptai, i(f)0aK- 
n6s, oiifta (7. infi'a). 

Compare (Osthoff, Z. G. d. P. p. 578). 

re-ri-ijctfj, ■> curare, Old Lat. 

Tf-Ti.-r]p,ivos ) coerare, coirare. 
Before o, (ii) The lablaKsed velar k^ becomes in Greek tt before the 
® "' full vowel 0, and before r, 6, o-, liquids and nasals. In San- 

skrit the guttural k is unaffected. In Latin we get qu or c. 




In the following- instances we get r before i, e, but w before 
o, etc. in connected words in Greek. 
SaBskrit. Greek. 

tCs, Ion. reo, etc. 

{TiSrepos, irdis, irov, 
TTOL, Tr60ev 

(i) ci 
(ii) kdtara 
(i) ^dnca 
(ii) panhti 



uter (for quoter ?). 



Lesbian ■nkfoii has the consonant from the ordinal, 
(i) Mcya h.-o(T(Tr\Tt\p, ^raipos sequor. 

(ii) sdMm ^ironat, oir-doves socius. 

The common root is se^Jf, sokJi (JK. Z. xzt. 145). 

(i) catvdras riropes quattuor. 

(ii) iuri^a for *Muri2/a rpciwefa qnartus (for qt'urtSs). 

Vpac (cook). 

{i) pdcyate (he cooks) ireVo-co (= •niK^m) coquo. 

(ii) pdkti, derivative irewros, iroiravov. 

'/vac (speak). 

(i) vacya (voice) 
(ii) mh-d 
Vci, cay (observe), 
(i) cdyati 

oa-cra vox. 
Arcad. reCai. 

(ii) Zend haena 



Por the connexion of these two cf. >//. 312 dneriaaTo irotv^v and Hdt. 3. 14 
iroivfiv rtaovTes. The Latin poena will in this case be borrowed. It has been 
suggested to connect Latin quaero ( = TcViai-ro), but cf. p. 146. 

(i) Zend asM , Tptorrty, 6(r(re, 

\ o<Tcro\xai, 
(ii) i oyjfoiiai, 8ixyi,a, 

^ OTTCOITa, OTirj. 

rpwtds in Hesychius is the result of confusion with birq. 

'/car (move). 

(ii) Sanskrit cdrati riKKm colo. 

■nokqs, TTcoXeco, 



{ e-7r\-e 


The connexion is confirmed by the interchangeable phrases in Homer, 
vepiTfWoiiivoii' kviavTwv and ■nepni\ofiivaiv ivtavTOiv. The t of 6.vaTo\ri has 
come from that of dvarikXa, the ir of ireKo/iat from that of cttActo, after the two 
groups of words had come to be considered distinct. We may perhaps compare 
aiTTciXos (afi-iro\os) and tyailio {oy,-pilio). The latter may be an Oscan word, 
as in that dialect Indo-European q becomes p. The true Latin is seen in 
colo (for *guelo) inquilinus. But Povx6Kos is a difficulty, as no trace of a gut- 
tural form of this root is found in Greek. 

(i) e-Terfj^-ov, 

(ii) TTOTIX-OS. 

This being true we cannot connect irSr/ios with ■niitTto, peto. 

(i) Sanskrit mcya \d<T<T<^, kov<T<Tov [ ^'"'^°' H^)"^' 

\ etc. 

(ii) Zend raohshna X.o(j)vis (Hesych.). 

Ko^vis will be for \oir-vis with aspiration before the nasal. 
(1) ivl<r(Tu>. 

f"\ ( evhru), -qvlTraTrov, 

I kvmri. 
(1) (j)A<T(Ta. 

(ii) 4>d\jr, (j)al36s. 

In the following instances the labial has either permeated 
the whole group in Greek or alternates with the guttural. 

Vric (leave) Ixe^Tro, i ^^^^^' ^^^i^*'^^- 

reca, deriv. ) { linquo, reliquus. 

fvveTte, ia-ime insece, inquam. 

The root is seq-, Ivvem is for *4V<rc7r€, i-air-ere shows the reduced form. The 
root IS preserved in the Latin insece (e. g. virum miM, Camena, insece versutum 
ofLmusAndronicus); i«-quamioi*in-squa-m{as tranqmllustoi tran-squiUus); 
in-sec-Uo, possibly in ' sector,' a bidder. An identical root meaning 'to cut ' 
appears in seco beside co-in-quo. 

rpeiro), TepniKepavvos torqueo. 
arpaKTos torculum. 

&-TpaK-Tos (rrK-Tos) will correspond to tortus {t^ci&s). 

yahrt ^T!ap jecur. 

L-E. }eMg(t). 

A further instance is eTTpiA[j.r]v, Sk. kn-nd-mi. We may 
also connect, with Curtius, 'A^^r, (yri) with Lat. aquem, aqua, 
I.-E. aq ; cf^ English ey-ot, is-land (where s is irrational and 
due to isle, Ue, insula) A.-S. i-eg. 


With regard to the question of orthography, it is to be Graphic 
noticed that the original Greek alphabet contained a second ^fP^'esenta- 
hard guttural, 9, or hojppa, which appears in inscriptions Greek, 
mainly before o, d, p. A.. Thus we find <popLvd6dfv, cpvgvos, 
Ao(pp6s, UdrpopXos, but only rarely forms like "Ecpraip. Though 
the letter early disappeared from the Greek alphabet, yet it 
seems originally, as opposed to k, to have represented the velar ; 
and in this character it was introduced into the Latin alphabet 
as Q, and there became permanent. 

Q passed into the Latin alphabet, but not into the Oscan ''' Latin. 
and Umbrian, probably from the Chalcidian alphabet of 
Cumae (Mommsen, i. 213, ai7). It is found before the 
consonantal u and before 0, e. g. the Ambrosian MS. of 
Plautus is said to read qolunt in Pseud. 833, But from the 
earliest times we find a confusion arising between qo, the 
graphic representative of ko, and quo, representing qo, h^o ; 
e. g. *qom^ (Aom, the preposition cum) is confused with quom, 
(the adverb, ki^om, qom). In fact q comes to be used to repre- 
sent the hard guttural, whether velar or palatal, before u and 
0; so we get pequnia (beside pecus, Sk. pacu), quoqirca, etc., 
where q, qu represents simply c. 

In the Augustan age quo became cu, perhaps originally Altema- 
before final consonants in cum, cur. Any further change, ^nd e. 
however, may be the result of analogy. For 

guoius became cuius because of huius. 
qiioi cui hui-c. 

quom cum turn. 

But quorum remains, because of Jiorum. 

qiwniam remains, because *tuniam did not exist. 
Outside the relative we have ecus, Mrcus, aecus, miaus,j]ro- 
j>incus, posticus, before final consonants, but always reliquos, 
pedisequos {relicus is late), perhaps because the termination is 
originally -ouos, not merely -os (cf Bibbeck ad Qeorg. 4. 172 ; 
Aen,. 8. 450). An initial que- passes into co-, except before r ; 
e. g. colo for quelo, but quercus, querquerus, etc. 

The palatal % is represented in Sanskrit by g, in Greek by k, The hard 
in Latin by c, irrespective of the subsequent sound. palatal k. 

K a 


Sanskrit. Greek. Latin. 

,?/, ■ \ > iy-Kcaaiov Camena, Camillus. 

saw (he praises) J 

In spite of the form Casmena, Casmillas in Festus, it is doubtful whether 
we can connect carmen (as though for *caemen), as in the combination -sm- s 
■vanishes, e.g. duamo (Paul. Fest. (>'j) = dwmus, prisma (Corfinium) =^rM»«s, 
dismota {Sc. de Bacch.) = dimota. So *casmen should become *camen. 

Keivos, Ki]vos hi-c, si-c, tun-c, nun-c. 

KeWev, Kal cis, eitra, cedo, ceteri. 

Ceteri seems parallel to K^TSev : e-i-s, o-i-tra may show the weakest root, i 
being merely an euphonic insertion. 

's/car, cal (cover) 

_,. ,, , ^ , . , ( celare, eella, clam, 

cala (house) KAtcnov, KaKia \ , ,, 

' ^ ' I color, cueuilus. 

Ka\ia, cueuilus, perhaps color, show the reduced root V^l. clam may be for . 
Ajm. Celo may be explained as the result of the same confusion of the e- and 
d- Ablauts that wo get in cedo, cado ; slca (for seca), saxum, etc. (p. 249) ; 
su/per-cilium may be put here, or else cf. icv\a, KvKoiS&a, 

gird (for grra) ndpa, Kdpr]va . cerebrum, cervix. 

For this group of words cf. p. 302. 

gatdm exaToV centum. 

Vgri, gr ^(resort), ) ^^^^^^^^ ^^^^^ f in-elinare, clivus, 

grayaU ) K clitellae, Clitm 

K€pas, Kplos cornu, cervus. 

>/cTO, crdva (re- ) ,- 

' ' \ y KAihos, KAvo) cluere, ffloria. 

nown) j ° 

Gloria is for cleueria which becomes cloueria, and the hard guttural passes 
into the soft before I as in cracentes . gracilis. 

J .... . f kXoviov, kKovis ) 

grom{hi^) [ ( = ,Xofws). i^^'^^^^- 
^rd (heart) KapbCa cord-is. 

The initial A of Sk. is not original (Whitney, Sk. &r. § 66). Wharton, 
{Etyma Graeca) compares grad-dha. 

gdnas (grind- ) „ 

, > Kcavos cos, catus, cuneus. 

Catns is for catus (cf. sotus = satus) ; cautes from the same root ought not 
to have the diphthong ; cf. cotiius (Terg. Mel. 8. 43) ; c&neus for *cSneus 
before the nasal. 

garkara (flint) KpoK-q, KpoKdkr] calx, calculus. 







■'/<!ad (fall) 


/ eadere, eedere, 
< eassus, cadaver. 

'. cessare. 
We can hardly connect calamitas (Old Lat. ead-amitas) because of inaolumis. 

ga/cuna (bird) kvkvos cieonia. 

The V in fciiivos is due to the guttural. 
cahhM (cockle) t^oyyi] congius. 

\ S-Kv-os cunetari. 

V cank, cdnhate 

sfd (lie) cite [ "t"' "^"".^^ (''"'''^')' 

' I Ket/xat civis (ceivis), 

eyKvH cutis. 

a/ f««, cm, m (to ( iy-Kvia>, Kv/xa, cumulus, cavus, 

swell) I KOiKos caulis. 

inoiens='mcm,ens, ci.flo ioifuio {(pviai). 

KiKVS queo (%). 

In this instance * + « is indisfinguishable in Latin from M, but the sound is 
proved by the allied languages to be palatal. 

cvacma (father- ) , 

' ■ ^ \ J. Venvpos soeer, socrus. 

m-law), qvacru ) 

In this case the initial p of Sk. represents an original s {Z. Q. d. P. 499). 

Vcds ( Older), casti f ''«^8apo'9(-&0pa£ candidus, oastus ( = 

' ^ ^' \ Hesych.) cand-tus). 

For dh + t='Lat. st of. p. 207. 

'/ci (sharpen) kub, klvvimi,, kivsm cieo, incitare, citus. 

gvan (dog) kUcov canis. 

Cams is for *c'i^ms or cuonis with Indo-European «o = Lat. ua (p. 302). 

dgma (stone) cixjixwz' ala (ac-sla), axis. 

'/die (point), dicdti beUvvjiL, bUrj dico. 

viqati einocn, Dor. FUari viginti, viciens. 

\/nac (be lost) vinvs nex, noceo, noxa. 

'/vie (enter), vecd ) » 

' ^ /' ) (-otKOS vicus. 



The Greek 01 corresponding to Lat. I (ei) is a diflSculty ; cf. otvos : vinum, but 
the word may be borrowed. From the same root may come the Aopiies rpix^- 
fiices (t. 177), the Dorians of the three clans, but cf. KopvB^ii. 


Sanskrit. Greek. Latin. 

.>« (horse) { (^.i,f.474aa).}^^""" 

But though the connexion is certain, the word ia difficult. In Greek k + y, 
13 indistinguishable from M before a dull vowel. Hkkos is the result of regres- 
sive, 'hnos of progressive assimilation, or we may compare new Ionic icais, Att. 
■nm (with a velar). The aspirate in iWos is irrational, and is not seen in 
compounds like TXavicLTrms. The i of Greek (Indo-European e) is unexplained. 

Vj)i§ (to deck) midkos pi-n-go, pictus. 

Vmc (to reachi) (vrj-voxa (nanciscor, nactus). 

eveyKov {fi-ve-VK- 
The soft The law of the transformation of the soft velar g is pre- 

velar g. cisely the same as that for the hard velar q. 

In Sanskrit, where there is no trace of a succeeding labial w, 
it becomes the corresponding palatal/ before the thin palatal 
i (^) and a ( = I.-E. e). Elsewhere it is i/. But it is to be 
noticed that Sanskrit has no special symbol to distinguish the 
palatalised velar media from the true palatal _7. 

In Greek, if labialised, it becomes before t, e the cor- 
responding dental 8 : before o, r, 6, s, liquids and nasals, the 
corresponding labial ^ or its equivalent. Otherwise it 
appears as y. 

In Latin it would seem in the first instance to have become 
ffu, just as q appears as qu, but this^w only remains after nasals 
in the middle of a word. Initially it appears as ff before con- 
sonants, as V before vowels. Medially between vowels it is v. 

Unlabia- I. Velar g unlabialised is Greek y, Latin ff. 

Vjan (to beget) yhos, genuSj gigno. 

Brugmann reckons this word as showing a palatal § {Orundriss, p. 293) and 
indeed the guttural is very stable throughout the derived languages. But we 
may find traces of labialisation (g!*) in Boeot. fiavS. {gUii-na), beside 711^17 and 
Homer /ivdaBai (for *0vaa6m). The dental may also appear in Si'Su/tos (beside 
geminm for gen-minus ?) 


^uffd (yoke) (vyov 


Vb^nj, Ihugna (to ) , 
bend), P^y" 


gdnja (contempt) yayyaveum 

gannii-e (*gagnire). 


Sanskiit. Greek. Latin. 

gargara (whirlpool) yapyapedv gorges. 

Labialised forms are seen in 0&pa(lpov, SepeSpov • v. infra. 

gandd (cheek) yv6.6os, yhvs (gena (?), g«-a). 

This is in Crreek a case of metathesis of the nasal without lengthening the 
vowel (p. lis). 

^/garj (bellow) yopyo's. 

gramas (commu- yapyapa, hyelpoi, \ 
nity) ayopL ) 


II. Velar g labialised (g^*), but with u preceding or follow- Labialised, 
ing, is in Greek y. ^^'^ 

ivoveo (guou-eo). "»^itli »• 
vola (hollow of the 
volema (large pear). 
yvvq beside jBavd, fwaa-Oai. 

It is possible that this word should be separated from the Sk. ^jcm, Greek 
yiyvoiiai, Lat. gigno. We may dilnpare the Cretan irpuayivTav (Cauer, D. I. (?. 
127), beside Att. irpia-^vs where the is by false analogy before a. The 
double stem was ■npta-fv-, irpecrffef- ; of. Lat. pris-cm. 

- III. The velar g, labialised (g**), is in Sk. g,J (which repre- Labialised 
sents an unlabialised form), Gk. /3 before 0, t, 6, s, liquids and ^^°^^ °' 
nasals, Lat. gu (but for representation in Latin, see p. 139). 

Vgem (go) iSalvo) venio. 

Paivoi, venio, both go back to gKmio : the labial sonant m becomes g before i, 
as in x^ao"» (x^^S") beside x^'^/'i'Sj koiv6s beside cum, xalvco beside Kaii6vTis (the 
dead), aivSs for dn-tos (Sk. ama ; cf. Goth. Amal-rioh), quoniam for *q%omiam, 
conicio for comiicio, etc. The m may be preserved in meare for *gmeare, just 
as naius is for gnatus (OsthofE, Z. &. d. P. 550) ; of. Goth, qimaa, Eng. 

guru (heavy) ^apijs gravis. 

For gravis ef. p. 187. 
Vjiv (to live) fiios vivus. 

Lat. vivus points to original guig^os, though other languages point rather 
to a palatal, e. g. Slavonic has z. For the of iS^os we may compare Pavd, Sk. 

Vji (to conqner),^>^ | vi-olentus. 

(power) ) 

The Lat. vis may, however, be connected with Gk. fU, fives, flcjii. 


Sanskrit. Greek. Latin. 

jya, f. (bow-string) ;8i o's. 
'^gu (to sound) ySo^, ^oav (boere, boare). 

The guttural appears by false analogy in fios, yoia. The Latin b is abnormal, 
as in hos. 

Vffr, ffir (to swallow) ^Sopa, ^i-jSpda-Keiv vorare. 
ffaua (cow) ^ovs, /ScSs (bos). 

Bos may be borrowed, like tawus and ovis, or may come from the Italian 
dialects, where g = J, as in Osoan tcilm-'bened= coiivenit. But cf. p. 18^. 

gdrbha (ebild) l3p4<f)os globus. 

The dentalised form appears in Gk. Se\<pis, SiK<pai. The Aeol. Pi\(pis and 
Hesychian S6\(pos (• ^ /«7T/)a) are the result of confusion. In Latin from this 
root come globus, glomus {{01 glob-mus), and perhaps ^ej'( J )«sere (for (g)verbmeii) 
and Galba ; cf. Suet. Q-alh. 3 praepimguis visus quern Galbam Gralli vocant. 

fiXi(f)apov, jSXeTTco. 
Pindar {Pyth. 9. 43) has y\f(j>apov, which shows the guttural. 
/SX^X'^^' Dor. 7X77x0)2; 
in Theocr. 5. 56, etc. 
-/««^' (cleanse) x^V'^'/^"") vCir-Tco, 
niktd vCiT-Tpov. • 

But yi'fcu (for >'i7„io) has the guttural. 

rd^as (darkness) e-pe^-os, e-pepL-vos Goth, riqis. 

Sk. rdjas for *ragas with_; from oblique oases. iptii.v6s is for epeP-vos as 
d^viis for dfifws, Lat. agmis, which is also an instance of aK. 

ViarJ (to threaten) rdp^os torvus (torgu.-os). 

The noun tdrjas is for Hargas as rdjas above (X. Z. xxv. 161). 
^X^jSco (Theocr. -v 
15. 76) Att. (.fligo. 
dki^ui 3 

Cf. Goth, bli-g-gv-ati, which is a nasalised stem. 

afj,v6s agnus. 

VffdA {Tplunge)gdMie ^aOvs. 

PaSvs for 0ne{is, cf. /S^cSos, which is by false analogy beside P&eoi. 

\/gal- (to drop) jSAWca, (iS/tw) volare. 

galana ^6,\avos glans. 

agrd (strong) i!/3piy. 

The guttural may be seen in {171775, cf. Sk. ugrd beside oj-ijan,. 

Before e, i. IV. Velar gH appears in Greek as 8 before the palatal 
vowels e, i. 

'•^gO'l CiXXeiv (Hesych.), ea-UWovres (Arcad.). 


We get the labial in 0o\'fi, 0iX\a. /SiiAAai is itself a derived present. The 
primitive system would have been pres. S4K\iu (nhg. quellen), perf. 0i(loKa, 
strong aor. IfiaKoy (i0^lov), 

Sanskrit. Greek. Latin. 

CepeOpov (Aread., Strabo. 389). 
bipedpov (Tegeatic). 
Cf. 0&pa9poy. The Ionic pipeSpov (Hdt. 7. 133)13 contaminated. 

ffur4 iTTiCap^co (Eur. HAes. 441 ; PAoen. 45). 

Cf. PapvSy gravis ; but the form is the result of contamination, as before ap (g-) 
we should have expected P. 


This is given by Hesychius as the same as yifvpa. The Boeotian Piipvpa is 
also quoted (or 0\etj>vpa, Athen. 14.622 a), 0ov(j>6pas in Hesychius is a case of 
popular etymology. 

dSeXo's (Dor. in Ax. Aeh. 796). 

The labial appears in 60o\6s. i0e\6s is contaminated. If the is prothetic, 
we may compare veru. 

gdrhha (embryo) 8e\^vs, A-8eA.<^o's Lat.viilva(vTilba,and 

) ba), Havet. Mem. 

Soc. Ling. vi. 116. 
Cf. 0pi<pos, and v. supra. The root meaning is ' hollow,' especially of the belly 
or womb. 

Cf. Aeol. 0\rjp (AloaeuB 122 Bergk). 

In the group ^avd, fieoixai, j3ios, kfi&Ot) (for eyevvrjOr], 
Hesych.), ywrj, bCaira, biepos, C^ (bidei), if we can safely con- 
nect all these, we get the velar under every possible form, but 
with much contamination. The collocation is, however, more 
attractive than certain. 

Where C represents yi it often goes back to a palatalisation 
of the velar before t, as in— 

IxeiCf^v for pLeyiatv, p-eyas, I.-E. meg-. 
oKeCCcov for SXeyioov, 6XCy-os. 
pi(m for peyLCd beside epbu), epyov, Sk. rdjydmi. 
The Soft Palatal g is Sk. /, Gk. y, Lat. g before all vowels The soft 
and consonants. a a a . 

^jnd (to know) yt-yvt^-o-Kco gno-sco. 

Some have connected yiyava with metathesis of the nasal, in the sense of ' I 
am recognisable.' 





jdnu (knee) yovv 
jambh (snap) yoixcjios, yafjicpal. 
Vaj- (to drive) Hyca 

Vrj, raj (to reach) ope'yco 





Cf. aXi^ai, clKkti. 

Vmarj (to wipe) 

I a-ixipyu>, op.6pyvv- 
1 p.1, d/Ae'Ay<a 

>• mulgeo. 

yafiM, yavpos, 


I gaudeo. 

jaran (old man) 
Vjus (enjoy), jusdte 

yepoov, ypavs. 


Possible This last instance suggests a difficulty. For though the 

confusion Zend and Slavonic languages prove that the guttural of yevM 
and velars, is a palatal, nevertheless the forms bevaa-dai, ^eiaaa-dai in 
Hesychius show the same root with a dental, which should 
properly only be seen in the case of a velar. Similar cases of 
a dental alternating in Greek with a palatal guttural are 8a, 
hA.-Ttf.hov, Cyprian (a, evvoirC-bas (Pind. F^i/i. 4. 33, 173) Aa- 
p.6.Tr]p beside ya, yala, Cyprian abvov (Hesych.), 'kpi-aZvr] be- 
side ayvov, hvvafiai, Sh. jdtidmi, yiyvcia-Kca (K. Z. xxv. 145— T51). 
These forms seem to have originated in some confusion of the 
two guttural series. Johann Schmidt (^K. Z. I. c.) supposes 
that there were originally four series of gutturals, the palatals 
and velars proper and the palatal affection of both series, and 
that in most languages the two series of palatals were reduced 
again to one, but that the instances quoted above are relics of 
the palatal affection of the palatal. This however is more 
symmetrical than convincing. 

If Siivaimi aaijanami are to be connected, both will go back to an original 
g^-na-mi, the v in Siivafiai answering to that in SiSvjj,os {gi-§n-mos, g'Sminus 
for *gea-minus) : of. Itg-ula beside lingo, apis beside Ifims for the short vowel 
after the loss of the nasal. A connexion of meaning between Sbva/Mu and 
yiyviiffKoi may be seen in instances like 11. 141 rb /iiv oil Siiyar dWos 
'Axa'ai" mWeiv a.K\d juv oTos tmararo tt^Aoi 'AxiAA.6vs, and in the use of 


Siivapiai in mathematical expressions, e. g. Tpirjuoalat avSpav fivtai Swiarai (are 
known as) /li/pta 'irca (Hdt. ii. 142) ; of. SljvaToi tovto rd liros ot ef dpiarepfis 
Xftpbs ■napiaTijifvoi (ib. 30) and kormen with kernien, ' hen ' with ' can.' 

We may add a few remarks on the treatment of Indo- Velars in 
European q and g in Latin. The same rales will apply to g/5.. 

I . Before consonants, and u they appear as c, g, the labial 
element, if ever existing, having disappeared. 

a. Before a, i, e, as cu (written qw), gu, keeping the labial 

It is clear that in these cases the velar is indistinguishable 
from the palatal guttural followed by m (^ + u) in eeos, eeom, 
equi, eco, eque. 

But these - laws are modified by the laws of sound com- 
bination, by which 

(i) The soft g disappears in Latin at the beginning of a 
word before vowels, leaving the element u. 

(ii) In the middle of a word g is lost after a vowel ; after a 
nasal it appears as gu ; near a liquid, as h (?). 

The last two laws also apply to ^h. 

The following instances seem to bear out these laws : — 

I. Velar q. 

frequens beside farcio, far(c)si ; cf. (j>pA(r(7(o. 
laqueus „ pellac-s, illec-s, illie-io. 
liquere „ prolic-siis, elic-sus; cf. Xittos. 
prope for *proque (v. p. ia8), proc-simus. 
quinque for *penque, quin(c)tus, Quinetius. 
torquere beside tor(c)tus, torculum ; cf. rpinoi. 

Perhaps we may connect trico, tricae. 

arquitenens beside arcus. 

sterquilinium „ stercus. 

laquear „ lacus. 

Querquetulanus (Tac. Ann. 4. 6^) beside quercus. 

ac (for at-c) beside atque ; cf. re. 

secundus, socius, assecla, sectari, beside sequor, sequax. 

(Cf. iirofiai, aoVBTfriip, p. 129.) 

nec-opinus, nee ; cf. neque. 

acula beside aqua; cf. Meo-o-ciTrtoi, 'Attitj yrj (p. 130). 


locutus beside loquor, loquax. 

Cf. Xaaudv for *Kaic-ffxeiv. 

currere beside equiria (Ov. Fast. a. 859 ; Paul. Fes(. 81) 

for equiquiria. (Cf. -nopeveiv ?}. 
-lictus beside linquere ; cf kd-neiv. 
crocire, gloctorare beside querquedula. 

Cf. K^pKos, Koptcopvyq. The g in gloctorare is due to the liquid ; cf. gloria 
beside k\4os (p. 132). 

seco (sica) beside coinquo (Paul. Fest. 65 for coin-squo). 

inseetio, insece beside inquam (for insquam). 

Cf. ^viffiretv, evvcire, etc. p. 130. 

coxi, cocus beside coquo. 

oculus beside o\jf, 6(f>0aX[jL6s, Boeot. dxraAXos. 

ineola, cultus, cole beside inquilinus, esquiliae. 

jecur beside rJTrap. ' 

vox, praeco (*prae-veco) beside ^ttos. 

Terapros, TT-l-crvpes beside quartus (qturtds, p. 129). 

Trarda-aoi beside quatio. 

cnrapiia-a-a) beside squarrosus (Paul. Fesf. 328). 

(Xo/3os beside siliqua ?). 

\o06s for *a\oiros% the i in Latin siliqua being phonetic, and the <r in 
Greek being lost before A; of. d-crXi0-$ava {6M<T9ivoj'),Jja,t.{s)lubricus,'Eng.slide. 

v^mos, vr]iTVTws beside nequam. 

KupKaipeiv beside querquerus (Paul. Fest. 2^6). 

KevTpov beside triquetrus. 

Contus in this case is borrowed. 

coc-sa beside conquinisco, conquexi. 
Keipca, curtus beside quiris, Quirites (Ov. Fast. 2. 477). 
&Kapov (Hesych.), a^^vs beside aquilo, aquila, aquUus. 
tri-lic-s beside liquis, ob-liquus. 
Cf. \iKpi<j>is, lirrms for lic-mus. 
kvkXos : coluber. 

Both for MeMl- 

etJL-Traios : quaere. 
[<T)KO(rKvkixdna : quisquiliae. 
iacio : liiTTeLV. 

idiTTitv for ii-iak'ik-Tuv as laWctv for at-al-idv. 


KrJTos : squatina. 

^XeKTpov : arquatus. 

Arquaius is usually connected with arcu) in the sense of ' the colour of the 
rainbow,' but this is not satisfactory. 

II. Velar g. 

frui, fruniscor for *frugui, *frug'*niscor ; cf. fruges. 

agnus : djuvo's for *apvos. 

Conceivably we may put here avilla, avena, for "agwiUa, etc. 

glans : ^dXavos. 

globus : /3oX/3oj. 

gremium (for *grebiniiiin) : /3pe'^oy, etc. (p. 136). 

gravis : ^apvs. 

grandis : ^\o>6p6s. 
Both for gj-, with different terminations. 

mig-rare : ais.u^(x>. 

volare : ^&kknv. 

-vorus : -^opos. 

vivus : j3Cos, etc. (p. 135). 
vivus for guiyKos. A.-S. cwio, Eng. quick. 

venire : ^aCveiv. 
venter : yaa-T-fip. 

Sk. Jatharas, I.-E. ggi-fer. 

fivere (for figere in Cato, Fesf. 93) : figo, diy-ydveiv (?). 
(gesto : ^a(T^d^€Lv). 
This, however tempting, is doubtful, because of Latin g. 

(severus, ae^as, a-o^ioi, (reixvos ?). 
gurdus ; cf. fipabvs. 
Gurdus is however said to be Spanish by Quint, i. 5. sy. 

stingu-ere beside stinctus, instigare, a-rCy-na. 
langu-ere beside laxus. 
tingu-ere beside tinctus, riyyuv. 
ungu-ere beside uBctus. 
possibly compare djS/wJs for %^-r6s, 

■npiu^vs, Cret. T!pv,yvs : priscus. 


If no Greek or Latin I represents an Indo-European l, the 
following may show g becoming h medially near r : 
Tvp/Sri, turba (cf. turgeo ?). 
(pop^ri, herba, forbea. 

The Aspi- I. The unlabialised aspirated velar gk is in Sanskrit A, gh, 
in Greek \, in Latin in the first instance gh. 
I.-E. gkostis hostis Goth, gasts. 

^Jinote (to 1 

mount) / 

XavSdi'M prehendo. praeda. 
legJi Xexos. 

gankhas (shell) ^.oy^ eongius. 

II. The labialised velar gJC^ is in Sanskrit h, gh \ in Greek, 
6 before t, e, but <^ before o, r, 6, s, liquids and nasals, elsewhere 
X : in Latin ghu, which becomes initially _/, medially gu after a 
nasal, v between vowels, b in connexion with r. 

qliarmd, qhrna ) . , ., r, - 

, ■ , , iOepuos, 6epos lormus, ramus, 

(warmth) j r^' ' ^^ 

dhis (snake) anguis. 

I.-E. sneigh^ vC(f>a nivis, ninguit. 

J , ( nefrones, nebrun- 

"'t'P'" { dines. 

Nehrundines is a Lannvian, nefrones a PraeneBtine word ; cf. nefrendes in 
Varro, U. B. 2. 4. 17, and Liv. Andr. Frag. 38 (Kibbeek). 

hanti, gkn-anti Oeivcn, <f>6vos (-fendo ?). 

We may put here Bvy-(Ticai, cflai'oj' as a new formation for the regular *i<l>avor. 
Cf. (pards, €tt&-^v-ov (cf. p. 223). 

Varh (deserve) ^ 

drhati, arghd \v[K^ov. 
(worth) J 

(o-)rep(^os tergus. 

r«^M (small) j ^^"^f/' ^^"'^'"''^' llevis. 

I.-Kgh^edh i /j. * , \, n 

^ \ (for *<poeos). 


drip, Aeol. (prjp ferus. 

(jnjpalv dpeaict^oKrt A. 268 ; cf. Thessalian ti.\6<pHpos. 

owx-os unguis. 

atfipos, ^x^'7 agna (Paul. Fest. 

We may also put here e-0e\-w beside <^a\^fet (Hesych.), Sk. 
kar- ; bd(jivr) beside Thessalian baixva (for ba)^Fva.) ; avxriv, Aeol. 
a^<jf)rji' (Abr. I. 43), Goth, ciffga, pointing to an original *d/x(;()a)j», 
gen. *dyxez;os, with complete confusion of the consonants in 

More doubtful are — 

(caxtiC^, Kay)(^i.s, cachinnus beside Ka<^(i{ew (Hesych.). 
KMxei^co beside KU)(j>eva) (Hesych.). 

Sk. \^Ars (be excited) horreo. 

SpvLxes (Theoer., Pind., CalHm.) Spvides. 

The connection of jSivO-os, 136.6-os with /SaTr-rco, /3a(^-7j, Sk. 
gahate, is doubtful. 

II. The palatal aspirate gh is in Sk./A {h), Gk. x, Latin ^ Palatal 

/ xiL \ Aspirate. 

(or g alter i»). *^ 

^m<£(cold) fX"^^.X"M<^'',8.V- hiems, bimus (bi- 

^ ' \ xip.oi himus). 

'/vah (to carry) oxoi veho. 

Xap-ai ( humus, homo. 

Soma = 6 kmx66vtoi. The older form is hemo ; cf. iemo = se-hemo, nemo, etc. 

sdha (power, ) „ 

victory) |^X-=efa>,|.<.x-oz.. 

'</sprh (be eager) a-Trepxa>- 

.~Ja. angti «yX'' "Cfoi'. 
^an (golden ■) . . 
yeUow) f^^^""-) 

hortus, cohors. 
f holus, helusa (Paul. 
\ Fest. 100). 

/oZms is dialectic. 

fariolue is dialectic. 

dhas (distress) ayx<^ 

Vmik 6p,ix^()i 

hariolus (haruspex). 


meio, mingo. 

\/guk, gtihati (he conceals), /cei^^et (for *xev0ei), pointing 
perhaps to I.-E. gheugh. 



The above are perhaps all the cases where the distinction 
between the palatal and velar aspirates can be said to be certain, 
and in many even of these authorities are divided, 
'""'t^/r^'" In Latin the treatment of the aspirated guttm^ls is very 
turala in Uncertain. The following rules are given as indicating the 
general law, but not with any idea of their being accurate or 

I. gh is in Latin Ji initially before vowels, medially between 
two vowels. 

hi-ems, bimns (bi-Mmus), xeiyi.^v, biHa-xiiJ'Os, Sk. Mmd ; himus, 
homo, xa}xaL 

We may possibly connect x9&v, x^a^nXiJ? (of. hvmilis) for Xk'^t ^tc. 
Mumus Is a later formation from hum-i (hmm-i, of. xaji-ai), as the stem is 
properly consonantal, 

holus, helvus (Paul. Fed. 99) beside X'^o'r;, yXbopos, Sk. hdri. 

The stem Tiel- not yet altered to hoi- is preserved in helusa ( = Tiolera Paul. 
Fest. 100) ; cf lielvella (Cic. Fam. 7. 26. 2), helveolns, helvaceus: folus is from 
the Italian dialects. 

Mra, Mllae, x°^Vy X°P^V' Sanskrit Mrd (gut) ; cf. hariolus 
(dial, fariolus), haruspeie. 

Air, hirudo, ^etp (for XV"*)) Sanskrit har (to take oflP). 
Mr=hand, Luoil. ap. Cic. de Fin. i. 8. 63 (Jier-ua ?). 
{K)anser -y^v- 

aio, adagium, nego, fjxavev, -qui, ^ : Sk. dAa (he says). 

^/ii (? 8' '6s), for *rixi", *?X'", aio for akio. The ff in adagium, nego (ne-agJio) 
is from the old pres. *agh-mi. 

lien cn:k^v. 

airXfiv for *aTr\riyxv, of. airKifxvov, lieu (for Hilen) ; splen. is borrowed. 
M-o, hi-sco xalvco, x<iorK£o. 

veho, via i^vehw) {F)6xos i ^^- ^'^^'^^^ (^^ 

\ carries), 

II. gA« is in Latin before r initially/, medially b. 
formus, famus ^ep/xo's gharmd, ghrnd. 
ferus, fera 6rjp. 
frio XP^aJ- 
fremo, frendo XPot>.os, xpet^^Co. 
nefrones, nebrundines z>e<^pos. 


The connection oifundo,fuUlis with x^oi is doubtful. Infinms may be formed 
from HttfumS, in humo with a medial fffiK, bo possibly jfti»do from the com- 
pound forms {inftmdo). 

III. gk^ medially after a nasal is -ffu-, but in many cases the 
-«- disappears, and g/i>* is indistinguishable from gi. 

It is difficult to separate i-/x:c\vs and anguilla, in spite of the vowel, and it 
is tempting to connect Hx's, ex^Sva, and even 3^is, dx°^- ^yX" seems to have a 
palatal aspirate, otherwise it might be put here. 

Lingua is for din^ua, Indo-European dngk, lingo, Ugula, San- 
skrit -/M (p. 138). 

Mingo beside meiohas, the palatal, which appears as g after «, 
between vowels as h. Cf. 6iJ.L)(Kri, ixoixos. 

Ning(u)ii, ninguis, veC^ei, vL^a, nivem, Indo-European 

Especially to be noticed are brevis {breJiuis, brngk^-ia, Greek 
^paxys), levis (lehuis Inghuis, Greek kka)({is), beside pinguis 
[*j)enguis, pnghuis, Greek Traxi^s), as showing the different 
treatment of -ngh- and -ngh- in Latin. 
IV. gh^ medially between vowels is v. 

red-uvia beside unguis, ungula, owxr- 

uva (for *ugua, *ongua ?), oixcfia^. 

niv-em beside ningmi, nix {snig^s). 

fluere, for *f.overe, *fievere, *fleghuere, cf. flov-ius, eon- 
flug-es, confluxi), <l)\iyj/, {(f)\f(p-s ?). 

It may be possible to connect Trap0ivos (for *<jiap9ivos) with virgo (Indo- 
European ahrah-) with assimilation to vi/r, virago. 


The Dental, Labial, Liquid, and Nasal Consonants. 

The Hard The hai'd dental t is unchanged in Greek and Latin. 

Dental T. i i-r\ ; \ -^ t^ 

TV (Doric), (TV tu. 

The U is lengthened in Latin in a monosyllable ending in a vowel, the only 
exceptions to this law being the enclitics -qui, -vS, -cl, -tg, -»?. 

rpeis, TpCros tres, tertius. 

Sk. frdyas, trttyas : for ri becoming er in an unaccented syllable in Latin cf. 
p. 192. Sanskrit {trtiya) and German (Eng. thir-d) both show that the historic 
accent in Latin and Greek mnst have been rpirSs, tertius, 

TO, Trjjxos, Tc&s, etc. to-t, to-tus, turn, tarn, is-te, etc. 

TepiJ,(Dv, Tepjxa, reKos terminus. 

raro's, Tfivai, Tavaos tendo, tenuis. 

Tvp,l3os tumere, tumulus. 

Tepa-ea-Qai torreo, terra. 

Torreo = trs-ei-o (cf. to{r)s-tus), terra = ters-a, cf. te{r)s-qv,a with I.-E. 
termination -qo, as in Gk. TroSa-iriJs. 

Telpoi tero, tricae. 

TSiXas, TXa-TOS, 

> (t)latus, tuU, toUo, tolerare. 


Tpvco trudo. 

Te-Tay-(iv tago, tango. 

Teyyo) tingo. 

Tpep.a> tremo. 

Tpe((T)(a terreo (ters-eo ?). 

Tvp^r] turba. 

Tip^os torvus, 

Indo-European traps. 

Tavpos taurus (borrowed ?). 

■ r^/cew, TUKels tabes. 


&vtC ante. 

fTos, hrjcnos vetus, veterinus. 

Irakos (Hesych.) vitulus. 

Italia is usually connected, but the absence of v makes this doubtful ; but 
of. Osc. VitelH, VUelUus. 

■jreVojuat, ■nL-'urai, iiTepSv peto, penna. 

7rTfp6viov *7rlT-pov, Ang.-Bax. f ether j penna (jietna, Fest. 205, 209) =petma. 

(fypdrrip frater. 

e-KUT-ov centum, 

KdpTaKov (Hesych.), ) ., 

basket J 

icAprrdKov, Eng. hv/rdle = Jc^t, croites=hrt {Z. 6. d. P. 178). 

■jiaTTip pater. 

&TTa (yepaii) Epic. atta (Paul. Fest. la). 

-Tos (past part.) -tus. 

But -rX- in Greek becomes -el- in Latin (cf. sells : stlis), in 

avTkav : anelare, and Greek -rpov [Kiv-rpov) is often Latin 

-erum {simula-eruni) or -c{u)lum [baculum, : ^aKrpov). But cf. 

aratrum : 6,poTpov. 

The soft dental d is unaltered in Greek and Latin. Soft Dental 

bina decern. 

8ffi(B/it; b&pov dono, donum. 

The reduced root is seen in dare, ddtus, So-ya'ftu, Sot6s (p. 236). 

blFos divTis. 

Eeduced root in Sf-rjv, So6v, dm. 

buKpv dacruma (Paul. Fest. 68). 

baixAoo, abdfias domare. 

Reduced root in 'A-S/j?j-tos (Sm), Sii-iis. The Ablaut a ; between the two 
languages is noticeable. 

beUvvp,!., StKTj dice, indico, dieis (causa). 

avbdvco, evabe, d^vs suadeo, sua(d)vis. 
baTrdvri damnum, dapes. 

Damnum =dap-num, as sommis = sop-nus (sop-or). We can hardly connect 
Sewas because of the vowel. 

bapOdvco [br-) dormio. 

bacrvs, bavXos, AavXCs densus. 
L 2, 


otnov-be en-do, in-du-perator. 

Sejuo), SejaaS) So'/xos domus. 

boXos dolus. 

beiios dexter. 

ebos, i;(a) (cn-crb-oi) sedeo, sedes. 

fbca edo, esca (ed-scaV 

iSetz; videre. 

Ibpais sudor (for sueidor). 

ixibofjiat, fjiibiixvos modius, modus. 
Meditari more probably connected with /lAcTav. 

d8/x?j, oCeiv odor, olere. 

o-6oj;s (dens) p. 307. 

otSjiia, OiSi-TTovs aemidus (Paul. FesL 24). 

aemidus foi- *aedmidus, but the vowel is a difficulty ; some connect it with 
aiim, where the aspirate is obscure. 

■nibov, bA-Tubov oppidmn, oppido. 

ffx/^C'" sci-n-do, sci-cid-i, seid-i. 

vbmp, ijbpa unda. 

uSaip for *<rfeSap, zmda for udna, cf. 'AAoff-iiSj/j;. 

irebr] impedire, compes, pedica. 

KapbCa cor, credo. 

Xavbdvoi prehendo, praeda. 

Tlokv-bevKris.abiVKris, 1 ,. ,„ . 
, . , J-dueo, ducis. 

eubvKeiDS ) 

a-SevKTis (=not attractive), dmSiicrcrfcrSaf 'iXKtaOoi Hesych. 

boKioo, StSdo-Kft) disco, decet. 

Siddaxoi, for Si-Sic-ffKai (!), disco for di-dc-sco. 

b-qXiofxai, delere. 

Dental The dental aspirate dk is in Greek 6. Latin, having no 

^spira e agpij-ates, represents it initially hjy, medially by d, or in the 

neighbourhood of r by b. 

depjxos, BakiTOi, depoi formus (Paul. Fest. 8^). 

Cf. Formiae,fornax,forrtms,ferveo. But in this root a velar guttural rather 
than a dental is original (cf. p. 142). 

rC-6r]iM, fle-roj facio. 

Facio represents the reduced root with svaraihaMi vowel ; cf. Oij-K-r). 

Orjkvs, drjkav, Ti0-qvr} femina, felare. 




Tir^Tj, TTjOis, Oews, ttjOtj 

Suffire for -fuire ; cf.yjo tovfy/io. 

Oiyyivfiv fingere. 

dvpa fores. 

Fores for *fures as foUmm, beside (piWov. 

feles, felix, femur, 
fumus, suffire. 


dpavos, 6prjvvs 
6aiij,6s 'o'tKla Hesych. 

yr\Oeiv, ayavos 

loeher is found (Paul. Fest. lai). 


frustum, fraus, frustra. 



fretus, frenum. 

familia, famulus. 

aedes, aestus, aestas. 

gaudeo, gavisus. 


inde (p. 6a). 

liber for *leuber. 


Unfus, of. robas, may be from the Italian dialects ; rutiliis is for *rud-tilus. 


fdos (a-Fedos), ijdos 
Sodes may be a voc. from this root. 

&6i^p, aOdpa 
In terminations : 

-dpo- {jiTokle-dpov) 
-eXo- {eep.e-eXov) 


sodalis, suesco, (soleo ?). 

ador, adorea. 

-bro (vela-brum). 
-bio-, bulo- (sta-bulum). 

d-f eOKov cannot well be separated from i!ad-is,praen {*prae-vides), in which 
case we shall have a vowel variation a : e between Greek and Latin. 

In the following cases an original d becomes ^ or >• in Altema- 

Latin: *'<"^°^'' 

bcLKpv lacrima (of. dacrima). 

barip levir. 

ebos sedere, solium, consul (?).. 

Cf. dingua in the grammarians beside lingua. So udus and 

uligo, unless udus is for *ugdus (vy-pds). 

and I in 


ad ar-cesso, ar-Hter, ar-fuerunt. 

Cf. apor = apwd. These are probably from Umbro-Samn. dialect {Grundriss, 

§ 369- I)- 

adeps &\ei(])ap. 

odor olere. 

'Obvcra-f^S UHxes. 

So capitodiitm, impelimenta (Paul. FesL 108), cadamitas, 

dautia (for lautia, ib. 68, Corss. Ausspr. 1.81). 

A Latin d = Indo-European d/i may become I in 

miles (mizdes) fucrOos. 

moles, molestus, -i / „ 

(mogsdhes) J 

mains (mazdus) Eng. mast. 

Hard La- The bard Labial p is unchanged in Greek and Latin : — 
■ irarrip pater. 

■7reVo|, irinTca peto. 

irvo's, ■nvdop.aL ■ putris, putere. 

Tti-d-oimi : pw-t-ere=\a-6- : la-t-ere. 

TTvytav, Tiv^, TTvyfj.ri, ) pugil, pungo, 

Ylvvi, irvKvos ) pugna, pugnus. 

nvp, Ttvip pru-na, prurire. 

Ttavo}, Travpos pau-cus, pauper. 

Ttebr] im-pedire. 

em-irA.-oov, f-nt-iTo- ) ... 

iriWa pelvis. 

TToaLs, Seer-TTOTTjy potens, potis. 

ireXtos pullus. 

e-v6.y-r]v, irdx-vr] paciscor, pa-n-go. 

Cf. pro-pag-o, pig-nus, pa(ff)lus, pax, from which last paeiscor is probably- 
derived, hence the e. 

^dXKa |pello,palea. 

For the Ablaut cf. arpoKp&a, crpifa, ((TTp&<j>T]v (v. p. 249). 
iraX.Ap,r} palma. 

irapai prae. 

irapci per, pro-per-us. 


For connexion of meaning cf. per-^o, etc. with irapct. rotit vS/jiovs. The 
following words among others may be classed with the same root, irepAa, iripos, 
viipai, neipia, iripvrjiu, mvp&ffKoi, vapap, partus, porta, pretium, mterpres, 
paries, peritus, etc. 



it^/xttXtj/.h, •nkrjQos 

plenus, plebes. 



ttX^oo, ttXtUvco 



i pooulum, potns, posea. 





Cf. Cret. irpityvs, irp-iv, pr-ior (p. 135). 

The following show the loss of an initial consonant, 
especially s-. Compare p. 30a. 

■nrepva, iTTvpia-dai ex-stemare, con-stemare. 
Indo-European spier ; cf. perna, pernix. 

TTVUCO spuo. 

Indo-European spiu. 

The following are instances of a medial p : — 
(nrdpTOv, airvpis sportula, 

^■nvoi sommis, sopor (p. 317). 

imep, vireCp super. 

The aspirate in Greek and the s in Latin are now explained as the remnant of 
an original If {i^-virip = avirip = vTrip, super). There is no aspirate in Sk. vpari. 

&TITM, acjidoi apiscor, aptus, amentum. 

For aspirate in Greek, see p. 173 : Indo-European VaS*. 

kAttpos caper. 

KXiiTTeiv , clepere. 

ap'ndC'o, S.piTri rapio, sarpo. 
Indo-European ^srap, sarp. 

e-Fokira voluptas, volup. 

eiroyjr upupa. 

eirrd. septem. 
See p. 369. 


^pTTOD serpo. 
JJepo may be for srepo. 

XajjLiTpos limpidus. 

veiTobes nepos. 

^■Kopov, TreTrpoojj.ivri pars, portio. 
For Ablaut see p. 251. 

TrXfCoves plures. 

Old LsA. pleOTes=]pleioses, p. 97. 

TTjjXJs palus (?). 

TT'qvr] pannus. 

TFicraa pix. 

irTcros pisum. 

ttTwos pipilare. 

TTiSva), Tribal, tiCtvs. ) - -. -j. 

' *=' ' / pmus, pituita. 

irLvos > 

These words are connected with a Sk. '/pi (to swell), Curt. 0. IE. 376. 

-uiKrelv pectOi 


\ patere, pat 

irCrvrjiM ( = 77t-W7- 

( patibulum. 

vrjiM ?) 










But the relation is difficult, as iraBctv beside irkvBm must be for TruSia/. Hence 
Lat. a is unexplained. 

TTToeoa paveo. 

wep/cTj porcus. 

Cf. Germ. feri:el, A.S.fearA, Eng. farrow. 

irXdytos, Dor. irXdyos plaga. 

■wXa/coCs pla(c)iins, planca. 

■tA.^ko) plecto. 

Plico from the compounds im-pUco, etc. 
'wXevp.oiv pulmo. 

"^Sxv papaver. 


TToiKlXos pietus Sk. Vjiic (adorn). 

irh-qs, TTovrjpos, ttovos penus. 

Penwria is rather to be connected with tm&vis with the e degree of Ablaut, 
(p. 236). 

In the prepositions ah, 6b, mh we have a Latin h answering The Hard 
to a Greek ir in ai!6, ki:l, vtto. A final p is unknown in Latin. 
Latin, except in mlup for volupe ; a final I) is only found in 
these three words. 

The J) of Sanskrit dpa, Greek airo, is, according to Osthofi" 
Z. G. d. P. 35) kept in Latin po-lio, po-situs, where po- is the 
reduced form of an original *apo. 

For the interchange of p and I) between Greek and Latin, 
we may compare Ennius' Bvrrus, Bruges for Hvppos, 4>pvyes : so 
huooum, Tiv^os : carhasus, KAp-naa-os. So within the limits of 
Latin we find publicus beside populus, Poplicola, Publicola : 
potus, hiho, Sanskrit pibdmi, Greek ■nlvai: scapula, scabellwm : 
sapo, sebum : sapere, sibus (Paul. Pest. 336). 

On coquo for *queqv,o, quinqvs for *pengue, props for *proque, 
see p. ia8. 

The soft labial 5 seems to have been almost unknown in The Soft 
the original language. It is very rare in Sanskrit ; though 
common in Grreek, it there originates mostly from g, f, or /x, 
before a liquid ; uncommon in Latin, except as the represent- 
ative of medial dh near r, medial bJi or initial du. 

It may be original in the following cases : — 
lj,6\v^bos plumbum. 

Indo-European mlombo-, n6\vPSos= m-a-hni-. 

d-kippos lubricus V slib- Eng. slip. 

TvpjSr] turba. 

a^iv (Hesych.) abies. 

In labium, Anglo-Saxon lippe, English lip,labium(hT*lebium) 
may owe its vowel to lambo. 

Xo^os Cf. English lop- 

p6,KTpov baculum (?). 

But cf. p. 62. 


^ovpaXos, ^ovj3a\(s \ 

(if not borrowed > bubulus, bubulcus. 
words) ' 

jSpo'^at (Hesycb.) brochus. 

Ppiapos brutus (*broitus). 

On ^ovs, bos, boare, see p. 136. 

P is a merely euphonic insertion between ^ and X or 
p in: — 

^lj.-j3-poTov (c^. a^poTd^<D=i^-^-poTACo) : ■niJ-aprov. 

fj,e(Trip,-l3-pia : fifiipa. 

Ixflx-^-Xerai : p-ep-ik-qrai. 

&ij,-^-poTos : j3poT6s, dial, fiopros. 

eiJ.-(3-paTai (Hesych.) : eXiiaprai. 

^efx,-^-Aa)Ka : eixoXov. 

aiJi-P-kvs '■ ap,a)^6s. 

apL-^-XaKCa-Kco, ap.-fi-X<i>(TKu> : jxaXaKos. 

yaix-p-p6s for *yap,-pos. 

Ovji-^-pa : Ovpios. 
Compare tbe corresponding insertion of 8 after v in av-b-p6s. 

The following words, where b appears both in Greek and 
Latin, seem onomatopoeic : — 
^dp^apos : balbus. 

^afx^alvat, j3api,j3dCai, pa[jLJ3akv(a) : babulus. 
^Xrjxdv : balare, Anglo-Saxon blmtan, bleat. 
^av^vKes : bubo, bufo. 
^drpaxos, dial. jSporaxos : blaterare. 

Pdrpaxoi for *^paTpaxos as SpvtpaKTOs for *5pv<ppa/CTOs, 

bracAium, buccina may be borrowed from ^payj,(i>v, ^vmdvt]. 

In the following words Greek /3 is Latin /, mostly in the 
neighbourhood of liquids ; but j3 may represent an earlier <^ 
(ef. pkuui : (pXvoo). 

/3Xva), </)A.i;ft), <^Xe>/f, (pXvKTaiva fiuo. 
fipA(T<T(i> fretum, fritillus. 

/3piJa) frutex, defrutum. 

But Ppijai may represent grw, and be connected with con-gruo, in-gruo. 
pda-Kavos fascino, praefiscine. 


pdu^Kioi. (Hesych.) fascis, fascia. 
Ppifj^di fremo. 

For Greek y3 representing g v. p. 135. 
^ represents : — 

(i) An original /x before liquids in : — 
fikCTTM : fieAi. 

^poTos : piOpTos, fxepoTTes, mors. 
^pabijs : mollis (m|du-). 
^XdcTKoa : l/ioXoi'. 
Ppa^evs : margo. 
Indo-European mar^. 

(a) An original F regularly in Aeolic. The connexion of 
ySXaoTos and Sanskrit vrddM is very doubtful. 

A Latin b, where not original, represents : — 
(1) initial du in: — 

bellum : duellum. 
bonus : duonus. 
bis : biHo, bCs. 
biplex : duplex, 
bimus : dim us. 
(a) g in :— 

bos, l3ovs, Sanskrit ffdus. 
boere, ;8o?7, yoos. 
But bos may be from Italian dialects (p. 136) and boere may 
be an independent onomatopoeic word. On baetere, ap.^L(T- 
^■nreiv, V. p. 451. 

Indo-European bJi has become in Greek the hard aspirated Tie Aspi- 

, , . , ... . I ■, ■ -i- 11 1 rated La- 

labial ^. Latm, having no aspirates, represents it initially by tiai bh. 
/, medially by b : — 

(jivvai fuisse. 

■nvdjirfv fundus. 

mSnijV by dissimilation for *(pv6ii7jv ; of. Eng. bottom. 

<f)pa.(rcra> farcio. 

(l>ijXXov folium. 

ireiOeiv {*(j)ei9siv) fido. 






<j)ipci), (pcap 

fero, fur. 





o-fpvs (Macedonian 

> frons. 

(j>6,os, <j)AKeXos 

fax, focus. 





TievOepos {(f>ev6epos) 









nebrundines (p. 143) • 











a<pp6s (Sk. abkram] 

V imber. 

Six^po, (?) 

a(j)evos may be connected with opes, with Ablaut a : o 

(p. 250), 

The Liquid The liquid I, where non-sonant, is unchanged in Greek and 

'^' Latin, except so far as it alternates with r ; and we need give 

only a few instances. 


Indo-European In^hti. 






luxus, luxare. 




re-luo, so-lvo. 

Soluo = 

se-luo, with el = ol (p. 190). 








labor (?). 

aXifyaCvoo, A./3os, ) 

The root may be lah-, with a metathesis of the liquid in d\<l)-aiveiv : o-X/3-os 
may possibly represent the reduced root ; cf. S-y-iws, p. 246. 

eXaivo) has been connected with alacer, but more probably 
contains the root uel- of kXtacra), volvo, etc. 

dleum is borrowed from 'ikatov, keeping the Greek accentua- 
tion (cf. ancora by &yKvpa) but changing el- to 0I-. On the 
other hand, oUva (beside 6lea) keeps the Greek quantity kkaia 
(cf. 'A-)(aioi, which gives Achaei or Achivi, 'Apydos, which gives 
Argivus or Argeus) (cp. p. 188). 

ykvKVi : dulcis is doubtful, but a form SeiJKos, SevxTjy is 
quoted, so that the original may conceivably have been clleuk. 

Indo-Eui'opean r is unchanged, but often has a prothetic The Liquid 
vowel in Greek (cp. p. 196). Few instances are required. 

6,p-6pov, apapicTKU) 


ar-mus, ar-tus, ar-mentum. 




apooa, apovpa 

aro, arvum, arena. 


remus (ret-smus). 

But this is an obscure group 

of -words, for Greek regularly has a vowel before 

e liquid. 



With|3 = f (?). 



1-1=8-10?, rd-ea (?). 











e-peiyofiaL, o-pvyjxos 




apwdCt^, S-pTTT] 

rapio, sarpo, sar(p)mentum. 



pCCa, pdbii 

radix, radius. 

Goth, wauris, Eng. wort=vgd, rad-ix, Eng. root=yird. 

' , 'I nanciscor (?). 


The Nasal Indo-European tt is unchanged in Greek and Latin, and 
requires but little illustration. 

&veiJ.os animus. 

yevos genu, 

dvaripes janitrices. 

Sk. yatar, Indo-European i^ter, bo eiyarlpfs—h-i^Tep-es. 
ri-viydr}v, eveyKeiv, 

iveyKmi—l-vf-vK-iiv, cf. e-rf-T/i-ov. The vowel in Latin makes the com- 
parison doubtful ; nac-tus rather corresponds to A.-S. geneah, Germ, ge-mig, 
Eng. e-noiigh. 

kvi, elv, iv in, in-ter. 

ivvia novem. 

iJeoj, veocrcTos 

Reduced root in vl-v, nii-n-e, 

vavs navis. 

evos senex, senium. 

fjievoi maneo. 

Notice Ablaut a : e, but it is almost impossible to separate the two words. 

ixavla, nevos, \ -mt- 

"^ , I Mmerva, memmi. 

IJie-ij,v-r] > 

Movcra (Movna) ' mens, men-tior, moneo, Moneta. 

meniiri may be connected with /jmTrjv (/igr-). 

novus, novicius. 

vo[j.os, ve[j.<ii 

JNuma, numeral 

Cf. nehmen, Engl, mm 







nemen (Inser.). 


ne-fas, ne. 



Indo-European SMigiJ*, 

Eng. , 






Indo-European snwsd-. 


. Schnw. 




oenus, unus. 




Indo-European m is unchanged, but often appears with a The Nasal 
prothetic vowel in Greek : ^■ 

h\>.a sim-ul, etc. (p. 173). 

For amm-a (instrumental, p. 368), e'm-\ ; cf. n-Sivv^, n-6vos, ii-la (for (Tfi-ia of. 
e?s for ffeiJrs). 

a-fj-Aco meto. 

The exact relation of these words ia very difficult. Can mHo have been 
approximated to meiior ? Fick quotes a form dnitu, but gives no authority. 











mul-ceo, (mulier). 










fiia-aos (fxe0-ios) 







misceo (mig'-sceo). 



jivla {,a) 







The Spieants. 

Spirants. SpiEANTS are sounds in the utterance of which the mouth 
channel is so far narrowed that the stream of breath sounds 
against the sides of the passage. They consist of 
the surd dental spirant s and the sonant a ; 
the palatal spirant y, which is to be distinguished from 
the consonantal i. 

the labial spirant v, in Greek F, which cannot be dis- 
tinguished from the consonantal u. 

The dental These hard and soft dental spirants have ordinarily but 
one symbol, cr, to represent them in Greek. This letter, 
however, though usually representing the hard spirant, as 
in eari, before mediae and /x represents the soft spirant z, 
and as such is often replaced by the letter (, which is originally 
the symbol for the sound di-, e. g. in Zevs. Thus, in inscriptions 
of the 4th century, we get UeXaCyiKov, i^ri<^iCl^a, Zixvpvaioi, 
TrpeCl^evTov, K6Cp,os, Kri^jxa, etc. 

Ehotacism, A special representative of the soft spirant is seen in the 
rhotaeism of the Elean, Laconian, and Eretrian dialects. 
Thus we have the Elean rotp, oprtp (oortj), TTfiroXLTevKdp, the 
Laconian iraXeopya of Aristoph. Lysistr. 988, while Plato, 
Cratyl. 34 C adduces a-KkripoTrjp as Eretrian. This rhotaeism 
occurs principally at the end of a word, though it is not 
unknown medially (v. supra and cf. ixipyOxrai (Hesych.) 
= fxizySia-ai.). It is not found at the beginning of a word, and 
at the end of a word it occurs mainly before a following 
vowel. The true explanation would seem to lie in a diiferent 
dialectic pronunciation of the p ; but it is natural to compare it 
with the change of 5 to / in Latin between vowels. 

According to Collitz, die Verioandtschaftsverhaltnisse der griechisclien 


Dialekte, p. 1 1 , this rhotacism waa originally peculiar to the dialect of Elis, 
and thence borrowed in the later Laconian. For instances cf. Cauer, Delectus 
Inscriptionum Graecantm, nos. 6, 7, 115, 116, 138. 

Osthoff (Z. G. d. P. p. 26) supposes that s passed into p 
through z. Thus we have in an inscription &X\oLp for ^Wovs 
= S,k\ovs. The change of ov-, av- before a sibilant into ot-, u- 
takes place only at the end of a word under the same conditions 
under which there occurs a rhotacism of s. In -ovs, -avs, pro- 
nounced -ovz, avz, the nasal was palatalised and developed a 
preceding t (cf. <f>6€p-ia>, ^6f(p(o). Thus -ovz passed to -oinz, 
and this to -oiz and -oip. Compare German (p. Q,6i). 

In Latin s is hard at the beginning of a word and before in Latin. 
hard mutes and after consonants; elsewhere it is soft, and 
between vowels and before m, n, v, g, it passes into r. 

This last is the law of rhotacism in Latin. We may illus- 
trate it by the following instances : — 

gero : gestus. funer-is : funes-tus. • 

nefarius : nefas. dir-imo : dis-tineo. 

The date of this change from * to / between vowels is fixed 
by Cic. ad Fam. 9. ai, who says that L. Papirius, cos. B.C. 336, 
was the first to change his name from Papisius to Papirius. 
So we get — 

ver-na : Ves-ta. 
veter-nus : Firea- (eros). 

Car-mena, car-men, for Casmena, Fest. 205 (?). 
fur-vus : fus-cus. 
Miner-va : p-ivea-- (ixivos). 
diur-nus : nudius (tertius). 
hodier-nus : dies. 
A final * never becomes r in Latin by phonetic law ; arbor, 
melior, etc. are due to the analogy of the intervocalic * in 
the oblique cases, and honos, lepos are the common forms in 
Cicero ^. 

This fact has an important bearing on the final -r of the pas- 
sive, which cannot therefore come from the -s of the reflexive. 

' According to Madvig nouns derived from verbs never end in -os, but 
Quint. 1. 4. 13 gives clamos ; v. Mayor ad Cie. Phil. 2. 6. 13. 


Rhotacism has disappeared in the classical age of Latin, 
and consequently we get words of late formation in -esius, 
-asms with the spirant remaining. 

The form quirqidr of Varro, Z. Z. 7. 8 ( = quisquis) may be 
a case of rhotacism in the sentence. It has been suggested 
that originally quisquis was used before a consonant, *quisquir 
before a vowel, and that this last was assimilated to quirquir 
[Mem. 80c. Ling. vi. 50). So possibly veter for vetes, if it 
represents the Greek FiTii)s. 
Medial S. Medial hard s (I.-E. s) {h, gs, written ^, x). 
€<T-Ti es-t. 

ecr-^Tjy ves-tis. 

The initial aspirate of the word {ka- = fea-) haa been lost before that of the 
succeeding syllable (cf. p. 174). 

j3a(TTdCfLv gesto (cf. gero) (?). 

Indo-European gcs, but we should have expected Lat. vesto (p. 141) ; cf. 
Eng. cart. 

Sefto'j dex-ter. 

Aofo'y luxus. 

KocTKvXjuarta quisquiliae. 

For aKo-aKvK-iii,Tia, squi-squi.liae ; cf. aiciXKm, aKvKa^. 

lJi,fjvvos,Aeol.{oT*iJLr]V(ros mensis. 

aop (ncr-op) ensis (?). 

Sfcoz; axis. 

,>/ 1 ascia (with metathesis of spirant, 

I p. 300). 

l^os viscus. 

aiJf-rjo-ts aux-ilium. 

f£ ex. 

Initial S. Hard s at the beginning of a word is often dropped before 
hard mutes, nasals, and liquids. For a possible explanation 
see p. 203. 

(TKVTos scutum, obscurus. 

Cf. ffKid (ffKiia), Eng. sJty. 

(TK&'HTf.iv scabies. 

a-a-rip-a stella for *ster-la. 

o-raro'y status. 


o-n'^ety (a-nyLHv) 

instigare, sti(g)lus, sti(g)imilns, 


stipare, stipea 







If this is correct, it will account for p in A.-S. pcBih, Eng. path. But iriros 
is connected by Curtius with pom (Trgros), and spatium maybe borrowed from 
Dor. (TTriSiov, Attic (TT&Stov (30 Curtius, <?. K 272, Br^al, Mim. Soo. Lmrj. vi. 3). 

(TTpcaTos, (TTparos stratus. 

a-napvos parum. 

(rp,epbv6s mordere. 

(TTrevbd) spondeo. 

o-x^tfft) ((r)(t8ia)) scindo. 

Notice the aspiration in Greek after tbe spirant; cf. (T«eA.os : ffxc'^is, 
(T<l>vpis : (TiTvpls {sportcC), ff(p6yyos ; (nrdyyo?, so perhaps 'B6<T(popof : 'Socriropos. 

cTTXeyyis strigilis (borrowed). 

(TKanTpov seapus. 

((r))ixet8tdco (s)mirare. 

Cf. Eng. smile, smi/rh, and <j>i\o-iifieiS^s = *<pt\o-crneiSr]s, Cfl liia for ff-i^la 
(p. 305)- 

Initial s before vowels becomes in Greek the hard breathing, S before 

T j_' • .. vowels. 

m -Latin remains s: 

eiiSco sMum (?). 

e'Sos sedeo. 

6.pTTr) sai'po. 

fTTTo. septem. 

^i sex. 
But here Indo-European may be suex ; of. Welsh cAteech, v. p. 369. 

fiyeia-OM sagire, praesagus. 

epTTco serpo. 

Ufxev {(n-iT9-jji,ev) serimus (si-sS,-mos) (p. 237). 

'Uiuu (to desire) in Homer began with a f and is from a diflfereot root ; of. B. 
154 o'UaSi fUiihav (leiim), Sk. i/vi (enjoy). 

is (also trvs) sus. 

eirea-Oai sequi. 

evos (evrj koi via) senex, senium, Sk. sdna. 

fip.L- semi', Sk. sdmi-. 

M 2 



sorex (v. p. 204). 





a-nevai. (<I>. 70) 

sS-tur, satis. 

The tense of a/ucj/m is doubtful ; of. i-Sijanav (a. 134). Greek has mostly lost 
the aspirate, but cf. SStjv. Compare aSi:iK6T(s, aaai (A-e-aai). 

0A.0S, oSAos (Ion.) sollus. 

a-irXovs, S-wof sim-plex, sim-ul, sem-el. 

e-o-TT-ere (^a-e-anr-fTe) in-see-e, inquam (p. 130). 
avd-ev-Trjs, a-irv-oo sons. 

avvai = sn-nH-o (Oath. Z. (?.(?. P. 479). Others connect sons with prae-sens 
p. 35°- 

fdco (o-ef ao)) de-siv-are ( = desinere, Paul. FesL 

p. 7a). 

So ("av = k-(ref-aov (Meyer, GJc. Gr. § 477). 

The retention of o- before vowels in Greek at the beginning 
of a word implies the loss of F after the spirant. In Latin 
also the second spirant is mostly lost ; but where in Greek 
both a- and F are lost, in Latin we have sw. 

o-aKevco salum Eng. swallow. 

Cf. KoviaaaKos = Kovt-afa\os. 

creLpa sera. 

But here there is no trace of f in any cognate language. 

(Tvpiy^ susuiTus Sk.M'amm (to sound). 

(a-aCpeiv) saltus Eng. sward. 

Kaa-avcii suo, sutor. 

But ahvs suavis. 

^Oos suesco. 

ericas is usually connected with severus, but Brugmann 
[K. Z. XXV. 303) compares Sk. Vtyaj- (forsake), cf. o-ojSeco, 
ar^p-vos = *(Tej3v6s (cf. apvos, (pepvos, I.-E. ag-, reg-). For ti 
initial = a-, cf. Tjjres, Trip,epov beside old Sk. pronominal root 
t?fd (Whitney, Si. Gr. § 499). 
Medial •> In Greek the spirant becomes the rough breathing and 

between disappears ; where it remains it is mostly the reduction of a-a: 
In Latin it becomes r. Nearly all cases of s between vowels 
represent an earlier ss after a long vowel ; e. g. Cicero wrote 


caussa [Quint, i. 7. 20). In miser, caedm, and some few other 
caseSj the origin of the word is doubtful. 

avcos (Aeol.) aurora. 

wos nurus. 

^o's virus. 

oiJara, Sra auris. 

iw6s gen. muris. 

*y€i'eo-o9, yeveoy, yevovs generis. 

IJ.ov(T&v (for *)oioii(racra)i') musarum. 
Cf. Osoan gen. plur. in -zum. 

In cases like (paais a- represents an original t : cf. (jtaTLs. 
So (jyacTi ^ ^avTi. 


T^TTTOvcra = Tvwrorrta. 
66aKo'(not, cf. biaKdrioL (-Knnoi), 
eXKoin, cf. XKUTi (Flkhti). 

The soft spirant z appeared originally before a following The soft 
media or aspirated media. spirant «. 

Thus I.-E. xrg, comes in crj3evvviJ.i., if related to seg-nis (but see 
P- 451). 

2^^ comes in Lesb. Trap-ia-bai, 'iCu, sido, I.-E. si-zd-o, redu- 
plicated from Vsed (p. 407) ; also in Lesb. wZos, Att, ofos, 
Goth, asts, I.-E. ozdos; cf. I.-E. nizdos, Lat. m«^w5, Eng. «e*/. 
.?(? also appears in xafxa^e which goes back to x°-l^o.(Tbe, and 
in AioXoroj (^eoVSoros). 

I.-E. mizdhos, Goth, mizdo, nicfdos, miles (mizdhes). 

(e)zdM, Zend. ^^*, "i-vQi, with prothetic vowel (the 
imperat. of d\i.C). 

e-zgh-o-m {Vsegh), e-ax-ov. 
-ez-hhi, op-eir(f>L, ottj^-eo-^i. 

It is possible to distinguish between the semivowel i and The Di- 
the spirant J, but it is not possible to make any distinction §*""">»• 
between the consonantal u and the digamma. The old gram- 
marians represented the sound of the digamma by ov, which in 
the historical period of the Greek language can only be the 
graphic representation of a diphthong. Thus Varro, Felia 

for its 

i66 THE DIGAMMA. [cH. 

are transliterated by OvdppMv, OveXCa, and the inteijections 
ova (ova), ovai, first appearing in the Alexandrian times, 
represent the Latin vaA, vae. The same sound appears in 
Aesch. Ters. 115 as 6L But this ov (o) was pronounced in 
the same or nearly in the same way as the labial semivowel 
«, and corresponds, according to Bentley's view, which is now 
almost universally adopted, to the English w. 
Evidence The main authority for the existence of the digamma in 
Greek, apart from the evidence of the cognate languages, is of 
course the metre of the Homeric poems. After the dis- 
appearance of the sound there was a tendency to disguise its 
loss by the employment of alternative poetic words, and the 
insertion of various small particles to avoid hiatus. In spite of 
this, however, metrical irregularities remained which can only be 
explained by a restoration of the digamma (Monro,ir. G. § 389). 

Apart from the evidence of the Homeric poems, the proof 
of the existence of the digamma in any word rests upon its 
appearance in some dialectical form or in a cognate language. 

Thus in Doric and Boeotian inscriptions we find ftxari 
f eiKari, in Laconian /SeiKan, which justify us in assuming an 
original ? in the Attic (f)etKocrt. Similarly inscriptions give 
us FeaTTapCwv, Fibelv, Folba, FCaropes. In the famous Tables of 
Heracleia (end of fourth century, B.C.) we find Firo's, Fihios, Fi^, 
but side by side with these, enaaros, epyov, without F. 

Written evidence for the digamma is also to be found in 
the inscriptions of Achaia, Argos, Corinth, Corcyra, and Crete. 
The Boeotians retained the F even after the adoption of the 
Ionic alphabet (cf. Monro, H. G. § 406). 

In Quintilian and Priscian it is called the digamma 
Aeolictim. The later Lesbian inscriptions, however, show no 
trace of the letter, and it does not seem to have been a living 
sound in the time of Aleaeus and Sappho, who replace it by ^. 
As a sign it is vouched for by the old grammarians before 
initial vowels, e. g. FeOtv, Foi, Fe. In some cases it has passed 
into letters of a similar form, e.g. t and y. The poetess 
Balbilla of Hadrian's day wrote yoi and ye for Fol and Fe in 
her epigram in the Lesbian dialect (cf. Meyer, Gk Gr. § 2,33, 


Ahrens, i. 31). No trace of the digamma appears in the 
Ionic dialect of the mainland of Greece. 

After the disappearance of f as a written symbol, the Greeks its repre- 
could find no nearer sound to represent the consonantal u sentetiou 
than j8, which had at the same time to do duty for the soft Greek 
labial mute. The spirant and explosive sounds met in j3 and '* ^ ^' 
the spirant finally prevailed. For the hardening of « to 6 we 
can find analogies in German, where O.H.G. swalawa becomes 
Sohwalbe, SkvAfarawa becomes Farbe (Curt. G. H. p. S7^)- 

Thus Laconian inscriptions give ^lapaia, jBibeoi, ^oiKlap : 
^abij is Elean for abij in Pans. 5. 3. 3. In Hesychius we have 
the following glosses : 

/Sciyos" KXdana aprov, etc., AAKOives. 
^eUaTL' etKoai,, A6,Kcoves. 
^layiv' lcT)(lJV, AdKcoves. 
Other instances are ^ibelv (ibelv), afiikiov (tJKlov), at/3ero9 
(aerds), jSelpanes {UpaK(s), &fi\7]pa {r)Via), cf. Homeric €vkr]pa 

In Lesbian initial Fp- is represented by j8p- in j3p6bov, 
jSpriTcap, ^pAkos, and the same occurs in Laconia, Elis, and 

A considerable number of Hesychian glosses show y for F, 
e.g. yabeiv xap'o'^"'^'''' — ydbeudaf TJbeadai — yavbaveiv beside 
■^biJs, VsuaA — yaKior KXda-fxa {&yvvpi.i) — yeap- tap (ver) — yep,- 
p.aTa- lp,dTi.a — yaniXaL {vohms) — yir iaxfis [vis) — yot8a- olba 
{video)-— yrjdLa- rje-r] (suesco) — yoprv^- oprv^—yiria- irU {vitex). 

In some cases we seem to have r, perhaps only owing to 
a confusion of T and T, or T and P. 

rpayakiov (broken) Fpr\yvvp.i. 

rpe (Cretan) ere {tme). 

To the disappearance of the F was in all probability due the 
occurrence of v in the interior of a word, where F originally 
followed a vowel. Cf. aUpvcrav {aFipvaav), aviaxpi. (d-f tfaxoi). 

Bv this original semivowel u Hartel explains the Metrical 

„ , , . TT • 1 value of 

lengthening of the vowel m Homer m such cases as — ^-^^ jji. 
"Aibos, 'Aibos, for *'Avt8os, *'Af tSos (T. ^^6). gamma. 

aubri, ddbji for *aveibri (P. 5 1 9). 


(fidea, <f>dos for *<j)avea (n. 15). 

aea-a, aeaa for *avecra (j3. 490 ; y. 151)- 

aTToepa-ri (4>. 283) for *A'iTovepa-e. 
So Xeiovcrt, may be for *\eova-i, *X.evov(n, ^kfFovcn. 
Similarly the vowel v represents an initial F in some 
Hesychian glosses, e.g. : — 

vecris' otoXtj (Fecris, fecr-fl^s). 

vdXt]' (TKtikr}^, ef. oioAat 

Perhaps the apparent a in XtVot) aAoVre vavdypov (E. 187) 
is to be explained by writing kivov vakovre {Fakovre). 
$ for f in The belief that in Attic Greek /3 represents an original F 
' rests on a comparison of l3ov\ with «;o^, but both may be 

explained as beginning with a velar guttural (ef. p. 141). 
^p€)(oo is for ^fxpi^'jo, not *Fpf^a>. 
Ppdcrcrco is from 'Jlhrat, \i2,ixa. fretum. 
^kaa-rdvu) {rom.\/iAraM, A.-S. 6rau(, high (not 
Sanskrit vriddM, etc.). 
Similarly Curtius' attempts to see an original F in p,, i, o, 
must be regarded with suspicion. 

We may now pass to the general rules of the treatment 
of F (Monro, 11. G. § 390). 
Initial f. Initial F disappears in Greek, but is often represented by 
the aspirate. In Latin it is v. In Greek there is frequently 
a prothetic vowel : — 

FIkutl (Dor.) viginti. 

Fdyvvpi vagus, of. Engl, wink (?). 

Fipiov, Fdpva(Fr-va) J y ■}. ~ >■ Cf. wool. 

Of. i!o\vppr)v = iro\v-fprjv. 

FeaOrjs, Fiv-vvpi vestis. 

Cf. tav6s (fecravos), aPpo-fel/Miv, 'l/ATiOV for ffaixariov, cf. ytii/mTa (supra). 
For ea = : cf. x^A-ioi (Lesb. xe'A.A.101), i/i(pos = i-api,epos (De Sauss. p. 31). 

Ffcnrepos vesper. 

Fiap {i-Fr) ver. 

Another analysis makes tap^fta^, Lat. *cezr, *verr, ver, which accounts 
better for e in Latin. 






Filkvoi, FfkCaaoi 

vices, vinco. 




FekTtis, iFok-na 

volup, voluptas. 

Cf. ilXanlvr) = i-f^it-ivrj. 

Fi-nos, F6^, ivpv- 

FibeZv, Flarwp, Flit- 
to pia 

Feipo), Fepeco 

Firos (also eros) 


i video. 


Cf. SwSex-fTfjs on an Inscription. 

FU, Fives 






Cf. word. 



Cf. wine. 



Cf. ward. 



FAa-TV, FecTTia 

vergo, urgeo ( = 

uorgeo ?). 

Vesta, verna. 

( Cf. Engl, was, 
\ Sanskrit vasttf. 

aXdi-nr]^ {a-Fl-nr]^) vulpes. 

, r/f vf . / f vegeo, vigeo 
a-/^efco,av|a,,vy.„.| (augeo ?). 

d^foj, atifo), u-yiijs represent respectively three degrees of the root vocalization; 
cf. aXi^Wj d\Krij arceo. 

eiK-qpa for e-fAjjpa 1 lorum (for nlo- 
avXrjpa for a-FXrjpa } rum), lorica. 
FeXAvr], Fakea Volcanus. 

'', ''Akis vallis. 

rjKos vallus. 

Notice also evvoa-lyaios, elvoa-i(})v\)\.os for ev-Foa-i- root Fo9- 
m FwdfOi, iFuxra. 

Medial F disappears in Greek or is represented by d Medial p. 

1 70 



f coales- 
cing into a 

coalescing with another vowel into a diphthong ; in Latin 
it is V. 

Jovi [Diem), p. 347. 
bo vis. 
lavo (p. 86). 
koFlXos (AeoL), koFos cavus. 
,_, r, ( Old Latin sovos, 

i. tovus, suns, tims, (p. 88). 
Tj-FidiFos viduus for vidouos (p. 187). 

The spirant has coalesced into a diphthong in : — 
avipvcrav for (avaj-Fipvcrav, cf. airo-Fepcre. 
avLayoi for a-Fi-Faxoi, cf. la-)^rj {FiFayj]). 
Ta\avpivos for Ta\a-Fpivos, cf. Fptov. 
KaXavpo-^ for KuXa-Fpo^ff, cf. Fponakov. 
€vahi for e-aFabe, cf. ctS^Js, suavis, suadeo. 
Cf. Aeolic aids, hsvoixM, vavos, etc. 




veFos (cf. veto's) 


KoFeXv, a-Kov-ca 

Initial su. With initial sti (aF) the F is always lost in Greek, and 

sometimes a- too. In Latin we get sometimes s, sometimes su. 

, ^, , , . , „ , f Cf. savium beside 

(a-Fjaovs, suavis, suadeo, ct. sweet, i . , , 

(. suavium(p.ao4j. 

i'paf for aFepa^, sorex. 

tSos for crFeiSos, sudor from *sueidor, *soidor. 
So in Latin we have — 

sordidus and suasum, English swart. 
soror, Sanskrit svdsar, German ScJiwester. 
suesco, sodalis ; cf. 'idos (crFeOos). 
On the other hand the second spirant has completely disap- 
peared both in Greek and Latin in — 
craXos salum. 

creipa sera, sero. 

e (o-Fe) se. 

e£, Doric Fe^ sex. 

Cf. swallow. 

(Cf.p. 355 for this 

Welsh chwecli. 


Medial v between two vowels is often lost in Latin, as in 
amasse for amavisse. 

The palatal spirant j can be distinguished from the The palatal 
semi- vowel i by the form it takes in Greek. An initiaPP'™"*''' 
Indo-European/ is in Greek represented by (, while an initial 
i becomes the spiritus asper, sometimes changed to spiritus 
lenis. In Latin both i and j become j (i), in Sanskrit both 

Compare, e. g. : — 

^■nap, jecur, Sanskrit ydkrt, Indo-Em'opean ieqr{t). 
dvarepes, janitrices^ Sanskrit ydtar, Indo-European inter-, 
with — 

Cvyov, jugum, Sanskrit yuffa, Indo-European jtiff. 
C^M, fe'o), jus, Sanskrit y?«(5!, Indo-European y««. 

A medial y may occur in trevo) (Vqjeu), a-ej3oiJLai, (^tjeg, 
<r€7rros = Sanskrit tyaMds, p. 164). 

But the combination di is not distinguished in Greek from 
./; ef. dialectic forms Kcipfa ((capSta), Qx (fciirt;pos, etc.=:*8td- 
Tivpos), Zovvva-os (Aiovvcros). 

Thus Diem, Sanskrit dydus=Zivs, dialectic i^evs, Cretan 
Triva. Compare Latin Mezentius {^Medientius, an Etruscan 
word), and the late zaconus, zabolus {diacomis, diaholiis). 

The spiritus asper appears in Greek as the representative Spiritus 
of a lost spirant s, F oij. But from the earliest times this re- •'^^^^^^^^'^ 
presentation by the rough breathing wavered, and in old Attic 
inscriptions we get d, ^s, ottohs, eKaaros as well as the aspirated 
forms. The sign of the guttural spirant was, as we have seen, 
in the earliest times 0, but in the Ionic alphabet this symbol 
was given the value of an e-sound (p. 52)- When the Ionic 
alphabet was adopted in Attica, the sign for A was dropped, 
and the spiritus asper accordingly no longer stood upon the 
same level as the other consonants. But we must not there- 
fore conclude that the distinction between the rough and 
smooth breathing before vowels was lost. In the cities of 
Magna Graecia the sign H was still used to represent the rough 




breathing, and was thence adopted by the Alexandrian gram- 
marians to represent a living sound in Greek speech. But the 
lonians bear witness to a dialectic weakness of distinction be- 
tween the two sounds, since they do not aspirate a preceding 
tenuis before an aspirated vowel in cases of elision, but vtrite, 
e.g. a-n ov, Karobos, etc. In the earliest times we have traces 
of the beginning of the loss of the aspirate sound in the so- 
caUed if/[Xcoa-is of the Ionian and Lesbian dialects in contrast 
with the baavrrjs of the Athenians. Homer, for instance, has 
^bvs but ^bos, ovXos but oXos. At a later date the tendency to 
deaspiration increased till it reached its completion in the 
language of modern Greece. 

In the Indo-European language A is not to be regarded as 
a sound requiring a separate symbol, but only as a form of the 
introductory breathing. 
In Greek it stood for : — 
(i) An original s in — 
o, a, Sanskrit sd. 
6-, a-, a-, Sanskrit sd, sam (*«). 
The prefix sm- (together) appears as a- with a smooth 
breathing in a-beX.cj)6s, &-Xoxos, less often as o- in o-Trarpos, 
o-(v$: as a- with the rough breathing in a-ivkovs, a-va^, 
Latin sim-plew. 

Compare av(a, avo), ava-rripos, Anglo-Saxon sear, English 

ol (cf. o-(^e) suus, se. 

Sanskrit simdn. 
Sanskrit Vsu. 

e, ov, 







(2) An original F in- 

Sanskrit '/vag. 








"^"I-] ASPIRATION. 173 

^vvvni vestis. 

kcnrepo's vesper. 

kcTTLa Vesta. 

In other eases the F is represented before vowels by the 
spiritus lenis, e.g., eiKto, oIkos, 'ipyov (p. 168). 
(3) An original i in — 

OS Sanskrit yds. 

vfj.'^v gyuman. 

vcriMivr] y%ih. 

^vap y&krt. 

vixfls yuBwian. 

Before an initial v the aspirate regularly appears, even 
where there was no initial consonant, e. g. — 

vb(iip Sanskrit uddn. 

v-no Sanskrit w^«. 

v-nkp Sanskrit updri. 

va-repos Sanskrit witara. 

The rough breathing was eventually lost in these as in 
other cases. 

Sometimes the influence of analogy has led to the appear- Aspirates 
ance of inorganic aspirates. Thus in the Heraclean Tables we Ij^^^^^ 
find 6kt(&, kvvia, etc., on the analogy of e-nrA : fjixeh, Doric 
ajxis, as against Lesbian apLpifs, are due to the analogy of 
vixels, vfxks. 

fj<TTai, Sanskrit dsie, is on the analogy of ^fojuat, Vsed. 
a,X.KV(6v beside alcedo is due to a popular etymology from 
SA.S. Thus Aristotle relates that the kingfisher builds its 
nest on the seashore. (Cf. 'A Year with the Birds,' by an 
Oxford Tutor, p. 174.) 

Again we have Attic tepo's, but in the dialects lapos, 

Upa^ is found beside the older tpr;^. 

'Ittttos, Sanskrit dgva, equus, but 'l-TTTropiebcov, AevK-nnros. 

fjyilcrOai, but ayai, ^AyrjnXaos (?). 

^Uos, Epic riekios. Cf. ai'r-^\tos (Aesch. Iff. 519, etc.). 

CLTTTO), but *apere, aptus. 


ea>s, but ■qcas, Doric adis. 

avvu), later avvto, Sanskrit sanoH (he wins). Cf. av6- 

e^ca, but ex'"' though on inscriptions we find ?x^' ''"^" 
Osthoff's An attempt has been made by Osthoff {Z. G. d. P. 478) to 
cUssimila- J^^duce this variation to some system. There is a law common 
tion. to Sanskrit and Greek, known as Grassmann's law, which for- 

bids a root to begin and end with an aspirate. Thus Indo- 
European '/iheuclJi is Sanskrit ■\/budh, Greek VttvO. Indo- 
European Vdhugh is Sanskrit Vduh, Greek V6vy in OvyArrfp. 
But where the final aspirate loses its aspiration the initial 
consonant in a few roots both in Greek and Sanskrit is 
aspirated (Whitney, SL Gr. § 155). Thus, Sanskrit Viudh, 
deriv. lu-ihut-sd, Greek Tp€(p(a, fut. dpf-^p^ca. By an extension 
of this law in Greek two aspirated consonants are not allowed 
in a single word ; thus \vdy\-di. (cf. ta-dC) becomes \vdrjri. Now 
in Greek we find avia, avaivco, avos, avaXios, as well as avtrai, 
avaai, ava-TTjpos. So also ex^, io'X'^t ^^^ ff'^ — ebe6\ov, eba(f>os 
and ebos, ibpa, ', tC(i>, lbpva>. The explanation of these 
variations is to be foiind, according to Osthoff", in the Greek 
law of the dissimilation of breathings. Even where cr be- 
tween two vowels passed into an aspirate as a step towards 
its disappearance, this aspirate is to be regarded as a factor in 
the process of dissimilation. So then av/ion is to avcro) as ex'" 
to e^cii, and as Tpe(pa> to dpi-^ca. But a desire for uniformity 
interfered with this relation, and so on the analogy of aim, 
avos we have ava-o), ava-ai, though, before this change was 
completed, the original ai/a-o), avcrai were able to give rise to 
avio, avos. 

The change of original intervocalic o- to k enables us to ex- 
plain other apparently sporadic instances of the representation 
in Greek of an original (t. Thus we may explain 160s by the 
side of Ibpcos by supposing an original inflexion hFlbos (Indo- 
European suid-), gen. Fibekos, and similarly ebos, gen. ibeAos. 
Not more than one aspirate being allowed in a single word, 
the initial aspirate of the genitive drops before the following 


intervocalic h originating' from o-, and then the desire for 
uniformity leads to the adoption of the smooth breathing in 
the other eases as well. Then fromiSos comes lUu>, from 
I8p(i»s, \hp6(a. 

Similarly we find in Homer AviTai (K. 251), avoir beside 
the Attic awo) which is vouched for by Herodian and appears 
in inscriptions. According to this rule we should have : — 
&vofji,ai &,v€hai. IxveTai. 

So too — 

CTTo/xai ^TTehai ^irerai. 

efojiiot ^C^hai eCfTM. 

If ?T)/xi (sero) comes from an original sisemi (p. 399) the pre- 
sent should show the spiritus lenis, for siaemi=l(rriiJiL, Ifiixi., 
lri\j.i : but the aspirate has been extended to the present from 
other forms such as fj-crai, elvai, (^e-Fevai), rj-fjia. 

The prefix sm which appears with the rough breathing in , 
a-Ttas = sm-TravTs, etc., appears with a smooth breathing before 
a following aspirate in ^-Xoxoj, cl-koXovOos, a-beXcjios : and by 
analogy this unaspirated a has been extended to words like 
S.-'Rebos, a-yaka^, h.-yiXaKros, where there is no following 
aspirate. This a has of course nothing to do with the a 
privativum { = n) in e.g. a-dAvarcs. 

In some cases a is irregularly aspirated before a following 
aspirate, e. g. a-dpoos, beside a-9p6os, adpoi((o. Compare 
anodev, ajioOi (Indo-European sm), but djuoS (a genitive form 
^=sm,m6-sio, ap-ohio, dz-ioC). dju^, d/iiSs, djuot, ap.a are regular. 

The enquiry into the alternation of the smooth and rough 
breathings is made more difiicult by the \jfikcocns of certain 
dialects, such as the Lesbian and the Asiatic Ionic, the latter 
of which is represented in the poems of Homer and in the 
words borrowed thence for later poetic diction. ■^80?, for 
instance, in place of ^80? (cf. fjbvs, rjboixaL) is almost purely 
poetic and Homeric, and is to be regarded as an lonicism, 
like oSXoy, ovpos, ^ixap beside Attic oAoy, opoj, fjp.ipa. So too 
the d representing Indo-European sm does not always obey 
the law in Homer ; beside d-8eA.(^oy, a-6p6os, we have the 
irregular ci-koitls, a-Koirrjs, a-TaXavros, which are instances of 


Ionic ^lX.(o(tls, borrowed in the later poetic usage of epic and 
tragic writers. Other instances are Homeric,vbis, S-fxa^a, 
but Attic aixa^a. 

This explanation is only put forward by Osthoff as a tenta- 
tive hypothesis, and, however ingenious, it must be admitted 
that it - is hard to reconcile with the facts of early poetic 
diction. Its merit is that it provides an explanation for a 
variation in usage which otherwise appears to be purely 
^■m Latin. ff in Latin is the regular representative of an Indo- 
European g^, ffA, and perhaps iA, dh at the beginning of a 

Medially between vowels it is commonly lost, and so we 
have vemens and veheniens ; nil and niMl ; prendo, probeo, 
praeieo and jprehendo, proliiheo, etc. Compare too : — 

meio for meihio, Greek o\).i\ilv. 

aio for ahio, Greek -ijx-ave. 

nivis for nihuis, Greek vi(f>a. 

brevis for brehuis, Greek ^paxvs (p. 109). 
For h interchanging with j^ of. p. 143. 
Owing to the extreme instability of the sound, it is some- 
times entirely lost, as in anser, which a comparison of Greek 
xftv, English gander, shows ought to be written *Jianser. It 
is very frequently dropped in inscriptions (Corssen, Am- 
sj)racAe, i. 52). Elsewhere it appears where there is no ety- 
mological ground for it, as in haurio, Greek k^awai (Hesych.), 
Old North, ansa. So Hister : "larpos. 
In Greek words : — 

helops (Quint. 5. 10. 31) : e\o\j/. 

hebenum : el3evos. 

hibiscus : i/Sto-Kos. 
Similarly arena : liarena ; edera : hedera ; haruspex : aruspex 
interchange with one another (Corss. 1. c. 50). 

In aleneus, the h is merely a device for avoiding the hiatus ; 
such a device being common in the Italian dialects. Aheneus, 
ahenus is given as the correct spelling in Gell. 3. 3. He gives 


there instances of tlie tendency to aspirate irrationally in later 
Latin, e.g. honus, honustus, lachrumas, sepulchrum. Compare 
the well-known epigram in Catullus 84, and Quint, i. 5. 30 ; 
Cic. Or. 48. 160. 

H has disappeared as a sound in the Romance languages 
and in Modem Greek. 



Combinations of Sounds. 

Combina- HiTHEETO we have contented ourselves with a comparison 
Soundf °^ *^® single sounds and their changes in the Greek and 
Latin languages. It now remains to deal with the combina- 
tions of sounds in those languages. To some extent this sub- 
ject has been touched upon in treating of Diphthongs. Diph- 
thongs are composed of sounds originally distinct, which in 
course of time were uttered in a single emission of the breath. 
Some of them are original while others are the result of subse- 
quent change in the interior of a word. With these phe- 
nomena we have already dealt, and can now proceed to other 
relations in which the different parts of a word or syllable can 
stand to one another. 
Con- By contraction we understand the union of two separate 

sounds, vowel or sonant, which are immediate neighbours, 
into a sound pronounced in a single emission of the breath. 
The result is either a simple long vowel or else a diphthong. 
In the original language, as we gather from the example of 
Sanskrit, hiatus was not allowed where suffixes were added 
on to roots or word bases^ but was avoided by the develop- 
ment of an intervening semivowel. 

Thus Latin patr-i-iis, Greek ■jrarp-i-oy, but Sanskrit pitr-iya-s 
and Indo-European pgfr-iios and again Attic lepo's. Core, iapos, 
Sanskrit is-ira-s, Indo-European is-rro-s. 

On the other hand though in such formations hiatus was 
not admissible, yet in composition it apparently existed in the 
Indo-European language as in the derived languages. 

In Greek contraction very frequently arose from the dis- 


appearance of an intervening spirant or semivowel, e.g. ^lAS 
from ^t\ea> from ^tXe-^-o). 

Hois, Homeric ird'Cs from TraFis, has passed into a diph- 
thong. In Homer we find proof that after the disappearance 
of the spirant the two vowels were for a time uttered with 
separate emissions of the breath. Thus in Homer KXetTo'j, 
KkeCco, from the root VkX^F, may be scanned as trisyllabic. 
We have already (p. 81) given instances of diphthongs arising 
out of the disappearance of an intervocal spirant. In the 
different dialects contraction shows different degrees of com- 
pleteness or incompleteness. In Pindar and Aeschylus we 
find Tijxd-opos : this in Attic is contracted rt/xcupos. In the 
following instances we shall illustrate the rules of vowel 
combination, taking Attic as the standard, and adding the 
more striking deviations of other dialects from the Attic rule. 
For fuller details see G. Meyer {GL Gr. §§ 131-T41). 

Contraction of vowels of the same quality : — ■ Con- 

a+a, whether a be long or short, become a as in ^aj, Jreek! 
Epic kaas. By crasis we have radXa, raWa. 

e+ e pass to r; in Lesbian ^x^^j Doric dy^rat = Attic 
^yeirat (Ar. L^sid. 1314). In Attic the contraction is to ei, 
e.g. (fiiKei, cracpels. In Homer there is often no contraction, 
e.g. wnoviicrBai. 

The Attic and Ionic ei which results from the contraction 
of ee is not to be regarded, any more than the et which is 
the result of compensatory lengthening, as identical in sound 
with the genuine diphthong et. In the same way neither the 
Attic and Ionic ov which results from contraction of 00 nor 
the ov of compensatory lengthening is identical in sound 
with the genuine diphthong ov. The Attic ei of contraction 
or compensation (= close e) was in old inscriptions represented 
by e, as in l/xt, kvat, nevo, for et/xt, etvai, Keivo. And in the 
same way the ov of contraction and compensation ( = close o) 
is represented on old inscriptions by 0, as in truxo for 5?j^ov. 
Early Doric represented the contraction of ee by rj, of 00 by o), 
but at a later date like Attic by et and ov. 

e + T) become jj, as in 'Hpa/cX^s, but in Herodotus and often in 


Homer etj is uncontracted, and so too sometimes with proper 
names in Attic. 

r]+ e become tj : Homeric pacnXrjes, Attic jSaa-LXrjs. 

+ become in Ionic and Attic ov ( = »). They remain 
uncontracted, e. g. in Homeric voos, and in the genitives which 
are not found in our texts, AloXoo, etc. (cf. Monro, //. G. 


Doric has -co in the gen. sing, of o-stems, e. g. e(^o'pa), 
Xcopi'aj, from the Tables of Heraclea. Later Doric had, like 
Ionic and Attic, -ov. In Lesbian and Boeotian we find co. 
Vowela of Supposing there was a difference of quality between the 
qualit^ two neighbouring vowels the contraction was either progres- 
sive as in Doric ''Krpdhai from 'ArpetSao, eXdrruvs from eAar- 
ro(cr)ey, or regressive as in rS>v from Ta{(T)ii>v, yevovs from 

a + e remain in Herodotus uncontracted if they come to- 
gether through the loss of an intervocalic spirant, e. g. aeKoyp, 
aeOkov. In Attic a + e contract to a, e.g; (f>oiTa.v, opav, etc.; 
(rjv, TreLVTJv, bcyjrfjv, k^tjv, <r^fjv, \}frjv are exceptions. 

In Homer we sometimes find contraction, e. g. oparat, but 
there is an assimilation peculiar to Homer, e.g. jjya-eo-^e 
appears as ■qydacrOe, airid-eadai as aiTidacrdai.. For the 
different forms which this Homeric assimilation takes in the 
contracted verbs in -aco cf. Monro {H. G. § 55). 

In Doric a + e contract into tj, e. g. a-iyriv, TroTrjrai, but 
on the other hand d^kios becomes aA.ios, Lesbian akios, where 
a. has absorbed e. 

a + o appear uncontracted in Homeric dy-qpaos beside d,yr\- 
piDS. Instances of peculiar Homeric assimilation are ^^caovra 
(for fjl3d-ovTa), yeXd-ovres, epLvcaovTo. The Attic contraction is 
0), e. g. Tip.G)p.iv, (p&s, etc. The Doric of Theocritus has con- 
traction in d, e.g. yeXavTi (i. 90). 

a + o. Homer has 'ArpetSao as well as eu/iijueXi'a). The r]0 
which we should expect in Ionic and Attic appears as eco with 
a metathesis of quantity. In the poets eco is often scanned as 
one syllable by synizesis, and in Homer, where a vowel pre- 
cedes, is actually written co, e. g. 'Ep/xeico. Instances of syni- 


zesis are the ITjjXjjtdSeo) 'AxtXijoy of the first line of the Iliad, 
Xpvcr^io avd (A. 15), TroAA^uy h ■noXicav (B. 131), etc. 

In Doric, Lesbian, and Boeotian ao is represented by d, as in 
the gen. sing. 'ArpetSa of the Tailes of Heraclea, 'Idvwv 
(Aesch. Pers. 949), ydi/,eTpds (for yao-, Attic yeoo-) Tab. 
Heracl. Theocritus has as (39. ao) and ray (30. 5) for Attic 
ecoy, Tkias. Boeotian has AaSd/^ias for Aao8(i)Lias, Attic Aea)8(i- 
fia?. In Pindar we have synizesis in rt/naopos {01. 9. 84), and 
also in the words Terpdopov, yjpva-aopa, Adop-ehovTeiav. 

a + co become u>, e.g. rt/^&i, in aU dialects, but the Homeric 
assimilation admits of opoa), dirtow, and also, with lengthening, 
of ixevoivcau) (cf. Mom'o, IT. G. § ^^'). 

a + o) in Doric become a, e.g. Yloa-eihavi ^^^v { = Oeatov). 
Homer has beside daiv, ecav (from *7jiB2^), e.g. irvKemv, dvpeeov 
(<^. 191). ^ 

Hfomeric iitjSz;, Doric vu&v, becomes in Attic ve&v. An 
original redudcis, Homeric redvqm is in Attic redveds. hc&s, 
Homeric rids, in Attic appears as ecas, according to the rule by 
which long vowels were shortened before following vowels. 

e+a where contracted pass to tj. Thus in the neuter plural 
of «-stems we find yevT], reixri, evfievfj, but where there is a 
foregoing e, and generally where there is a foregoing i or v, 
ea becomes a, e.g. evbea from evberjs, TTeptKAe'a, dxAeS, and also 
vyia from vyiijs and evcpva as well as vyirj, evcjivij. Exceptions 
to this, rule are to be found in XP*^""^) ocrra, where the a of the 
neuter plural is preserved. 

Tj + a as in Epic l3acnXrja, contracted in Tvbrj (A. 384)^ 
appear in Attic as -ea, e.g. /3oo-tAed, /SatrtAeas. In Herodotus 
and the dramatists the a may remain short after e, e.g. cfiovid 
(Eur. Ifec. 88a), ITez'^ea [Bacch. 1070). By crasis we have 
eweiSdi', dkrjOfia, TV)(^& 

e + o appear sometimes as od in th6 Doric, e. g. eiTaiv&- 
p.ev, avd^evos, etc., in Attic and later Doric as ov, e. g. Govkv- 
blbris. The Ionic contraction was ev (p. 84), between which 
sound and eo there was a siruilarity in all dialects. 

7j + o as in Homeric ^aa-iXfjos become in Herodotus eo, /3acri- 
Ae'oy, in Attic jSaa-iXiws with transposition of quantity. In the 


tragedians this ecu was often monosyllabic, e.g. in TToKems, 
where the e has practically become a semivowel. Original eco 
is contracted a> as in cpiKcaixev for (piXecoi^ev. 

e + &) if contracted become co, e.g. ^tA.cS : they are nncon- 
tracted in Attic ve&v, where an intervening spirant has fallen 
out, e.g. vdF&v, vrj&v, ve&v. 

o + d as in Epic XP°'^> /^oaj- Herodotus has aixeivoo, but also 
SnrXo'a. In Attic we have a/cTjKoa beside alb&, ri&. In SnrXo 
the ordinary a of the neuter ending is kept to mark the 
neuter plural. By crasis we have avrip, but copicrros (A. a88) 
and in Herodotus &vrip. irpo-aros becomes in Doric Trparos, 
Attic irp&Tos. 

oi + d, e.g. rjpcaa, TJpa>as, Attic rjpoi, ripoiS. (ra from (Tcid 
keeps the feminine ending of nom. sing. By crasis we have 
wyade, wva^. 

o + e contracted ov, e.g. Epic yovvovcrdai, but /3oes both in 
Homer and Attic. Elsewhere Attic contracts to ov, Doric to 
to, e.g. bovX&rai, fXA(rcrcos (Ar. Lys. 1360). By crasis tovttos, 
but also Attic &Tepos, Oarepov ; but Attic frepos is Doric arepos, 
and this may be the form preserved in arepos, Oarepov. 

o + rj become w, e.g. Homeric fiaxravTi, e'ui.^dxToiiai and iu 
Herodotus oyScdKoira, evvdxras, ejBddeov, but not in Attic in 
these words. However from verbs in -oco Attic has brjX&rov 
( := STjA.orjroi'), etc. 

Whenever t or v was the second element in a combination 
of which a, e or was the first, a diphthong as already 
described (p. 78) was the result. 

Waokernagelhasmgeniou3lyendeaToured(^. ^.xxix. i24)to connect the phe- 
nomena of contraction with the position of the accent. Thus where the accent 
rested on either of the two vowels as in vios, ffetSs for vifos, 9(f6s, there was no 
contraction ; where the accent followed, as in voviiip/ia, QovicvdtSris, contraction 
ensued. There are many exceptions to this rule, especially in later Greek ; but 
the earlier we go the more support it receives. In the combination of the stems 
veo- and /irjva- there is no new factor except the change of accent, and therefore to 
this we may refer the ov ofvoviirjvia. From o3s we have in Attic the gen. ujTcJf, but 
in Homer oiiaTos. Attic has preserved the true accent, and wrds is for daros 
from bfaris. The nom. on inscriptions is written OS, Doric *S$ (ef. aiKpSits 
Theocr. ii. 32), for ofos, gen. 6 faros (for o^smtds). Contraction does not occur 
where the accent precedes, as in iirXeov, pSeoj, and evSeos beside ev9ov<nav, nor 
does it occur where the second of the two'vowels is long by nature or position 
as in ewvovurjv, ioprTj. In Aristophanes and the comic writers irKiov is the 
only case where the tt of Tkiiav changes to e. In tiXiIov the chief accent was 
on «, and 1 disappeared, so vKiov, but in nXfiovos the chief accent was on the 1. 


Hiatus is occasionally to be found in new formations such 
as the Epic a-rrjojiev, Moiiev, which we assume not to be 
original on the ground of the hiatus. Cf. p. 178. 

In compounds we have Elision in iwTr'-aycoyrfj, ^■n-i.yco, 
ifx-avTov : but on the other hand hiatus in ■npo-Ayw. An 
explanation of the hiatus in noXiavhpos, ^ooTidveipa, ■nepUip.i. 
has been already suggested (p. 96). 

Long vowels were shortened in Greek before a following Shortening 
semivowel combined with a mute consonant: — vowdf 

Indo-European diews, Sanskrit dym-s, Greek Zevs. 
gou-s gdw-s ^ovs. 

pis 1 TrAeicrroy. 

pleis- ) Epic 77X«y, itXia^. 

-dis dgvais tintois, 

-ent vdnt &,r)jj,i, partic. 

stem alvT-. 

Other instances are a-Top-vvpn for a-Toip-vvpn, Vstf-, cf. crTpaiTos, 
— /So'AXofxai, Lesbian for /3o\z;o/iai, from fi(, Attic 
^, vgj — Attic iJ,r)v6s, Lesbian jxr^vvos, from *fj,rjv-cros, cf. 
Latin mensis, but in the nom. sing, beside ^.-qv we have fxeCs 
(Find. JVem. 5. 44) from fxevs for p.r]vs. 

Exceptions to this rule of shortening are to be found in 
later formations, e. g. pacrros for pdiuros. 

The shortening of vowels before vowels has been mentioned 
in dealing with the different vowel combinations, e.g. 
Homeric rjpoos for rjpcaos, Herodotean vies, fiaa-LXios, (ovi^ C'^v)> 
and Attic ve&v. We have also illustrated quantitative meta- 
thesis, as in ea-Te&res for ea-TriFores, Tedve&res for TeOvrjFores, 
(TTidTos for cTTrjFaTos, l3a(n)\.eoL>s and ^aaiXia. 

The lengthening of short vowels is a common phenomenon Lengthen- 
in Greek. Thus where a double consonant is reduced to a ^^els^. °'^^ 
single, a short vowel a is lengthened to d, or tj in Attic and 
Ionic : — 

Lesbian oraWa Doric a-Tdkd Attic o-t-^Xtj. 

(akk-dkXwv) Doric aXXdkcov Attic oXA.tjAo)!'. 

[FaWos) valhis Doric SA.oy Attic ^Aos. 




Lesbian &ij,ij,es 
Latin pannus 
In Homer we find kSXo's. 
Greek stem then was koK-io 

Doric afies ^ju.eiy. 

Sanskrit kalya. The original 
and the Kakos of Homer is a 

Doric form which should appear in Ionic as /cjj\o9. In Attic 
the a is short and there has been no compensatory length- 
ening'. In Homer we find averai from avFerai and Ikuvm, 
Kixdvco, <f>6dva>, where the length of the vowel points to a 
lengthening compensatory for the loss of a consonant. The 
compensatory lengthening of the a in irava-a to iracra and in 
raj's to rds is older than the change from a to ?j in Attic and 
Ionic (cf. p. 1 8). Still in some instances we have rj, e. g. in 
X^ivos for xo-v<yos, ef. Lat. {h)anser, brjvos for bava-os, kTiKTr\va\i.ev 
for er€KTavaaiJi,fv. The long vowel of the aorist of verbs in 
-aivoi cannot be altogether reduced to rule, e.g. we have Xtrxydva 
beside ecnj/yirjua. 

e is lengthened to tj, Attic ei, after the disappearance of a 
following nasal before o-, e. g. — 

Doric rjs (Tab. HeracL). Attic ets for kvs. 

The participial ending -evrs in Attic becomes -ets. The 
prep, eh is for kvs. The form is was originally only used before 

e was lengthened to tj (ei) where of two following nasals or 
liquids one disappeared. The double liquid or nasal remained 
in the Lesbian dialect, and was the result of previous assimi- 
lation. Thus : — 




Lesbian ifxevva 
Lesbian ^irjvvos 
Lesbian Krevvoi 
Lesbian (l>deppa) 
Lesbian x^Wioi 

Attic e/netKa. 
Attic nrjvos. 
Attic KTiivUt. 

Attic ([>6elpai. 
Doric xv^tot Ionic xf^A.tot. 
Attic xCXioi. 
Other instances are e^ve/caj Att. eveKa, Lesb. evvsKa — 
(jiaeivos for (paea-vos, Lesb. (jxievvos. In Homer the lengthening 
is not always consistent, e. g. ivoa-Cx6u)v but dvoa-iyaios, ^eivos 
as well as ^4vios, dvsKa and heKa. Sometimes the lengthening 
is irrational, as in elKdrivo^. 


The double nasal appears in the Attic ajow^ieVi'ujut (Ion. 
etvviJ,i), Kopivvvfii, KpenAvvvixt.. The double liquid appears in 
Attic Sppos (Spcros), Kopprj [Kopcrr)), etc. 

ft) (ou) arose — 

(i) Where a nasal disappeared before s in — 
Cretan rovs, Boeotian rcas, Attic rows, 

Cretan virapxpvcrav, vTrapx^cras (Tab. Heracl.) Attic vTrApxovcra. 
(jnoy-) Boeotian p.&a-a, Attic p,ova-a. 

(2) Where a double consonant which was the result of 

assimilation was reduced to one : — 

yovF- yovv- Epic yowos Attic yovwra. 

KopFa Kopp- Doric Ktopa Epic Kovp-q Attic Koprj. 

6\F- 6\X- Epic ovXos Attic o\o?. 

6pF- ^PP' Epic ovpos Attic opos. 

bopF- fiopp- Epic bovpos Attic bopos. 

T 1 • ^,.. f Attic Bov- 

po\v- Liesbian poWerai i 

opF- Lesbian oppavos Doric apavos Attic ovpavos. 

The Latin diphthongs proper have been already treated of, Vowel 
p. 85. What follows is to some extent a repetition of what y^ ;^ 
has been said there. Latin. 

A. Contraction results in most cases from the loss of an in- yon. 
tervocalic i. Thus sto is from sid-i-o, tres from treies, Sanskrit 
tr6,yas,aes from aies, etc. So in inflexion monete from moneiete, 
Sanskrit mdnayata, amis from amd~ies (ef. cap-ie-s). 

But eo, ea, io remain unconti'acted ; mon,e{i)o, mone(i)am, 
audi(i)o. So also ae remains uncontracted where the second 
vowel carries the accent; of. ae[s)nus by the side of t^ris, 
Sanskrit dyasas. 

In some cases we get contraction after the loss of inter- 
vocalic h, limus for bi-himus, nemo for nehemo, via for vehia. 

Contraction by loss of intervocalic v occurs in amaram : 
amaveram, etc. 

In composition a short vowel is elided before a long, e. g. 
nuUus for ne-Hllus, noenum for ne-oenum. But a short vowel 
unaccented contracts with a preceding vowel, copia for cSojoia, 




of long 

ing of 

tion of 
and Semi- 


dego for deago ; contrast codctus, codgulum. Coagito, coalesco 
are new formations (cf. cogito). 

Ccepi beside Lucretian coepi owes its contraction to the 
accent oi coepisti, coeperdmus, etc. {Z. G: d. P. 158). 

B. Shortening of long vowels. This takes place before a 
.semivowel, liquid, or nasal followed by a consonant, e. g. nau- 
fragus from ndu-, claudo (cf. KkrjFis), gaudeo (cf gdvisws), ventus 

from imittis (cf. a-Fevr-). 

A long vowel before another is also regularly shortened in 
Latin, e.g. neo (for neio, cf. vq-doo), rei,Jidei. In genitives of 
the 5th declension the e only remains long apparently when 
preceded by i, e. g. diel. The quantity of these genitives in 
prose is doubtful ; in poetry the short vowel or a contracted 
form tends to prevail. Compare also illms, etc. for illius. 

For cases like lUera by the side of lUlera, see p. 206. 

C. Lengthening of short vowels. All vowels were pro- 
nounced long in Latin before ns, nf gn, gm, e.g. comwl, m- 

felix, dlgnus, dgmen ; cf. Cic. Or. 48. 159. 

For cases of a long vowel in such combinations with a 
folio wiag consonant lost cf. p. «13. 

We may now consider the relation borne by some of the Latin 
diphthongs to those of the original Indo-European language. 

Indo-Em'opean eu becomes in Latin o?<, in — 
ivaQsi : ovare. Ivvkfa : novem. 
viFos : novus. x^FCa : fovea. 
e-pevd-a> : robigo, for roubigo. a-fjLev-a-ao-daL, moveo. 

So Old Latin tovos=TeF6s, sovos = kF6s. It is possible that 
sum, tuns are not variations of these, but represent an original 
double form, answering to the Greek 6s, (tos, the difference 
between the two being connected with the difference of 
sentence-accent {Mem. Soc. Ling. vi. 30, n.). reo's, «o'y, 
tovos, sovos are the orthotone, cros, os, tuns, suvs (cf. tis, sos, 
sas, sis, Fest. 301, Neue, ii. 189) the enclitic forms. 

This ou from an original ew remains unchanged before 
vowels in accented syllables ; before consonants it becomes u, 
e.g. duco (cf. d-8ev/c?js), nuper, nun-dinae, muto (beside moveo'), 
jvglans (Jov-is), jugera (C,e(>yt{(T)ix), Lucius (AevKtos). Motare, 


nomis, must therefore be supposed to be later forms for older 
MUtare, *nu9itis. 

In unaccented syllables the ow becomes « before vowels in 
clenuO (novus), mdnm (mone-ui), dhnuo {yevdd). In this c&sepMo 
(cf. perplovere), ruo, flwo (cf. Jlovius), as compared with irXiFco, 
peFo), (|)Aef 0), must be supposed to owe their short vowel to the 
influence of the compound forms ; cf. annuo : veijca. 

It follows, therefore, that eu in brevis, levis cannot be 
original ; rather it goes back to -ngAu- in ^payvs, k-Xayys. 

On the other hand, ou in Latin is always secondary, repre- 
senting Indo-European ew, never Indo-European ow ; loves, 
therefore, cannot directly represent /3of es, but must be borrowed 
either from the Greek or from some Italian dialect. This is 
further confirmed by the fact that the initial b cannot be the 
direct Latin representative of the Indo-European velar gut- 

In the case of ovis there is some confusion. Indo-European 
ou, as we shall see, regularly becomes in Latin au. Therefore 
with oFis we must put, not ovis, but avilla and avena. But the 
Latin avis corresponds to the Greek aFi-fTos, so that as avis 
already existed in the sense of ' a bird,' we must suppose that 
ovis was used for the more correct avis for the sake of clearness 
in the sense of ' a sheep,' unless indeed ovis too, like bos, is bor- 
rowed. It is also conceivable that ovis instead of avis may be 
due to the analogy of bovis. But there is the same confusion 
between au and ou in Greek, as we get olcovos, uov, and perhaps 
oto/ioi (an augural term originally, cf.auiumo=av-twmo)heside 
aUros, so the confusion may be Indo-European. 

The ou of bovis, ovis becomes or H before consonants in 
bobus, hubus, bwhulcus, opilio, "upilio (cf. molare : mutare). 

Indo-European ou is Latin au in — Indo- 

Aovft), lavo. oio/xai, autumo. Koea), caveo. oJ""^**" 

ots, avilla. ovs, auris. irroe'co, paveo. 

This explains the much disputed gravis beside ^ap-us. The 
original form was q;rus, which would regularly become in Latin 
*vorvis as gtnio became venio. But goruis became by meta- 
thesis grouis, before the initial velar became v, and then was 


regularly changed to gravis, the g becomiBg g before a follow- 
ing consonant (p. 139). Latin au before a consonant became 
0, e. g. hmentum (lavo), lotus, oricilla [amis). The au in lautus, 
autumo, etc., may be midway between ou and ; auspicor is 
etymologically less correct, and due to assimilation with avis. 
So coda, osmium, cotes is the correct spelling. In claustrum 
the a is perhaps long ; cf. cldvis. 

Other instances of Indo-European ov becoming Latin av 
are — 

octavus for *octdvvs, cf. Sanskrit astdu (a by-form with 
asta). In this case the ov is long. [K. Z. xxviii. i54-) 

faveo for * fovea, the causative of \fhheu-, hhou-, with the 
regular degree of the root ; cf. ' difaveant ut^ etc. 

cavHS beside eoJium (i.e. coiim), koFlXos. The u, it would 
seem, is kept in inflexion before a and i, not before 0, precisely 
as is the case in ecus beside equa, equi. Then the original 
inflexion would be coiis, gen. cavi, which produces on the one 
hand cavus, on the other hand co{li)um. 

On the same principle we sTiould get originally Gnaeus, gen. 
Gnaivi, which would account for the double form Gnaivos beside 
Gnaeus. So Gains, but Oscan Gaaviis. And again a type 
deius, deivi would produce (i) deus, (ii) divus. Perhaps we may 
explain in the same way the double form of the borrowed 
words olea : oliva — Acliaei : AcJiivi — musaeus : musivus. 

It is possible that the group + consonant + v becomes 
a + consonant + v, the ov becoming av even when a consonant 
intervenes. This would explain vulvae beside volvo (for *velvo, 
Fekvu)) ; salvus beside oAos (oXFos, cf. oSXos). 

SoUus may belong here. It is identical with solus, and the 
long may be explained perhaps by the loss of the following 
semivowel (soluos) ; cf. ab-icio for ai-iicio. (But for instances 
of double forms of words, one with long vowel followed by a 
single consonant, the other with short vowel and double con- 
sonant, see p. 308.^ The old inflexion might be sollus, salci, 
*sollo, salva, etc., whence (i) sollus, (ii) salvus. From salvi 
come salvere, salvare, salus, salve (cf. oSAe), from sollus, solari 
and perhaps sclera. 


Sollemnis cannot be from sollm and annus, as this will not 
account for .the m. The word would seem to be a participial 
form from * seller e, perhaps originally *solle-mnios, passing to 
the /- stems (cf. p. 293). 

Another instance is vocivus, vocatio, vomus beside vacivus, 
vacuus {vanus for vac-nus ?). The original root may be vec- 
in FeK-<av ; cf. vacare negotio. 

In medial syllables u represents an originally unaccented eu 
or au before a vowel, in e.g. denuo, abnuo, mSnui, dblui. 

So Havet ingeniously suggests that pairuus may be for 
*pdtravus, comparing the derivation of avunculus, and nepos, 
which is ' nephew' as well as ' grandson.' 

Before i followed by a vowel ou, au become uu in diluvium, 
terripztvium, depuvio. 

u represents an unaccented au, eu, ou before a consonant, e. g. 
in concludo beside claudo, dcciiso, defrudo, poUutus. 

Hence it follows Vasit fovea, e.g. is from a vooi feu-, favilla, 
favonius from fou-, but fames may come from few (as momen- 
tum) oxfou (as lotus). Another sock feu- [gheu- ?) gi.\es fovea ; 
another Tooi fou-, favissa. Finally, iovfraus hesidiefrustra, we 
may compare poos beside pirn, if it is frustra (for *freustra), or 
poos beside pvTos it frustra ; again, xva-is : x°V corresponds to 
fu-n-do, cbn-fu-tare -.favus. 

The combination uel becomes uol (ol, ul) except before i or Indo- 
a second I. The same may be true of uem, uen, and perhaps g^"™^^*" 
uer. Thus 

volo, volt, volumus, but velle, vellem, velis. 

ulcus, Tol-nus 

FiXKos, vello. 



colo [quelo) 

in-quil-inus, es-quiliae. 

(Cf. stercus : sterquilinium.) 






e-Fepy-iLv. Sanskrit Vvrj (twist), 

Vergo is strictly a vulgarism ; cf. vertex : vortex (?). 
duonus, bonus bene. 


And generally el becomes Latin ol (ul), except under the con- 
ditions given above (except initial eel, gel, in celer,gelu, etc.). 
soluo for se-luo. 
sulva (sic) : v\.r] (a-FeXFr)). 
puUus : 77eXio's. 
avunculus : O. H. G. eninchil. 
scopulus : crKoireXos. 
olea (borrowed) : iXaCa. 
catapulta (borrowed) : (caTaweXrrjy. 
But tw is again changed to ue in vesler {voster), vesei [^oa-Kio-Qai), 
verbum, verier a, vespa, vermis, verto (vorto), ve(s)num (S>vos = 
Foavos), *veious (FoIkos), *veinum (FoTvos), etc. (Mem. Soc. 
Ling. vi. 31.) 
Vowel- Further vowel changes not depending on any definite corn- 

due to bination, nor any Ablaut of inflexion, but more vaguely due 
Ablaut. ^Q neighbouring consonants and vowels, are as follows— 

In accented syllables u becomes i in silva, lihet (also lubet), 
but the u tends to be kept in such cases in accented syllables. 
Cf. s-u-mus, tumet beside rndximus. 

In syllables before the accent we get w varying with in 
iipilio and opilio. Cf. motare and mutare (p. 89). 

And varying with «, u with * in adolescens (said to be the 
participle) beside adulescens (substantive), monumentum beside 

In syllables after ~ the accent, other than final, a short 
vowel appears as 

(i) e before r, double consonants and single vowels, and after 
i, but elsewhere becomes «. 
leg-e-ris : leg-i-tur. 
t^lentum : rkKavTov (the Greek accent was here preserved 

or we should have taMntum). 
abi-e-tis, cav-e-a, pi-e-tas (cf. bon-i-tas). 
pario, peperi but cado, eecidi. 
cognomentum but ndminis. 
But in many cases the analogy of kindred forms comes in, 
CdesariSjfulguris, memoris, levirum (on analogy of virum), satura 
(mtur), decoris (decos). 


(ii) S (u) after e, i, u and before I. 
parvolus, alveolus, pessulus (wiio-o-aXos), paenula (<f>aiv6X.Ti). 

(iii) w passing into i (u) before h,p,f, m. 
gradubm [gradihus), coluber, optumus (pptimus), legimus 
(cf. Xiy-o-fxev), pontvfex (po9itifex). 

(iv) Elsewhere a short vowel becomes ^, as in gen-i-tus, 
machina (jLriy&vr}) ; juvenis has en from juventus. 

We may notice the variation of e : *, the former appearing 
before double, the latter before single consonants ; judex, 
judicis, genetrix, genitor, etc. 

In veg-e-tus, hei-e-tis, seg-e-tis the analogy of the allied 
forms comes in. 

In composition, the accent, roughly speaking, was originally Vowel 
on the first element, and the subsequent unaccented vowels are "^p^g;™ 
treated in accordance with the rules given above. Thus we tion. 
have deqwipero, cSnscendo, 6ccupo, cSntubernium, subrupio (in 
Plautus, becoming subrupio and surripio), efficio. Cf. igitur, the 
enclitic form of agitur (cf. p. 285). 

But these laws are often crossed by the influence of the 
analogy of the uncompounded or cognate forms. The result 
of the combination of both influences may be stated thus — 

a becomes e before two consonants and before r, but also 
often before one consonant, perhaps by analogy. Thus depe- 
cisci, perpeti, defetigo. 

Before ng it becomes regularly e and then, also regularly, i, 
e.g. coniingit. 

Before b, p, f, m it becomes u (i) in contubernium, mancupis 
(cf. mancipium), conduwmo (also condemno). 

a becomes e in subtel, anhelo. 

e becomes * (by rule), except before r or two consonants : 
colligo (but confero), consentio. 

e seems to become * in dellnimentum (but Osthoff", Z. G. d. P. 
115, note, connects de-Unire with linum, in the sense of a 
net, making the form delenire a case of popular etymology). 

In fllius (9i]\v'i), subtilis {tela) we may perhaps get an 
instance of the ' balancing power of 1 ' alluded to above, here 
operating even with long vowels. 





becomes * regularly in 'illico, (m loco), dpica (Sttokos). 

As a special instance of the effect of the presence or absence 
of accent on a syllable we may notice that ri unaccented regu- 
larly becomes in Latin er. Thus rpf/3co, Kptvo) regularly would 
become in Latin *trlgo, *cnno (cf. crimen : Kpiiia), but the 
participle npiros would become certus and rptTrro's, tertus ; the 
compounds dbs-trigo, se-crino would become dbstergo, seeeno. 
Hence the simple verb by analogy became cemo, tergo. So we 
have *dcri-ios = acerhus, dcn-ssimus = acerrinms ; alacntas, 
acritas are new forms for *alacertas, *acertas, as facilitaa is 
younger than facuUas. The same theory will explain ter (cf. 
rpis) as originating in a phrase like Ms et ter, with but one 
accent. To the former ter is due quater (for quatur). Tertius 
(rptVos) may have had once the same accent that is still 
preserved in Sanskrit trtiya. 

in Greek. 
tion of 

Consonantal Combinations. 

When a mute precedes a mute dental it is assimilated to 
the hard, soft, or aspirate character of that mute dental. 

Thus yj, 6t, (f)T become kt, ctt, ttt. 

Thus e^-co but fK-Tos — ■ but ttvct-tos — po(f>-ia> but 
poir-Tos — y8p€x-a> but ^eySpex-rat — fia<l>-ri but jSav-ros — Aey-o) 
but A.eAeK-rai. 

a-T is found in place of tt, 6r, dr, and a-d for bd, 66, in aTratr-ros 
beside Trar-^o/xat — to--re beside tb-jjiev — Tre-Tretorat, eireia-driv 
beside wet^-co — dcr-Teov beside aSco — k-^eu(r6r)v, e^ev(T-Tai. beside 

An assimilation of r to following consonants is to be seen 
in the Homeric KaKKeCovres, kclk Kopvda, kclk Kf<paX.riv, Kay yo'vv, 
Kcm ■nihiov, m^^aXev, Kab be, Kabbvaai, KaWnrev, Kapi nia-a-ov, 
KCLp poop, Kacr)(i6i, K&KTave. 

The following are instances of the assimilation of a preced- 
ing mute to a following aspirate : 

fTrkex6riv, -/TrXe/c irutjidriv, Vtvtt vv^O' oXi]v, {vuhto) 

— f(f)6-qp.epos, (kiTTd) — ex,dp6s — Karax^Bovios — rsrpd(j)6aL — 
eXeyxiSiCs — kypA<^6r\v. 



The assimilation in the foregoing instances is merely 
graphical, and represents no change of pronunciation. 

Thus in kypa^drfv, if 6 has phonetically the value o?t-\-h, Double 
i. e. the hard tenuis followed by the rough breathing, it is not fn^Qrelk. 
easy to understand why (/> of ypa<\)-M should be altered to the 
tenuis before t in ypa-a-ros, while it remains before t-\-h m 
iypa(j)-0r]v. Why not hyp6.TT-6rjv just as ypuTr-Tos, e-TVT:-6rjv 
just as rvv-Tco ? 

Instead of vvk6' okr^v we have I'l^x^' okajv written. But the 
fact that final t is aspirated before the rough breathing should 
have no influence upon the preceding letter. Again, if both 
X and are to have the value of a tenuis succeeded by a rough 
breathing (-kMA-), the combination vvKlith oKy\v would in a 
single emission of the breath be almost impossible to pro- 

On inscriptions we find fKdp&v, S.-n6i,rov, ikeyKdhros, KaraK- 
66vos : and in Herodotus we have such combinations as air' 
oS, eire^fjs in place of the Attic a<p' ov, ecj)e(rjs. Another argu- 
ment against the supposition that both aspirates were pro- 
nounced in Greek is to be found in the repugnance the 
Greeks, in common with other members of the Indo-Em-opean 
family, had to the presence of more than one aspirate in a 
single word, as is shown in the dissimilation of a-cadrfdi to 
(T<i)Qr]Ti, ededrjv to iredriv, (j)v6p,r]v to -nvOjxriv, Bpixos to rpixos, 
etc. (cf. p. 30o). 

Tenues and aspirates are assimilated to Mediae before 8 — 

irkeK-co but Trkiy-brfv — Kpyir-Tco but Kp-i^-hrjv — KA.07j-?y but 
Kki^-br]v — ypd<j)-a> but emypd^-briv. 

We pass on now to the combinations of mutes and semi- comKna 

I tion of 

vowels. _ Mutes and 

Original Greek -n- changes into -o-t- unless there is a Semi- 
preceding s, except in the Dorian and Boeotian dialects, e. g. ''°^^ 
SiSw-o-i, Xeyova-L, irXova-Los, kvcns, /3a(ns, ri^rjin, <l)r]a-L, ap.^p6(nos, 
Ttkritrloi, biaKoa-ioi, avefios, Xe^ty, wacriy, cKJJirja-i, orderty, 
fle'crts, etc. 

The original -tl has been preserved after preceding s in 

earn, ttiotis, TnJortj. 


Exceptions are fiapTrns, itopris, apTi, iJ,rJTis, a/xwconj, wa/^- 
/SSrts, en, oCtws, ttoti, fyKVTi, jScoriavfipa. 

k^i passes to cro-, Attic tt, in ireWco, ■nhroi, Lat. coquo. 

ki passes to o-cr, Attic rr, in ^o-o-ojz^ ( = ^K-ta)i'), ^Vrojz; beside 
rJK-KTTa. Other instances are <t>oiVL<TiTa beside ^olvikss — Kt- 
Xiaa-a beside KtA.i^ — Qpaa-cra beside QpfiKrj — TrtWa beside 
^iso, cf. TTevK-T] — KoXocraos beside koXokolvos — TTTcaa-a-m beside 
T:rai^ — irrTjo-o-ft) beside 'i-nraK-ov — Xevcrcrco beside kevK-6s — 
(j>p'i.(r(TU> beside 0pif — ai<T(Ta> beside ai^ — doip-^aa-ca beside 
6(opri^ — 4>vX6.(Tcria beside ipvka^ — ocrcre beside oc-ulus — Sacra 
beside vox. 

Xje passes to crcr, Attic tt, in ykaia-a-a beside ykSixe's, ykax)(J,s — 
6aXa(Tcra beside rapaxri — ^crcra beside •^rjX'^ — jSpdcraoov beside 
^payys — irdcrcroiv beside wax'^s — 6p6,(T<TU> beside Tpdx^-vs — tttwo-ctco 
beside tttv^, iiTvxfs—Prio-a-M beside /3jj^, g-en. /Stjxo's (Thue. 2. 
49). So also dpva-(Tco, pLopvaa-oo, fxeiKiacrui. 

yXk passes to <t(t, Attic tt, in aaaov beside ay\i — kkA<T(r(ov 
(original eAeyxtcoi;). Cf. kXiyxiaros (B. 385), eXeyyies (A. 343). 

rt passes to rra; Attic tt, e.g. aa-cra for Tia, = TLva after neuter 
plurals — i. e. oiroiA TTa was wrongly divided ottoi' arra, and 
then &TTa came to be used as an independent word; so eKfivov 
'v€Ka gave rise to ovveKa by the side of IVe/ca (K. Z. xxviii. 109). 
Cf. xapt'eo-o-abesidexaptez'Ta — dr]a-(ra beside diJTes — Jiprjcra-a beside 
KpriTT] — p,fkia<ra beside neki, ixikiTos — TTpia-a-io beside TrpoTL — 
and so also Kpeia-crutv (Ionic Kpicrawv), kCa-crofxai, lp,d<r(TOi, tra<T- 
aopiai, epiaa-d). 

61 passes to a-cr, Attic tt, in Kiacros, Sanskrit s/ffadk, Latin 
Aed-era — yueVo-oj, Attic fxecros, Sanskrit rnddkya-s, Latin medius 
— KopvacTU) beside KopvOes — j3rj(T(ra, jSva-cros beside ^adw. 

After consonants rt passes to 0- in iravTia, Trava-a (Cret.), 
Traaa — boKTia, Sofa — biTiTia, Sii/fa — kiyovTia, kiyovaa- — hvktm, 

These combinations are represented by era- except in later 
Attic, and in the Boeotian dialect, which has tt even where 
Attic has o-. Thus in Ar. AcJiarn. 884 we have Boeotian kijtti- 
Xapirrai for Attic li^iyjipiaai.. And Trpoa-oi, oaos, ottoo-os, which 
have in Attic only a single instead of a double o-, yet in 


Boeotian are represented by tt. Again, KoiMiadixevos for Ko/xib- 
a-aixevos is in Boeotian Ko/xtrrcijoiei'os. 

Original double o- as in eireaai, eCea-a-a of Homer is in Attic 
represented by a single o-, e. g. eirea-i. 

The a-a whicli represents ki, xj, n is prior to the representa- 
tion by TT. In Doric, Ionic, and Lesbian we find <t<t (cf. Curt. 
G. E. p. 656). There are some forms in double a-cr, later Attic 
rr, which cannot come from the combination of an explosive with 
the semivowel. Thus Xvaa-a, Xvcraav, Attic XurrSo-a can be com- 
pared with Sanskrit \^riis (be vexed), where there is no sign of 
an original dental. Cui-tius also gives Ka-a-a-veiv (to stitch) for 
Ka{Ta)-(Tiveiv, in Attic KarnJew. For the apocope of the proposi- 
tion we can compare the Homeric KA-a^ede (A. 70a). Double 
<T<T was then prior to double rr, but there must have been some 
similarity of utterance between a-a and tt to induce this change. 
Thus 0aXti95asquoted from aCretan inscription, 'Arflijappearing 
beside 'Attikt^, and UiTdos, IliTBe^s of Attic inscriptions are all 
indications that the sound of era; tt was not strictly represented 
by these letters, but that as the sound really had no peciiliar 
symbol, it was represented variously. The nature of the sound 
was probably spirant. At the beginning of a word it was repre- 
sented by single o- as in Epic creve ( = l-crcret)e). 

m passes to tit in htv-, tttv-o) from cnriv-, spuo. Others are 
given by Curtius, G. ^. 49 7 , but these we cannot prove. Common 
instances of itt are, tttoXsimos, Attic iroXts, woA.e/ios, 
where Sanskrit shows no sign of jai. , 

ah passes to f in viCoi beside vittto) for riyto), pointing to an 
original velar g. So too in &fo/xat beside fiytoj. 

6t becomes f in Zevs, Sanskrit dims, Latin dies — apyvponeCa 
beside iroSoy — 6ep(C<o, Boeotian deplbbca — <f>p&.Oi> beside €TT€<f>pah- 
ov — x<^^«Ca! Latin grando. Other instances are trxiQa., plCp., oC-q, 
iConai, (ppdCa, x«C<»- 

■j/L becomes f in ixiCi^v, Attic iJ.ei(cov for p^iyicav (cf. ftey-toros), 
oXeiCwv beside SXtyos—naCa beside fxdyeipos. Also (jyvCa, aCofJ-ai, 
irXdCco, piC'^, (T(j>dC<>>. 

In the Lesbian dialect crb stands for Cin dyopda-beiv, ep'o-beiv, 
TraiVSeis, etc. 

o 2 




tion of 
with fi. 

For combinations of w with consonants cf. p. 170. 

The Dentals r, b, 9 before /x, according to the rule as usually- 
given, pass to 0-, but this is not correct. 

cr before ij, everywhere disappears except in cases where it is 
preserved by false analogy. Where o- so disappears, a preceding 
short vowel is lengthened in compensation, e. g. et/it, etfua, ^\xai, 
CS>\xa. In the pf. part. pass, a- has come in from the analogy 
of the 3rd sing, indieat., e. g. rereXecr/xeVoj, 17/Li^tfcrjLieVoy, jjSeo-- 
ixevos, hi.ecn!aa-\j,ivos, TeOXaa-jxevos, jSe^vcrfxevos, ave\KV(Tfj,evos, 
ifjivcrfievos, efcocx/ieVoy, Ki)(UKT().ivoi , a-ecreirrfievos. The regular 
form without cr is kept in yey€vp,evos (Eurip. Hipp. 66^), 
Kexpij^evos (Hdt. 4. 189), airoKeKpovnevos (Ar. Ack. 459), elpv- 
fxevos (N. 683), elp,aL and etfiei'os (cf. Rutherford, iV. P. p. 97). 
The a- which has arisen before ju. out of r, §, 6 in such forms 
as TTenvcriJiai, XiXdrrixeda, XiXaa-fxevos, KeKdajxeda, KeKacrixivos, 
■iTeTr6,(Tixr]v, is due to the analogy of the indieat. iriTTvaTai, etc. 
Dentals should regularly remain unaltered before n, e. g. 
eperixos, otbp.a, •nvQfx.rjv, etc., and in the perfects KeKOpvdfxiva, 
eikrikovBiiev, eTreTrt^juey, lhp,€V in Homer, and Tte^pahp.iva 
(Find. 01. I. 37), KiKabjjifvov (Sapph. 56 B.), -neTivKahp-ivov. 
Where 6/^-, r/x-, dp.- appear to pass to ap., they really stand for 
hap, Tap, Oap, e.g. irfia^pa for Ttivd-ap.a, d<l>\oi{b)a-p6s and 
6(b)apri [K. Z. xxvii. 313). 

up, is assimilated to pp. in oppa, KXippa. In Lesbian we 
have 117! in o^miaTa. 

/3/x, (pp are assimilated to pp, in rpCptpa, ypdp,pa, KSKappai. 

Prothesis. We have already dealt with the phenomena of the develop- 
ment of an indeterminate vowel in the interior of word (p. 69). 
Prothesis is the name given to this anaptyctic vowel when it 
appears at the beginning of a word. 

Thus before initial p we find a-pdaau>, dpajSos, Sanskrit 
Vramik (roar) — epe(j>os, o-po<t)os, 6-po<l>ri, cf. English roof—i- 
pa/;iat, Sanskrit V^-flM (be content) — e-peUo), Sanskrit liMdti — 
e-peuyopai, Latin ructare — e-pvdpos, Latin ruber. 

Before initial X, a-\f[(j)(a, cf. AtVa, Xiirapos — e-X.axvs, Latin 
-e-Xfvdepos, Latin lider — d-Kia0dvm, cf. Maaos, and 


Homeric Aira TTirda-a-as — 6-\(yos, cf. Hesyehius \i,(6v 

Before initial fj,, a-jxaXos, cf. /xa\aKo'y, Latin mollis — d'/xeXyu), 
cf. Homeric 'liriTr)-iJ,oX.yot, Latin mulgeo — afjiijvca, Latin moenia 
— d-f*i5(ro-a), Latin mucro. 

Before initial f , e-vp^s, e-ipos, e-Xkt], k-ipcrr), e-fUoo t, i-l\amvr\, 
cf. voluntas ; a-v^&va>, cf. &Fi^oi, Latin veg-eo. 

Before a consonantal group, e-x^e's beside x^« — l-x^vs — 
a-crKapiC<o — a-a-nalpui beside aTralpat — a-a-Trjp : but we cannot 
in these cases be sure that the initial vowel is merely 
prothetic ; it may be the result of composition, or else an 
original part of the root. Other instances are l-(rdi, a- 
Kpodofxai, o-jSpiptos, S,-(j)\acrTov. We may however compare 
the similar prothetic vowel before double consonants in the 
Romance languages, e. g. escalier, Lat. scala, esjierer, Lat. 
sperare, etc. It is conceivable that the prothetic vowel may 
have originally occurred in many cases only where the preced- 
ing word ended with a consonant, after which an initial group 
of consonants would be difficult to pronounce. Compare the 
similar case of riyos used after consonants, ore'yoy after vowels. 

In certain cases where the semivowels i and u follow a con- Epen- 
sonant, the preceding syllable undergoes a change. Where 
the succeeding semivowel is i, the preceding syllable is pala- 
talised. The ioiu disappears after the consonant, and reappears 
in the preceding syllable. The final consonant of the preceding 
syllable is either v, p., p, o-, or F. 

Thus (j)av-i()i becomes ^atVa), kov-los ( = Ko/x-toj) becomes 
Koivos, p-aKapM becomes p,i,Kaipa, reKTav-iai becomes TeKTaCvw. 

V and pi may be the last member of a combination kv, irv, (l>v, 
TV, hv, xp,, e. g. cLKV-iov, oiKVovy — beirv-iov, beXiTvov^e^a<j)-vi.ds, 
e^ai<i)vr}S, cf. ac^vw — becr-TTorvia, bicnroiva — pabviai, paCvoa — axfiia 
aixprj, cf. eyxos. Other instances of Epenthesis are to be 
found in p,eKaiva, rdXaiva, Keaiva, aareipa, poipa, oveipos, 

In such presents as <f>0eipa>, the et is not to be regai-ded as the 
result of Epenthesis. In Lesbian we have (j)Bepp(», in Arcadian 


(pe-npco, so that ei is rather a compensatory lengthening for 
the disappearance of t of (j)6ep-Lu>. 

In KpeiTTcav, ixeCCa^v there is no Epenthesis ; the et follows 
the analogy of xeipuiv. In Ionic we have Kpfo-aoiv for Kpermv, 
and jxe^cov for ^.ty-mv. 

Instances of w Epenthesis are more rare, ravpos for Tapuos 
is the most probable, and Kevravpos beside Sanskrit ffand- 

Compen- Under the head of vowel combinations we have already 

satory spoken of the compensatory lengthening of a vowel after the 

ing^ ^^ disappearance of a succeeding consonant as, e. g. in <t7tjA.?j for 

a-raWa. The phenomena of compensatory lengthening are 

most frequent in words where o- is combined with> liquid or 

nasal. Thus Travaa becomes Traa-a, tovs becomes tovs, etc. 

Before liquids and nasals cr passes in sound to z. In the 
Aeolic or Lesbian dialect these combinations are represented 
by a doubling of the liquid or nasal, e. g. xe'^^'ot for xe'cA.101, 
p.rjvvos for /xTjvo-09. In the other dialects pp represents crp as 
in ippv-qv, but in the other combinations the a- disappears, and 
the preceding vowel is lengthened as, e. g. xnvos for xaz'o-os, 
eljxa for kcrp,a, (paeivos for ((>aecrvos, Aeolic <f)Aevvos. 

Where cr is the second member of the combinations we 
sometimes find it retained ^s in TeKcrov, Kopa-rj, and sometimes 
expelled with compensatory lengthening of the preceding 
vowel as in 'ip,€iva. This retention of the cr is common in 
Homer, e. g. ©fpcrtTrjs, airoFepa-e, Kvpa-ai, bLa(f>6epijei, depcroixivos, 
ikcrai, KeX(Tat, etc. 

Wackemagel {K. Z, xxix. 124) has endeavoured to connect the representation 
of <r combined with liquids and nasals with the shifting of accent. Thus where 
the accent is on the preceding vowel, the final s of the syllable is surd and re- 
mains; if the accent falls elsewhere the s becomes z, in which case in Aeolic 
we have a doubling of the liquid or nasal, and in other dialects a single 
liquid or nasal with a compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel. 

Thus in oppos, new Attic for Spaos, the accent is on the first syllable, the a 
is surd and is retained, but in oiipa the accent is on the final syllable, the or 
disappears and the vowel is lengthened, oppos represents 6rsos, but ovpa, 
represents orzd which should be in Aeolic *Sppa, in Doric *dipi. 

Again K6pai], Attic ii6ppr), has the a surd in the accented syllable, but 


Kovpeis has the sonant z in the unaccented syllable. The same change is 
illustrated by fepffrj beside povpiai ( =uorzeo). 

In Teibal formations we have Spo-e, Spaas, with the accent on the root syl- 
lable, and from the root of dpapia/ca, apaas as compared with deipev. Again, 
iciipai has in Homer in the active SiaKepaai, but in the middle Kiipiixivos, 
KiipaaOm. There are no parallel forms in rz to the words Sdpaos, iripatTo, 

From x^'P we find in Homer the stem x^'P- before vowels, x^P- before con- 
sonants. The one exception to this rule is the use of dative sing, in such a 
phrase as iv x^P^ BiJKev which is due to the analogy of the similar iv x^P"'^ 
iSriKev. The true stem of the word is X'P"'" X'P^"'" *s we see from Svax^p^^- 
X^ipis then is for x^P^^^i ^^^ ^^^ ^ ' ^^ been extended by analogy to x^'P"^ ^°^ 
Xfpeaa, x^paa- 

Of combinations with \ we find a\(Xos, rkKaov, iKaai side by side with 
iacj>r]\a, 7J77eiAa, dJ/ceiAa where the accent is of necessity upon the augment. 

The combination v<t appears in via-ofxai for viv(roiiai, in 
7re(^j)(rerat for Tret^eitrerai from ne^evaerai, and in eicro) for kvcrm. 

The combination nz appears in the declension of xw> Xt]v6s 
(for xavTos, ef. Latin amer) and \x7iv, firivos for [u]V(t6s, AeoKe 
[irivvos, Latin mensis. 

(T before a nasal is due to false analogy in the Attic riix<f)U(Tfj,ai, 
which has been formed after the model of 7iij.<^U(rrai. The 
regular form is seen in el/^at. av passed into vv in hvv\xi (etr- 
vvfj,i), IleAoTroVj'Tjo-os (rTeXowos z/^cros). But the Ionic ilvvni 
shows the more regular form. 

In the combination of v(t, followed by a consonant, the 
nasal fell out without other change, e. g. k€VT-, Kearos — bevcr-, 
Secr-ironjs — (rvv-a-r-, alJcrTacns — eva--, ears (until) — xapuvr-. 
Xapiia-Tepos — TrevTrjKovra, ireiTjjKooros. 

An accumulation of consonants was lightened by the dis- Loss of a 
appearance of one of them from the group, e. g. Tidevrs, TL0ev$, ''°'^°'^'^ ■ 
ridels — TrepOa-ai, iripa-ai — itcrTapv-,, cf. Latin (p)sier- 
nuo — wo-S-ew, iSSe'co — (mm-, Ttru-co — liTpa-, rpAveCa — paivi-, 
paivo) — XeKOTo, A.e/cTO — Iikctkco, eCaiKa. 

We have dissimilation of u to i, perhaps in tiiwtos for mwros, Dissimila- 
^idvpos for -ylfvO-. Cf. fveiCM' ^idvplCoi (Hesych.). 
Of p to A in vavKkapos for vav-Kpa-pos. 
Xio p in aAyos beside apyaXios. 

Loss of liq^uid by dissimilation occurs in ^KirayXos for 
eKvXaykos, bp-6<t>aKTos for Spu- i/)paKros. 



Dissimilation of aspirates occurs in 

TLdriiXL for dL6rifj,i — Ire'^Tji; for eOedriv — evvdero for e^vOiTo — 
Tpsxo's for dpixos — sKexfip^o- for Ix^X^ 'P'" — ^X'^ ^^^ ^X"' fo'' "'^X'* 
— ttrxco for i(Txoi for aricrxui — ebeO^ov beside eSos— a-\oxos be- 
side it-Txaf So also TeOrjTi for ^e^ij^t — ru^Tjrt for OvdrjeL— 
'ira^ov for eda(f>ov — 6/)e'V'<o tut rpe'c^a) — ^pe'^w but rpe'xo) — 
6p6.(r(ra> but Tpdx'us. 

For cru>Q-i]dL we have crcodr]Ti. rather than aoiTridi, because this 
last would obscure the -5?j- suffix of the aorist. In ^ydriTi 
there is no dissimilation, but the double aspirate is kept, as dis- 
similation would obscure the verbal and tense stems, xe'iS) f X^ '*! 

Syllabic dissimilation, in which one of two neighbouring and 
similar syllables is lost, occurs in ay.[(^i)(popevs — Kiv{Trj)Taip — 
6&p[(To)(ruvos — TiTpa(bpa)xiJiov 'na\a(ixo)ii,ribris ■ — nXetcr(ro)- 

Meta- Metathesis of consonants is very rare — tU-tw for ti-tk-oo, 

(TKiTT-TOfjiaL, Latin specio, ^C<pos beside Lesb. aKL(l)os. 

The old instances given as cases of metathesis can be other- 
wise explained, e.g. in e-axe-s we have the reduced root (p. 227) 
and ttX^-to points to original root jile not pel. Other sup- 
posed instances of metathesis have been already explained in 
treating of nasal and liquid sonants, e.g. o-rpmroy, fxejmjSXwKa, 
Opda-KU), etc. (p. 115). 

Final Con- -^* ^^^ ^^^ °^ ^ word, the Greek rule is to admit only the 
sonants, consonants V, p, s, e. g. irdrep, itinov, 'i-mros. Where other 
consonants would natm-ally come they either disappear, as in 
effxpe, Sanskrit dbkarat, ^a-av, Latin erant, yvvai{K.), ava{KT),^{KT), 
or are changed to s, as oiVcos for ovraib. Final m in Greek 
appears as v — Sanskrit tdm, Latin istum, Greek tov. 

There are monosyllabic exceptions to these rules, e. g. Ik 
and ovK, but of these ex stands for e^ before consonants, ovk 
for ovKL or o^x' before vowels. 

Combina- It will be convenient, in considering the laws of consonantal 
'™ ° combination in Latin, to distinguish three possible cases : that 


in which the consonantal combination is initial, and therefore ConeouantB 
precedes a vowel-sound ; that in which it is medial, and therefore ™ Latin, 
stands between two vowels ; and that in which it is final, and 
therefore follows a vowel-sound. Those combinations only 
that are of special philological interest will be treated of in 
detail here. 

Of two mutes the first disappears. The instances are Combina- 
not numerous, but tilia corresponds to the Greek wreX^a, and -^^^^^ a„f| 
points to a primitive ptelea. In inscriptions we find TesipAm^ Spirants. 
Tolemaid for Ctedjolion, Ptolemaid (Inscr. Begn. Heap. 3395)- initial 
In TTTia-a-oo beside pi-n-so, Pis-tor, Sanski-it Vpis, pi-na-sti™^°-^^^- 
(Curt. G. E. 277) the second mute seems to have dropped. 

Initial^* becomes jo {ps only occurs initially in words bor- (2) Initial 

1 n ; 1 /-I 1 \ Mute and 

rowed irom the (jreek), e.g. — Spirant. 

■\j/vX.X.a : pul-ex. \j/iXovv : pil-are. 

\jrr]ka(j)av : palpare. ^dtp : par-us. 

The connexion of \lrdiJ.ados with sahulum, sabulo, is more than 
doubtful, as the consonants nowhere agree. \}rdij,(a)6os is more 
probably identical with the English sand. 
Initial j!?*^ becomes si. 

So : sternuo Vj)sfrn. 
■nnHpea-Oai : consternare, ex-stemare. 
The attempt to connect these last with sternere, a-ropivvviM is 
not satisfactory as regards the meaning and does not account 
for the conjugation. 

The characteristic of this combination is the frequent loss (3) initial 
of the initial spirant — a loss which runs through the whole of ^nd^ute 
the Indo-European families. The survival in any one word 
or language seems very much the result of accident. An in- 
genious explanation, however, has been ofiered. In Sanskrit 
and in Greek s regularly disappears in the middle of a word 
between two mutes. Thus we have Greek exros corresponding 
to Latin sextus. It is accordingly suggested that where an 
initial s followed by a mute was preceded by a mute at the end 

a03 LOSS OF FINAL 5. [CH. 

of tlie preceding word, and therefore in the sentence-combina- 
tion stood between two mutes, it disappeared : where, on the 
other hand, the preceding word ended in a vowel, the s was 
kept. Thus in the original language they may have said 
M-pekin but joen-speMo. When the individual word rather 
than the spoken sentence came to be considered as the unit of 
language, it was a matter of accident whether the form 
adopted in any language was that in which the word was 
preceded by a vowel or that in which it was preceded by a 
consonant. The same principle may account for the absence 
of the final -s in some forms of the nom. sing. The original 
language may, e.g. have used nepots-esti by the side of 
nepoi-qe, whence may have arisen on the one hand the San- 
skrit nom. napat, on the other hand the Latin nom. nepo{t)s. 
(See M. U. iv. 339.) 
Loss of The same reason may underlie the loss of a final -*, which 

was so common in Latin till the time of Cicero. The s would 
at first have been kept before a word beginning with a vowel, 
but lost before one beginning with a consonant under the 
same circumstances as entail the loss of s initially or in the 
middle of a word. That is, as *squiescit became quiescit, so 
confectus-qiiiescit became confectu quiescit, and as corpuslentws 
became corpulentiis (p. 313), so confectus-lahore became confectu" 

Loss of ini- Instances of the loss of initial s in Latin are — 

tial s : {a) 

before c ; cemo : Goth, skeirs (pure), cf. A.-S. hri-dder, English 

riddle (a sieve). Cf. Kplvia, cri-brum, etc. 
cutis : scutum, kvtos, ctkvtos. Cf. ob-scu-rus, em-a-nv- 


coruscus. Old Lat. scoruscus. 

corium : scortum. 

cena. Old Lat. scesnas (Festus). Cf. K.vah6.k\a>, Sanskrit 

-s/khad (chew), 
eavere : Gothic usskavs, Germ, schauen, English skow. 

The root also appears in Kofiai, c/to/tcy Tga06iie9a (Hesyoh.), and possibly in 
d-Koveiv (for a-OKof-eiv). Traces of the original spirant are seen inSvo-aKdf-os. 


We may notice also — 

quies : KTCC<i>> ktCixsvos, \/sM, Sk. heii, whence tran- 
(s)qail-lus, ktCXos. 
But capisferium beside (TKa(picrTrjpiov seems merely a case of 
popular etymology, the word being borrowed, and falsely" assi- 
milated to capio. 

curtus, A.-S. sceort, English short. 

caedoj A.-S. scUan, German scheit. 

tonare : crrovos. (6) before 

tego : areyu). *> 

tur-dus : stur-nus. 

tundere : Goth, stautan, English stunt. 

tibia (the shin bone) : a-rdfiw. 

trio (septem triones) : stella (for ster-la). 
For iuteroliaiige of ri and er see p. 192. 

tergere : strig-ilis ; cf. (rrkiyyis (?). 
torus : (TTopvvixi. 

sterno cannot be separated from this root. 

pumex : spuma. (c) before 

We may connect sjpuo, Greek wrvai. 

parens : a-irapvos. 
There are some cases where the sound following the spirant 
appears variously as a dental, labial, or guttural ; but the 
natm-e of the original combination is obscure. Thus we 
have : — 

studium : a-irevbai. 

turgere : airapyav. 

talpa : criraXa^ and o-KaXoi/f. 

stercus : crKap, Sanskrit gairt ; cf. arepyavos (Hesych.). 

-specere : a-KinreaOai, Sanskrit \/sjpag,pac (see p. 414)- 

scaber : \(ra(j>ap6s. 

scintilla : (nnvOrjp. 
(TKvXov is probably distinct from spolia and connected with 
(TKv\\a> ; spatium is said to be from ardbiov, through the Doric 
form a-TTdbiov, but in this case the confusion would have origi- 
nated in Greek. 


sperno has been connected with uripva, but the corres- 
ponding Sanskrit joarsMM is against this, and the Greek t may- 
be compared with the unexplained ■urokUdpov, TiT6keji,os 
(cf. p. 195). 

In qui-squil-iae, Greek Ko-crnvX-iJidTia, the cr is lost in the 
reduplication in both languages ; cf. a-KvWoi. 

(4) Two su appears variously as s or sw, but the laws under which it 
Spirants *^^^^ ^^^ ^' *^® °*^®^ shape are not as yet known, 
(a) As su in — 

suavis, suadeo : ribvs (for crFdhvs), Sanskrit svddus. 

With this may be connected suavium (also samum). 
sueseo : edos (for crFidos), ^6os. 
Initial sue becomes so in — 

sodalis : e6os (contrast sue-sco). 

Possibly sodes, if not for si audes, according to the traditional account, may be 
a vocative from the same root (' my friend '). 

soror : Sanskrit svdsar, Indo-European suesor. 

sordidus : suasum. Cf. English swart, German scliwarz. 

sudor : tSpws for o-f tSpcos, Sanskrit sveda. 

sudor stands for *soidor (as unue for oinos), and this for sueidor. Cf. English 
sweat, G-erman Schweiss. 

socer : eKvpos for trFeKvpos, Sanskrit gvdctira. 
somnus : vttj'os for a-FfTTVos. 
sex is proved by digamma in Greek inscriptions (Fe^Kovra, 
Fe^aKCLTLOi, etc.) and by the Welsh chwecli to be for suex : in 
this word the simple * in Latin may be due to early assimilation 
to septem, before the time when sue- passed to so- (M. U. i. 96). 
{I) As * in — 

salum : cr6Xos, English swallow. 

This and the following comparisons with Greek depend on the law of that 
language that an initial <r followed by a vowel has always lost a f after the a. 

saltus : aaipu), English sward. 

sero : aeipi, for ^aepux. 

se : 4' for a-Fe. 

serenus (for seres-nus) : cri\as. 

si : Oscan svai. 


In the case oifunda, fungus it is usual to say ttat they are 
borrowed from the Greek acjievbovr], (r<f)6yyos, and that/" conse- 
quently represents sf. But more probably the exact form of 
the words is due merely to assimilation to fundere, fungi, 
fallere is often compared with the Greek (r^oKkeiv, but the 
root is more probably dJiual, the Gothic dvals. 

A media before a tenuis becomes assimilated to the Medial 

. . combi- 

tenuis. nation. 

Thus ag-o, ac-tum ; scrih-o, scnp-tum ; veho (for vegh-o, h. '^'^° 
Greek oxos), vec-tmn. 

The combination of d, dh, t, with a supplementary t, 
demands a fuller treatment, and cannot be discussed without 
reference to the question of the real quantity of vowels in 
syllables long by position. (Jf. ?7. iii. 131 ; Osthoff,^. G.d.P. 
15a, 532 sq.) 

The question at issue is this : axe we to suppose that in Vowels 
missus, e. g. (for mit-tus) the vowel is naturally long, as in position. 
misi, and that we have the strong form of the stem, or that 
the past participle in this case foUows the general analogy of 
such formations in taking the reduced form, and that mhsus 
is to be compared with \vt6s ? 

The data for deciding this question are threefold : — 

(i) The transcription of such forms in Greek. The quantity 
of the in fossus, for example, seems determined by (jiocrcra in 
Pint. Fai. Max. 1. 

(ii) The use of distinctive characters for the long vowels in 
Inscriptions, e.g. the apex (julio), the doubling of the 
vowel (PAASTOEEs), the waiting of the long i as the diph- 
thong ei (meilia) or taller than the other letters (cIvIca). 
But this last instance, from the Monumentum Ancyranum, is 
suiSBcient to show how little dependence can be placed on this 
sort of evidence. 

(iii) The most important evidence obtained is fi-om the 
various ways in which the long and short vowels, independent 
of position, are represented in the Eomance languages. The 
following is a list of the principal representatives : — 


Latin ^ is Romance / (close vowel). 






e (open vowel). 



/ (close vowel). 



6 (close vowel). 




a, a 



„ „ b (open vowel). 

„ „ 6 (close vowel). 

Thus we have — 

fissus, liali&nfesso, but tristis, French triste, Ital. triste. 
spissus, „ spessOjbutquinque, French cm£,Ital.CTSg'2/e. 
missus, J, messo. 

perciissi, „ percossi, but ustus, Italian perusto, Cf. 

French Irmler (perustilare). 
riissus, „ rosso. 

gressus, French pro-gres. 
eessus, Italian cesso, French ex-ces. 
pessimus, „ pessimo. 
fbssus, ,, fbsso. 

Formswith We have, however, a set of double forms in Latin, which 
single^Cra- ^^®° often appear in the Eomance languages, one set with a 
sonants, long vowel followed by a single consonant, the other with 
a short vowel followed by a double consonant. Thus — 
*mitere, German meirlen, beside mittere, French mettre. 
litera, litus, beside littera, littus, French lettre. 
buca „ biicca, Italian locca, French ^OMC^e. 

ciipa, Fr. cuve „ ciippa, Italian coppa, French coupe. 
sucus, Fr. ««c „ succus. 

f gliittii-e, Ital. inghiottire, Fr. en- 
° " ( gloutir. 

mucus, Gk.fiijKos „ muceus, Italian moccio. 
So stupa : stuppa, 
Jupiter : Juppiter, 

mutire : milttire, where both forms are equally well 

The existence of these doublets is so far unexplained. 


As far as concerns the Latin combination ss, the following Latin ss. 
law may be laid down. 

A. Indo- Germanic t, th, d, dh followed by t between vowels 
and after nasals and liquids becomes in Latin, except before r, 
in the first instance ss. 

This ss is — 

(i) kept as ss when immediately following a short vowel ; 
hence scusus, tmssus, fissus, possessus, concussus, jussus (from 
scid-tus, m)i,t-tus,fid-tus, possM-tus, concut-tus, jMh-tus). zossi- 
mus, gessimus are from an original s-\-s. 

(ii) written as * after a long vowel : hence visus, caesus, 
laesiis. rdsimus, sudsimus are from an original d-'i-s. 

We may especially notice the case of the ordinals, e.g. 
vicensimus for vicent-timus, viknt-timo-s, etc. 

Cases where the combination appears after a nasal or liquid 
are versus for vert-tws, sensus for sent-tus, morsus for mord-tus, 
scansum, for scand-tum, etc. So tensus for tend-tus, but tentus 
for tn-tus. 


All exceptions to this rule are the result, not of phonetic 
law, but of analogy. Thus ed-s, ed-t become es, est from the 
analogy of e*, est for es-s, es-t. So comestus (by the side oiadesus) 
is formed on the analogy ofgestm. Similarlyj!50<e«^a»(stemj50i^«-), 
egestas (stem ege-^, are on the analogy o{ konestas (stem, kones-). 

But an original st is unaltered in Latin, as in ges-tws (gero 
for ges-o), tos-tus (for tors-tus, torr-eo, Tep(r-oiJ,ai), ves-tis 
(Fecr-Oris), gus-tare (yev(a-)-Q)), hones-tas (stem hmos-, hones-), 
sceles-tus (stem scelos-, seeks-). In every case where ss (s) 
appears in place of an original st the result is due to analogy ; 
thus we have censor, censum, beside Oscan censtur, on the model 
oi defensor, defensus ; pinsum (a\so pistor) beside sensus; liausurus 
(for hausturus) beside clausurus ; cursus (from curro for *curso) 
beside morsus, etc. And indeed the analogy of those forms 
where the s in the past participle is legitimate explains the 
appearance of* in e.g. laps?is (for laptus, cf scriptus), fixus (for 
fictus, cf lictor from ligo),parsus [ioxparctus oi partus, al.arceo, 
arctus, art-us). In some cases, however, the influence of the 
sigmatic perfect may have been operative. 


B. An original t, th, d, dh, followed by t before r, becomes 
str-, hence rostrum, claustrum, rastrum, pedestris, equestris, 
palustris,frustra, possestrix, tonstrioa. 

In a few cases there are traces of a different treatment of 
dh + t resulting in a metathesis of the aspirate, such as we find 
in Sanskrit, where dh + t becomes -ddh-. Thus an original d 
followed by dh, resulting from an earlier dh + 1, passed to zdh, 
then to sp (where ^ is the toneless aspirate), and thence to st, 
J) being kept as a dental by the dental sibilant *, but changed 
to the corresponding tenuis. 

Thus aestas, aestus from \/ aidh, Greek aMoo. 

custos „ 'Jkeudh, Greek KeiQin. 

hostis (hasta) „ Vghedh, ghedh, Sk. gadhya. 

castus „ Vkadh, Greek Kadapos. 

manifestus, infestus „ V bhedh. 
In infensus, defenms the n comes from the present stem, and 
nst becomes ns, as in censor, Oscan censtur ; but manifestus, 
infestus, though from the same root, have no corresponding 
verbal forms to influence them. 

credo is '&2CSi£sx\ii qraddha, i.e. crezdho=.cresj)o,cresdo = credo, 
this form (instead of cresto) being due to the other compounds 
of the root dhe {6r\-), e. g. ah-do. 

vastus (in ' vastus aether' the hollow sky) is thought to stand 
for vad-dhos {ved-dhSs, vddh-t6s), past pai'ticiple of ^vedh, 
which appears in Hdh-r (ovdap, uber). The identical form 
vastus (vast) with a long a is from a different root, which 
appears in Celtic {K. Z. xxviii. i66). 
Other com- Medial -dc-, -gl-, -gd- become -c-, -1-, -d-, the preceding 
ofMu?::. vowel being lengthened. 

Thus posti-cus, anti-cus : postid-ea, antid-ea. 
fibula, stem fig- in figo. 
jubilo, cf. Ivy-ri. 
teba, stem teg- in tego. 
udus, stem ug-, cf. vy-p6s. 
But in other cases assimilation of -dc- to -cc- takes place, and 
the preceding vowel is then naturally short ; thus peccare for 
ped-care (cf. pessum for ped-tum, pes, imped-ire) ; fioccus for 




fiod-cus (of. (jfrXd^co), cf. siccus for sitcus (sit~is), and regularly in 
composition, accipio, acquiro, etc. 

Medial -dp-, -be-, -If-, -hg-, -hp- assimilate to -pp-, -cc-, -/-, 
-99-i -pp- in topper (toi-per, cf. parum-per), occurro, offero, 
suggero, oppono, etc. 


hsp- becomes -sp- in aeporto. 2. Combi- 

„ -sc- in posco {ovporc-sco (ct. prec-or, proc-us) ; Mute" and 
disco for di-dc-sco, a reduplicated in- Spirant. 
ceptive ; cf. di-dic-i. 
misceo is for mig-sc-e-o ; cf. fxiy-vv-m, 
-est-, -gst- become -st- in Sestius (cf. Sextius). 

mistus (cf. mioetus). 
illustris (cf. lue-eo). 
In Sesiiiis : Sextius we may notice a diiference of quantity, 
as indicated by Greek S^ortoy : Se^rios. 
<^, <?i^, ^ followed by s become — 

(i) ss after a short vowel, 
(ii) * after a long vowel. 
Thus quassi [qiiat-si), posse (pot'sse by syncope) Jiiisi({orJud/i-si), 
but »2Iot (for mlt-si). 

-bf-, -pf- become,^ in e. g. officio, officina [op-us). 

The most important case is that in which s appears before 3. Combi- 
a media, but the same rule holds good if the second consonant gpi^ant" 
is any sonant. In all these combinations the sm'd spirant s and Mute. 
becomes, in the first instance, the corresponding sonant z, 
and then disappears ; an accented vowel before the combina- 
tion is long, an unaccented vowel short. 
Thus Camena : Casmena (Fast. 6^, 305). 

si-sd-o, a reduplicated present ; cf. i^oj for 


misd-es (cf. ixicrO-os). 












Didus (perhaps) for nisdus (English nest). 

atidire for aus-dire ; c£ aur-is, aus-culto, oSs. 

mains for masdus (English mast). 

On the other hand we have satin, viden, idem, rSgan, 
sedshus for sedes-ios, vidimus for vides-mos, Sanskrit dvedisma, 
etc. [K. Z. xxvii. 3*8). 

Of special interest here are the adjectives in -tdus and 
kindred forms. They seem to have arisen from stems ending 
in -s with the suflSx -do. Thus frigidus will come from 
friges-dns, just as molihus from moles-bos. They frequently 
correspond to abstract substantives in -or, and we may sup- 
pose, e.g. an original jf^r^^^os, genitive /rif^e^os, adjective/«^es- 
do-, with an abstract substantive /r^^e*(!?o* genitive /r^^esi^K?*. 
Then, when the retraction of the accent began to come in, a 
penultimate syllable protected by three consonants would 
tend to keep the accent from retreating further than that 
syllable, and we might getfrlgesdus,frigesdo, hat frigesdnis, 
whence fngidus, *fngido hut frigednis, which last must become 
frigedinis, whence was formed a nomjnative/nyei^o. In some 
cases a syncope of the unaccented syllable takes place, and we 
have calidus and caldws, aridus and ardor. It would 'seem 
that the adjectival termination -do was originally accented, 
and the stem vowel consequently short. 

Similarly there may have been an adjective *oresdus with 
an abstract substantive *6resdo, genitive *orsdnis, whence 
*ordnis and ordinis, which produced a nominative ordo ; or the 
form ordo,Txot *oredo, may be due to the fact that there is no e- 
verb (as with /rehire he%\A.e frigedo) to determine the vowel. 

libido (stem libe- in libere) may owe its « to the * in 
cujoido (stem cu^i- in cwpire). formido is obscure {K. Z. xxviii. 

-st- is a stable compound, and remains in aus-ter, eosta (ec- 
sta),fustis (for furs-iis, ct. 6vpa-os), etc. So aestimo possibly 
for aes-tem-o \ cf. Tefj.-va}, Te[j,-a)(os (Havet, Mem. Sac. Ling. 
vi. 23). The appeai-ance of ** [s) for st by analogy has been 
explained above. 

In general we may say that the combination of the soft 


sibilant z, followed by h, g, d, m, n, r loses the sibilant, 
and lengthens the preceding- vowel, if it carries the accent, 
whereas the combinations with the hard spirant, so, sp, sq, ss, 
st remain intact, sq however often loses the spirant, as inquam 
for in-squd-m, coinquo for co-in-squ-o, Vsek in seco. 

-zv- becomes -rv- in furvus (cf. fuscus), acervus (cf. acus, 4. Combi- 
aceris). divello, divergo are on the analogy of dl-gressus, etc. gp^a^tg^ 
-rf- is assimilated to -ff- in difficilis, etc. 

No combination of two consonants (except «) is allowed, so Final com- 
we get as (for *ass, cf. ass-is), lac (for lact\ cor (for cord), etc. ™**^°"^- 

t and d followed by s become simple s (through ss), e. g. in 
miles (milii-),pes (ped-), the final vowel of the stem being short, 
except in monosyllables. 

Any guttural followed by s becomes te; e.g. rex, lux. 

-hs or -ps are the result of syncope in urhs (stem urbi), plebs 
(stem plehi), trabs (trabes), etc. 

-cts becomes x in nox. 

di becomes j in Jvr-piter ; cf. Zevs, Sanskrit Bydus. Combina- 

du becomes b (sometimes d) in bellum {duellum) ; bis, limus ^°^_ ° 
{dimus), cf. 8ts, Sj^o. vowels, 

cu seems to become e in canis (cf. kvov-), calix {kv\i^). spirants. 

tu becomes t in te, tibi, Sanskrit tva. 

dhw becomes,/" in /bre* {dhur, cf. 6vpa),follis {dhul, 6v\aKos). i.Mute 

tl certainly becomes I in Idins (rXaro's). But latus for »"<! ^e""- 
*plattis (irXarvs)*, libum for clibum (K\ij3avos, Anglo-Saxon 
^Idf, English loaf), and lamentum for clamentum {clamo) can 
hardly be accepted, for initial pi, cl are constant in Latin ; 
latera maybe borrowed from A.d'n-a/ia [a&bracchium from jSpaxtcoz;), 
the feminine singular being taken as a neuter plural, with t 
for p on the analogy of Idtus, lateo (cf. Kv/cAcoTre? with coclHts 
on the analogy of milites), see Ha vet, Mem. Soc. Ling. vi. 33. 

gn in classical times becomes n, e. g. nosco : i-gnarvs — 
nascor : co-gnatus — nisei -.genu — nodus for gnodus (English Jinot). 

P a 


In cognomen, ignominia they is by false analogy from cognatus, 

hi, gJil seem to become I in luridus, cf. x\u>p6s, and per- 
haps in lutum, luteus, cf. yjmtros, yjivtrios. 

gl perhaps becomes / in lac for glac [yoKa). 

'i. Spirant gyn^ gn, sl lose the spirant, perhaps for the same reason as 

and semi- , -, •, r \ 

vowel. suggested above (p. %o%). 
Thus we have — 

mii-us, Sanskrit '/smi, English smile, smirL 
macula, Greek crudco, 
mica, Greek a-jxiKpo^, jutxpos. 
laxus, English elack. 
nix, English snow. 

nurus, Sanskrit snusa, German Sohnur. 
limus, English slime (but lime, Anglo-Saxon Mm, shows the 
non-sibilated root) ; cf. okia-Oavw for 6-(rki0-dav(3i, English slide. 
mordere, Greek (T\xeph-v6s, English smart, 
sr may become/?" (through /r, where jJ is the hard dental 
aspirate) in frigus : piyos—fragvim : pa^ (but cf. racemus). On 
the other hand, Soma, Bumo (the old name of the Tiber, cf. 
'STpvp.civ, English stream') seem to be from a root sru, in pe'co 
and perhaps ruo, c£ ap.(pippvTos^ap.^i-<Tpv-Tos ; and, medially 
at least, sr becomes in Latin -hr- (cf. con-sohr-inus for con-sosr- 
inus, funei-ris for funes-ris), so that the change of srto/rmust 
be considered doubtful. 

Metathesis of the liquid seems to have taken place in 
sarcio beside p6.TTTco, sorbeo beside poipeco. 

vl, vr become I, r in lana (Xicyyt]) : vellus (eptov, Fep-iov) — 
lorum : evkripa (e-f A?jpa) — radix (vrd-ic-s) : English mort (vrt). 
lacer has been connected with vol-nus, but cf. KaKfpos, which 
may however be for FlK-epos. 

repo may possibly be Greek phoo (fpew-), but the quantity 
of the vowel is against it. 

a 3. Spirant, stl becomes I in locus, Old Latin stlocus. 

mute, and ,. ,. ,_ r. • \ 

semivowel. "* » *««* (German Streitj. 


stlataria may be connected with Idius, rXaro'y. 

spl becomes I in lien for sjolihen, a-nX-qv (cf. a-nX&yxva). splen 
is borrowed. 

In the ease of phimlum the p probably represents an 
original m, cf. jj.-6-\v^os> 

A medial mute before a semivowel is ordinarily lost, and the B, Medial, 
preceding vowel lengthened ; thus — f ilum (fig-o). nation of 

pumilus, cf. pug-io, pug-il, -nv^, Ylvyixaios. ™"*«> 

-1 J. J. . 1 . spirant, 

pila for *pigla, pi-n-gO. ■ and aemi- 

examen (ago), but cf. agmen, vowel, 

jumentum (jug-um). 

But stilus, stimulus, {«/stiff in ariyii^') have short i. 

contaminare, cf. ta-n-go, tago. 

rima, cf. ri-n-gi, e-peU-co, -/rih. 

aio for ahio, cf. jjx-<^, ^X""^^''- 

frumen, cf. (pdpvy-^. 

major for mahior, iJ.rJxos. 

rumentum, cf. ab-rup-tio. 

amentum for admentum. 

gluma, cf gl6b-us, /3oA;3os '/gold. 

temo, Vteff. 

caementum (caedo). 

caeumen, Sanskrit haMdmant. 

aemidus for aedmidus, cf. oXh[i.a. 
But assimilation seems to have taken place in flamma [flagro), 
yet ci. fld-men, unless this is {or flad-men, cf. e(}>\abov, ira<^\(if(u, 
German hlotan (Curt. G. B. 301); and in sumtnus for supmus 

si, sm, sn become I, m, n, the preceding vowel being long or 
short according as it is accented or not. 

Thus vilis for veslis with assimilation of vowels on either 
side of I (p. 71), cf. Sanskrit vasnd, venum {=vemum), u>vos 
(for Focr-vos ?). 

eanus, cf. cas-cus, cas-ca. 

pone for pos-ne, cf pos-t. 

aheneus for ahes-neus. 


cena, Umbr. cesna. 

deguno, cf. gus-tus. 

vomis for vosmis, cf. vvis or ijvvri (Fe(T-vis). 

querela (querella) for quere-sla, but queri-mdnia. 

vehemens for vehezmens (cf. for the formation Sanskrit 

ciilma for eoc-slina, co-slina, as palus for pac-slus (pac- 
tus), velum for vee-slum (vec-tus). 

So omittere is not for om-mittere, but rather for oz-mitterf, 
where oz- = ops-, Greek di/re (cf. ostendere, as-porto). Similarly 
moles but molestus, from a stem mogsdhes in /xo'x^-oy, the root 
being mog- in jxoy-is, the termination the same as in XA-a-Qr\ : 
moliri is from a different root, and presupposes a substantive 
*inblos Qii mohlos=ii,oxXos. 

The termination -do which appears in many of these words 
is also seen e. g. in o)(Xos for Fex-a-kos or Fox-crkos, which corre- 
sponds with the Latin velum (for vegh-do-m). 

Some other eases of the combination -sn will be given 
below (p. 317). 

An original tl (medial) became in primitive Latin cl; thus 
the suffix -do {sae-culo-m, sae-clu-m) corresponds to the Greek 
suffix -t\o {av-Tko-s) ; cf. exanclare beside i^avrkfiv (borrowed). 
For the further dissimilation to -era v. infra {Grundr. 
p. a8i). 

-sr- becomes -br- in — 

cerebrum for ceres-rum (cf. cernuus for cers-nuus, etc.). 

tenebrae for temes-rae, cf. temu(s)-lentus. 

membrum for mems-rum. 

februus for fes-ruus, cf. fes-tus. 

So too the adjectives in -Iris from substantives in -o«, -es, 
[funehris,feneiris, mulieiris, Celebris, etc.). 

-dtr-, -ttr-, as already shown, become -str- (p. 308). 
-gbr-,-tbr- become -Ir- in libra {Vlig), saluber {(oi salut-br-). 
-csl- becomes I, lengthening the preceding vowel, in — 

ala : axilla. 

velum : vexillum. 


mala : maxilla, 
talus : taxillus. 
palus : paxillus. 
aula : auxilla. 
qualus : quasillus. 
See Cie. Or. 45. 153. 

Assimilation of the mute to the following semivowel takes 
place in sella for sed-la, cf. eb-pa, Laconian kXk&. 
grallae : grad-ior, Vgradh. 
villa : vic-us. 
pauUus : pauc-us. 

rallum : rad-o (or possibly for *rarulum). 
-bn-, -pn- become -mn- in Samnium : Sab-ini. 

somnus : sopor, vir-vos. 
damnum : bav-avrj, dapes. 
So possibly antennae for ant-ep-nae (root ap- in ap-tus), if not 
for ante-ten-nae {ten-eo), or cf. trans-ennae below. 

Combinations of a short vowel, dental and sn result in a 
short vowel followed by nn, thus : — 

penna for petsna, Old Latin pesna. 
pinna for pitsna, cf. piseis for pitscis. 
annus for atsnus, cf. Gothic, apn, Sanskrit '/at (wander) , 
cf. transenna. 
annm cannot be for *dnus, nor again for amnus (Osc. amnud), 
as mn is constant (amnis), annona is only connected by popular 
etymology with annus. It should be *anona for *asnona. 

Combinations of a short vowel followed by -sn- (-rsn-) or by 
a guttural and an become a long vowel followed by n. 
Thus aranea is for arag-snea {ap&xv-rj). 

lana for lag-sna {kayvr]) (if not ul-na). 
finis for fig-snis, Lith. laigti. 
In the case of -tn-, -in-, we get a metathesis to -nd- as in 
fundus for fud-nus, cf. irvO-ixriv. 
unda for ud-na, cf. vbMp, 'Ako(r-vbvr]. 
mendax for ment-nax, cf. ment-ior. 
pando for patno, cf. pateo, TTLT-vrj-jM. 
mando, Sanskrit mathndmi, \/math (shake). 


Similarly the gerund stem is formed from the present 
participle by the suffix -no-, e.g. amando-, for amant-no-. 

Again, we may suppose an original *voraco (cf. vorasc), gen. 
*voracnis, which last became *mragms and voraginis, whence 
the new nom. (ef. p. 3io). So with testudo,ferrugo, etc., from 
an original *testuto (cf. testu), ^ferrmo (formed with the same 
termination as leerruca). 

Planus would seem to be for *plancnus [plunca)^ and ilignus 
for ilic-gnus (cf. aiie-gnus). 

On the other hand, mercennarms is by a later syncope for 
merced(i)narius. Cachinnus beside xax'^Cf'i' may represent 
cachnd-nus, but the ch seems to show that the word is not 
purely Latin. Gannire is for gang-nire, cf. yayyaXlCia. Cin- 
cinnus seems to be connected with cingo (for cin-cing-nus?). 
The form gnmdire is vouched for by the French grander ; grimnire 
will be a dialectic form. Compare the Plautine forms, distenno, 
dispenno, from tendo, pando. Pecunia can hardly be for *pecudnia, 
as it is an extremely old word, and must be from the pure 
stem pecu-, of which pecud- and j)ecus are later amplifications 

(P- 314)- 

Similarly sallere, salsus is from a stem said- (ef. Eng. 
salt), where the stem sal- is extended by d, as in pecu-d-, from 
pecvj-. So per cello, perculsm show a stem Jceld-, kid-, cf. 
KX(ifco for KKahjM, 

-i. Combi- r and I assimilate a single following mute or spirant. 

nations of niL 
semiTOwel '■^'^^- 

and mute moUis for moHuis Sanskrit mrdw ^pabvs. 

collum for eolsnm German Hals. 

velle for vel-se. 
ferre for fer-se. 

verres for verses Sanskrit varsd. 

farreus Umbrian farsio. 

porram for prsom ef. irpAtrov. 

Dossennus, cf. dorsum, 
verrere, cf. airo-Fepcr-e. 
Where however the s is of secondary origin rs remains, or 


becomes ss (s), as in ricsmm, rusum for re-verstim, where versum= 
vert-tum (p. 209), of. prosa. 

Nasals are assimilated to the following' sound, as in 
frendo : xpojx-a-bos — ton-deo : Tefx-vm. 

It has been thought that ms becomes ss in pressi for premsi, 
but contem-p-si is against this, and premo may be for *perdhmo 
(cf. vopOfj.os (a narrow arm of the sea) and for loss of the 
dental dormio : bapOdvw, ver-men for vert-men). In this case 
pressi may go back to perdk-si. 

mt becomes nt in ven-tum (Sanskrit Vgan, English come), 
tento : tempto, etc. The insertion of the p is a later device 
due to a desire to maintain the identity of the word. 

Where a semivowel is followed by two mutes or a mute 
and a spirant, the second letter of the combination is 
dropped. Thus : — 

m,ulsi for mulc-si — amsanctus cf. amb-esMS, &.ix(f>C, cf. am-termmi 
— -fulsi for fulg-si — ultus for ulc-tus — arsi for ard-si — sparsi 
for sparg-si — quintus for quinctus, but contrast /wnctuSjJunctus, 
nanctus {nactus) — ursits for orcsus, cf. &pKTos, Indo-European 
Mso — wrvws for uorguus, cf. vergo^fortis. Old Latin forctis, 
forctus — turdus for turzdiis, ef. English throst-le — hordeum for 
horzdeum, Old High Ger-msm gersta. 

In the combinations -nst-, -rsc-, -rst- the semivowel is lost, 
e.g. : — himestris cf. mensis — posco iov por-sco, porc-sco ci. precor 
— -fustis iovfurstis, Ovpa-os — tostus for torstus {torreo for torseo, 
TipcTO-[—fastigium for farstigium. 

Cf. Maspiter, older Marspiter ; Tuscus beside Btruria, Turscus, 
Umbrian Twrsco. 

In manifestus, pistor, etc., which are from the past part, 
stem, the nasal of the present stem does not appear (p. ao8). 

A mute or spirant between two semivowels is lost, e. g. : — 
almis for alsnus, cf English alder for alr—germen for gerb-men, 
cf. l3pe<j)os, Indo-European gerbk, with metathesis of the liquid ; 
otherwise it would become Overmen — scala for scand-la — 
cernvus for cersnuus, cf Kopcr-r], iy-Kapaios — perna for persna, 
Sansknt pdrsni — urna for wrc-na, cf urc-eus. 




-ndtr- by the rule given above (p. 3o8) becomes -nstr- in 

3. Combi- 
nations of 

-rn- is usually a constant sound, e.g. in furwus, but murra 
seems to answer to Greek (Tii.-6pvr] and scurra (for skuerna) to 
Old High German seem, English scorn. 

-rn- originates in Latin in three ways: — 

(i) An intermediate consonant is lost, as in urna, etc., 
quoted above. 

(2) An intermediate vowel is lost, in quernus for ques-i- 
nus, colurnws for corul-i-ntis. 

(3) The r is a liquid sonant in ornus, cornus, cornu. 
Cerno, sterno, sperno are doubtful, but as the suffix -no is ac- 
cented, the root must have originally appeared in the reduced 

Iv is generally kept, as in salvus, calvm, pelvis, silva, solve, 
etc. In many of these words the v was capable of becoming a 
vowel, as in siluae (Hor. Epod. 13. 3), soluit (CatuU. a. 13), 
and frequently we find in inscriptions a vowel introduced to 
mark this pronunciation (Sulevia for Silvia, Sulvia), or a 
doubling of the character v, as in ingenvvae. In other 
cases, however, the v was assimilated to the preceding liquid 
(as Greek ■7To\Fri = iro\X.-^). Thus we get side by side pulvis 
tkni pollen (? cf. p. 301), (where the difference is the same as in 
sanguis : sangven) ; sohs or sollus and 0A.0S {6\Fos, Ionic ov\os) 
(cf . p. 1 85) ; mel{l) and fxAQv, Sanskrit madhu ; tollo (for tolim) 
and tolu-tim; perhaps /ei?(M)w and drjXv-s (Breal, Mem. Soc. 
Ling. vi. 120). 

Of other combinations of semivowels the following may be 
noticed : — 


-mi- becomes -ni-, in venio for ^mio, cf. meare for '^gm-eare ; 

quoniam for quomiam ; so perhaps conicio, etc. for comiicio. 
Greek instances cf. p. 1 '^^. 

-mr- becomes -nr- in gener from gemro-, cf. yafj.pp6s. 

-ri- has been thought to become -i- in peiero iorperiero, but 
this is very doubtful. A later theory is that peiero (for 
peies-o) is formed from the comparative peior, against which 


it may be said that verbs formed from comparatives do not 
occur till late in Latin. 

-In- becomes -U- in coUis : koKwvos (ko|J;os) — pullus : ireXXoy, 
Cyprian iriXi^os cello : Sanskrit crnati. 

Where -In- occurs, some intermediate sound has been 
dropped, as in ulna : btXivri (where e is a svarabhaJcti vowel), 
alnus for alsnus. 

-mn- does not become -nn- or -n- (cf. p. 215). noveni is 
rather an analogical form than directly for novem-ni. 

-nl- becomes -II- in homullus {homon-lns), uUus (un-lus), 
Marullus (cf. Maro), Mesaalla (cf. Messana). 

-nm- becomes -mm- in gemma ( Vgen). 

-rl- becomes -II- in agellus (ag-e-r-lus), stella {ster-la, cf. 
d-oTTjp), pullus (pure), cf. pwr-MS. 

Note that pullus (black) is for pul-nus (TreXXo's) and pullus 
(young) for put-lus (cf. putus, jiutillus). 

Between two liquid or nasal sonants tenues change to 
mediae, as in singuli for sm-klo-,nongenti,septingentiiorneunknto-, 

Final combinations with semivowels are simplified to a c_ j^in^l 
single consonant, thus far for farr (cf. f arris). So we have combina- 
cor for cord, topper, antioper for -jpert (afore-times), cf. Osc. 
petiro-pert (four times), so with aU adverbs in -per (ArcMv 
fur Lai. Lexicogr, i. 102). 

Infert ioxfer-ti the t is perhaps not really final. 

Before dental spii'ants a semivowel is lost, as in dies for 
dieus (cf. Ze.vs), res for reis (Sanskrit rayas), agros for agro-ns, 
quoties for gitotiens (which is also found). 

But the combination -nts becomes -ns, as in all pres. parti- 
ciples, to which we may perhaps add trans, which may be a 
participle (cf. in-trare). 

The exception in hiems (not Tdes) may be explained as due to 
the analogy of the oblique cases (cf. p. 305). 

Also the combinations -rids, -rts, -rds, -Its lose the mute, 
as in frons, ars, concors, puis. On the other hand -ncs, -Ics, 
-res remain unchanged, e.g. conjunx,falx, arx. 




tion of 

Loss of a, 

It may be well to notice here cases where consonants not in 
immediate juxtaposition nevertheless modify one another. 

The most interesting case is that of the interchange of the 
liquids I and r in successive syllables. These two sounds tend 
to alternate with one another in suffixes according to very 
definite rules. Where the body of the word contains an I, the 
suffix will appear with the liquid r, where, on the other hand, 
the stem has an r, the suffix takes the liquid I (Havet, Mem. 
Soc. Ling. vi. 37 ; K. Z. xxvii.T:i3 ; Bragmann, Grundr., p. 219). 

Thus the suffix -alis appears in its normal form in fatalu. 
But where the root contains r, we find instead -aris, thus 
altaria, exempl-aris, consul-aris, salut-aris, vulg-aris, lupan-ar, 
pulvin-aris, palatu-ar, line-aris, etc. 

So too ''AKaXia and Aleria, eoelum and coer-ulews, Pales and 
Tarilia, largics [dlghos with d becoming t) and bo\i)(6s- 

The same rule governs the alternations of -c[u)lum and 
-crmn, thus ambula-crum, simula-crum, sejjul-crum, lava-crum, 
lu-crum {\v-ui), involu-erwm, but ludi-cer (beside ridi-culus, cf. 
pul-cer). Again we have scalp-rum, flag- rum beside capulum, 
jaculum, vinclnm beside fulcrum, lahrum beside capitulum, etc. 
So also delu-brum, candela-hrum, Vela-hrum, pollu-hrum, lava- 
hrum, but pa-bulum, vesti-bulum, sta-bulum, tri-hulum (yet 

The suffix -bra does not however seem to change ; cf. terebra, 
scatebra, vertebra, latebra, palpebra (also palpetra), dolabra, 
salebra, illeeebra. 

Among verbal forms we may notice flag-ro but postulo, 
blaterare but gratulari, lairare but ambulare. 

Where however an / intervenes between two ^'s, both ?s 
are kept {lateralis, Lupercal), and no dissimilation takes place 
between two r's {cerebrum, feretrum, aratrum). Forms vio- 
lating the law {Palafualis, legalis, Latialis, letalis, latibulum) 
may be taken as newer formations. 

An absolute loss of the liquid by dissimilation occurs in 
praestigiae {Vstrig, stringo), fragdre hesiAs fragr are, etc. 

Another noticeable instance of the tendency to dissimila- 
tion resulting in the loss of a sound is the ease where one of 


two successive similar syllables is completely lost. Thus we 
have calamitosus for calamitatosws, nutricis for nutri-tricis, 
veneficiiim for veneni-ficium, debilitare for dehilitatare, Tieredi- 
tarius for hereditat-arius, antestari for ante-testari, trucidare for 
truci-cidare, dentio for denti-tio, homi-cidium for homini-oidium 
(hut cf. p. 304), voluntas for volenti-tas (if not assimilated to 
voluptas), scilicet, ilicet, videlicet for scire-licet, etc. 

Cases of the assimilation of consonants not in juxtaposition Asaimila- 
are less common. It is however certain that gninque stands j'°"j^ 
not for qenqe but rather for penge. The initial labial is and velars, 
vouched for by all Indo-European languages, and the gut- 
tural in Latin is due merely to that in the succeeding syllable, 
unless indeed the initial sound of quattuor has affected it. 
■Similarly coquo is primarily for quequo and this for pequo {peqo, 
cf. Greek -neacroo). Popina, popa, where the guttural has 
been assimilated to the labial, are probably Italian rather 
than Latin words, the true Latin form of the former being 

A case of assimilation of the second sound to the first 
occurs in prope, whose guttural appears in proximus. The 
word would seem to be the same as Greek Trpoaa in the 
Herodotean formula koI irpoKa re. 

In every case the guttural is a velar, not a palatal. We 
are perhaps justified in laying it down as a law, that wherever 
a velar and a labial occur in Latin in the same word, one is 
assimilated to the other. Hence we get yet another explana- 
tion of bos, whose 6 (Indo-European g) may possibly have 
originated in the dat. plur. ioiws (for gou-lus). So vulva is 
written in the MSS. hulia and stands for Indo-European gelhh- 
{^pi4>os). The same law holds good in the Celtic languages 
(cf. Old Irish coic, Cymx. pimp, Indo-European ^mg'e; Cornish 
popei, Cymr. popuryes, Indo-European Vpeq) and forms a fresh 
argument for the close connexion of the Italic and Celtic 


Ablaut or Vowel-gradation. 

The mean- Ablaut or Vowel-gradation is the general name for all dif- 
'"l °^ ferenees of quantity, quality, and accent of the sonant element 
m any syllable of a root or suffix, which do not originate at 
the time of the separate development of the individual Indo- 
European languages, but are due to distinctions existing 
already in the primitive language. The conception of Ablaut 
has revolutionized the whole theory of the growth of the 
Indo-European languages and of their systems of inflexion. 
It is of special importance in regard to the theory of roots. 
The nature By a root is usually understood that element of unity eom- 
of oots. j^Qj^ ^Q a, related group of words, which is obtained from them 
by abstraction, whether in a derived or in the original language. 
When and under what circumstances roots were used as words 
we cannot determine. The derived languages are, as we assume 
the parent speech to have been, inflexional, and the radical 
element is not found existing as a separate word but is only 
obtained by abstracting that element which is common to a 
related group. But the question arises, upon what principle the 
root is to be assumed, whether in a derived or in the original 
language ; and how far does such a root serve the purpose of 
illustrating the element of unity common to a group of 
related words. 

In dealing with this question we are at once confronted 
with grave difiiculties. For instance in the Greek language, 
if we take the groups ^dWeiv, ^oXr), l3e\os, /3a\etz' — oreXXo), 
cttoAtj, a-TaXfjvai, we shall find that the roots usually given in 
dictionaries and grammars arev^jSaA. and'/oreX. But these 


roots are nierely in each instance the bases of the present stem of 
the verb and do not provide us with an element common to 
all the connected words. 

From -/jSaA. we cannot at once get ^oX?j and /3e'A.oj, nor 
from Va-Tek can we get o-toXtj : and if we say that the form 
erreX must be prior to the form oroX, simply because it occurs 
in a greater number of related forms, we resign all hopes of 
discovering any fundamental unity. 
Again in the groups — 

foT6a Feihofiai Fibixev, 

elXriKovOa fKeu(d)aoiiat rjKvdov, 

(TOdpos crecraptis (Xfcrdpvia, 

the roots ordinarily given would be '/Fib, y/i\vd, ^a-dp, 
which are the weakest forms under which the root in each 
instance appears. By the same process 

hepKOjxai, bebopna, 

fhpaKov we should 


a VhpaK. 

TreToixai, worjuos, 









T^jjiva), TOfj,ri 





1/ ^v. 




eram (for es-am) 



Most of these roots are necessarily unpronounceable, and it 
is inconceivable that they should ever have existed as actual 
words ; but they might be accepted as mere abstractions, if it 
could be shown that they were really the characteristic ele- 
ments of the groups of words to which they belong. But in 
the case of the Vfjiv we find by the side of eire-^iv-ov in 
Homer ire^arai, oSwTj-^aros and also probably a present OeCvca 
for 6evici>, where, as has been shown above, 6 represents the 
original velar guttural before the palatal vowel e. It is clear 
that a V<}>v fails to account for these forms. 

Again in the series yov-os, yev-os,, ye-ya-aa-i, in 
what sense can a Vyiv be considered as characteristic of 
the series? The same difficulty arises in the case oi ixepLova 
and jx€p,ap,ev, p,> and povq, relvoi, tovos and raros. 





Guna in 

These anomalies were formerly explained by the theory of 
vowel-intensification, — a theory derived from the Sanskrit 
grammarians, who call such intensification 'guna.' According 
to this theory the Sanskrit vowels a, i, u, r, I could be 
' gunated ' by the addition of the vowel a. Thus the guna of 
i would be a -fj= Sanskrit e, and this in turn was still further 
intensified by the addition of a second a, so that we get 
a-'t-a + i=di. This second ampKfication is known as the 
vrddhi of i. 

Acting on this hint, the earlier philologists, especially 
Schleicher, constructed a table of vowel-intensification for 
Greek and Latin. 

An A scale by which in Greek a was raised first to a or ?j, 
e. g. XaK, XekdKa — and e was raised to o, e. g. yev, yovq, ylyova : 
secondly to w, e. g. p-qyvvfju, eppcoya. 

An I scale by which t was raised first to et, secondly to ot, 
e. g. XtTT, Xeiiro), XeXonra. 

An U scale by which v was raised first to ev, secondly to 
01), e. g. fjXvBov, k'K.eLi(Q)(Top,ai, elkrjXovda. 

, But this theory can only be applied to eases in which forms 
with a short vowel or semivowel exist side by side with fuller 
forms. From\/XtTr in eXmov it may be possible by vowel- 
intensification to arrive at Xeiiroi and AeXotwa, from V<j>vy in 
ecj)vyov at <j)€vya>. But in cases like e-ax-ov beside ex'^j ^'f"" (foi' 
*ai^u>), and eKe-KX-ero beside /ceA-o/xai, no amount of vowel-in- 
tensification can produce a vowel where a vowel does not exist. 

In Sanskrit ;• and I are still recognised as vowels and have 
their proper yw^za ar, at, and thus '/drh could be intensified to 
dark : but is it possible in Greek to regard hipK-op.a.i, bibopna 
as gunated or intensified forms of VbpaK which appears in 
ebpaKov? And are ;3o\?j, jSeAos gunated from the v'/3oA. in 
j8a\A£o ? Is it possible that mere intensification of sound can 
produce a vowel which is totally difierent in character? 

But the ffuna theory breaks down even in Sanskrit in the 
case of roots containing a nasal. For here we meet with forms 
that apparently have lost the nasal altogether, and we find 
mata, tata by the side of the roots man, tan. By what 


process of vowel-intensification is it possible in Sanskrit to 
produce man from ma-tq or in Greek to get rey in reiVo) (for 
Ttvim) from the unnasalised form raroy ? The process is only- 
explicable on the hypothesis of nasal sonants, but the existence 
of such sounds was unknown to the supporters of the ^Ma- 
theory. We have, however, already seen that in words like 
eiraOov, raroi, etc., the a represents an original nasal sonant, 
and that in e. g. ebpuKov the pa is the Greek amplification of the 
original liquid sonant r. In these instances, therefore, it may 
be just possible to admit the ^M?z«-theory, the liquids or nasals 
in these groups playing precisely the same part as the semi- 
vowels in the roots inO, nvO. 

Thus we may compare the series — 

fbpaKov hipKoixai bebopKa, 

^rapLov rip.v(ii Top.rj, 

with — 

€Tndov TTeCdca veTroida, 

T]X.v6ov i\iv{d)a'op,ai tVkrjkovOa. 

In each case the first column shows the pure sonant or semi- 
vowel, the second its gwna, formed by the addition of e, the 
third its vrdclhi formed by adding o. 

But in the case of roots not containing a sonant or semi- 
vowel, what are we to say ? We have seen that the weakest 
form of the roots oi •, ex'"> el-piC (^fcr-pn) are ttt, cr)(, a: 
By what process can these be gunated or intensified to Trer, ttot, 
a-ex, eo", as the phenomena of the language require ? 

It is in fact in the case of roots of this class that the theory Curtius' 
of vowel-intensification breaks down. A signal instance of its ,.^1^ ° 
failure is to be seen in Curtius' Greek Etymology. Curtius 
theoretically sets before himself, the aim of arriving at a root 
which shall be the ideal unit of a group of related words: 
but in practice he is reduced to accepting double roots such as 
KeA, KoK : /SeX, j3aX : rpeTr, rpair, etc. ( G. E. p. 54). The only prin- 
ciple by which the priority of one form over another can be 
determined is the purely empirical one of supposing that form 
to be most original which appears in the greatest number of 
the related words, and even this leads to difficulties such as that 



of supposing fioK to be the root of ^^a\ov, but oreA. that of 
the similar form io-rAXriv. 

The ori^- The question cannot be solved without an enquiry into the 

nal vowels, jjujiiber of the original vowels. Curtius' theory of the priority 
of the a and its ' splitting ' into the later sounds e and o has 
been already stated (p. 56), and we have seen good reason for 
rejecting this view and holding that the original language 
possessed all three vowels a, e, 0, theltwojlast^ of which, how- 
ever, have no distinct written symbol to represent them in 

Now roots containing the semivowels i, u can, as far as 
graphic representation goes, have only one development in 
Sanskrit, inasmuch as there is only one vowel, a, to be prefixed. 
The fuller form, therefore, oi'/ric can in Sanskrit only be Vrec 
( = raic). In Greek, however, where e and o are kept distinct, 
we get beside \nr the two forms Aeiw and A.ot7r. With this 
triple gradation or Ablaut the facts of Sanskrit are not really 
inconsistent ; raic in that language represents both Xhtt and 
XotTT, and we are therefore justified in supposing, the facts of 
kindred languages being consistent, that this triple Ablaut is 
primitive, and represents a phenomenon which existed in the 
original Indo-European language. 

New Let us now state the more recent view of the nature of 

roots?' ° roots which has superseded that of Curtius. 

Roots present themselves to us under two main forms, the 
full or strong form, and the reduced or weak form. In the 
great majority of cases moreover the full form in its tm-n 
exists in two different shapes, one containing the vowel e, the 
other the vowel 0. 

Classifica- Eoots may be conveniently divided into three classes : — 

tion of 

roots. I. Roots which terminate in a semivowel (i, u) or in a nasal 

or liquid (m, n, r, I). 

II. Roots containing a semivowel, nasal, or liquid followed 
by a consonant. 

III. Roots not containing a semivowel, nasal, or liquid, and 
ending in a consonant. 


Those roots which do not contain a semivowel, liquid, or nasal, and which 
do not end in a consonant (e. g. in Greek 9ri, ard, Soi) may be for the present 

Now all the roots wticli admit of the above classification 
contain in some of their forms the vowel e, and are then said 
to be strong or full roots. In other forms, however, this 
vowel is expelled, and they are then called weak or reduced 

As soon as the theory of nasal and liquid sonants is 
admitted, it becomes at once clear that these sounds (r, I, m, n) 
play exactly the same part in derivation and inflexion as the 
semivowels i, u. The full form of a root containing any one 
of these sounds wiU also contain an e, as e. g. irevO, hepK. The 
reduced form wiU expel the e and we shall get e.g. iruQ, bpK, 
which last is written in Greek bpaK, the liquid becoming 
sonant before the consonant. In the full form the semivowel 
or liquid is consonantal, having no sound of its own apart from 
the vowel e ; in the reduced form the semivowel or liquid 
becomes sonant and. acts as a full vowel. We are therefore 
justified in giving the following proportion, TrevO : irvd = 
bepK : bpaK (S^k). 

But in precisely the same way we have, in Class III, the 
full root Trer, the reduced root irr, the last being only pro- 
nounceable and therefore only appearing before a vowel (I-ttt- 
6-fi,7\v). We may therefore say : — 

■ne^6-eTai : i-'!:v6-6fj,riv:=ireT-€Tai : f-irr-oiJ.rjv. 

= 6ep/c-o/xat : i-bpaK-ov {^-brK-ov). 

The parallelism of the liquids and nasals with the semi- 
vowels is further exemplified by the absence of any roots 
containing in, im, im, um, ir, ur. For i and « are not vowels 
in the same sense as a, e, 0: like m, n, I, r they are merely 
' coefficients,' as they have been called, of the vowels proper, 
and only one may succeed the vowel in the root. We may 
have roots of the form ir^vO, but not of the form mv, irvii.. 

The relation of the two forms irev^, itvO is not to be ex- 
plained, as by Schleicher, by saying that the former is a 
' dynamical intensification ' of the latter, an alteration made 


for the purpose of expressing' changes in meaning', as e.g. 
between the present irevdoixai and the aorist eTru^o'/xTjz) : rather 
the reduced form of the root is to be considered as parallel 
to the fuller form, the variation being connected with 
change of accentuation. Where the accent rests on the root 
we have the full form, e.g. udduiv, where it shifts to the 
termination, we have the reduced form as in TnBiav. But it is 
only in comparatively few cases that the accent as we find it 
in Greek or any other derived language offers an adequate 
explanation : and to understand the law, accent must be taken 
to mean the original Indo-European accent, which has been 
most closely preserved in Sanskrit (v. Chapter xi). 
Vowel- "Wg j^ proceed to illustrate the law of vowel-gi'adation in 

gradation / , . ° 

in roots, roots as loUows. In non-thematic presents (i. e. those pre- 
sents in which the termination immediately follows the root 
without the intervention of a connecting vowel), we find a 
variation between the full and reduced forms of the root which 
is determined by the ' weight ' of the inflexional termination. 
The terminations of the singular are ' light,' and in this case 
we get the full form of the root, and the root is accented. The 
terminations of the plural are ' heavy,' and we get the reduced 
form of the root with the termination accented. 

Thus tX-ixi Sanski'it e-mi plural t-nev Sanskrit i-mds. 

larrj-ixi tcrra-fjifv. 

■nilxTikri-m TTiixirXci-ixev. 

In the twojlast instances the shortening of the long vowel in the reduced 
form corresponds to the loss of c in (-/iEy. 

es-t Sanskrit ds-ii s-unt Sanskrit s-dnti. 

kaixiv sumus s-mds. 

Again in the perfect the evidence of all the related lan- 
guages goes to prove that originally the singular had the full 
form of the root with the accent on the root, while the other 
numbers showed the weak form with the accent on the 
termination. i 

Thus from the root bheugh Sanskrit '/bJmj we have — 
Sanskrit sing, (lu-bhoja) plur. lu-hhuj-imd. 
Gothic Mug Iwg-um, 



From the root vert, Sanskrit '^vH (turn). 

Sanskrit sing, vavarta plural va-vH-imd. 
GotMc varj) vaurp-um (where aur=r). 

In Greek the form of the singular has gradually encroached 
on the plural, but in Homer we find instances surviving of the 
original formations, e. g. : — 

sing. Tre-iT0i6-a plural f-Tri-in0-iJ,ev. 

l-OlK-a ^-IK-TOV. 

ixi-jxov-a fie-iJ.a-iJ.fv. 

oi8-a tb-ij.ev. 

Fuller instances of this and similar alternations will be 
given later on. 

So far we have considered the alternation of the fiill and 
reduced forms of roots. But we saw above that the full root 
itself appears under two forms, one showing the vowel e, the 
other the vowel 0. It " remains to consider the relation 
between these two forms. 

By the theory of vowel-intensification, as stated by Schlei- 
cher, a form like Xoitt in \i\onra is considered as a raising of 
the formAenr in Ae^wo). There is, however, no ground for sup- 
posing any priority of one form over the other. Each type is 
peculiar to certain special inflexional formations, the form 
with e (e.g.) to the present, that with to the perfect indica- 
tive, and there is no reason to suppose that the present is less 
or more original than the perfect ; both have continually 
coexisted side by side, and any support that may have been 
given to the intensification theory by the supposed develop- 
ment of the o-sound from the e-sound is destroyed by the 
proof of the original existence of both sounds, which we have 
given above. 

In the present state of our knowledge we can give no 
certain explanation of the alternation of e and 0. A difference 
of pitch has been suggested as the cause of variation, but this 
has never yet been proved. All that we can say is that in 
certain formations now one vowel appears, now the other, 
according to fixed rules ; but any explanation such as was 
possible in the case of the reduced roots is at present unat- 


tainable. The two must for practical purposes be raiiked. 
together as parallel forms, neither having a claim to stand 
forth as the one root or unity of the group of words in which 
they appear, to the exclusion of the other. 

And indeed much the same may be said of the relation of 
the reduced to the full forms of the roots. We have spoken of 
the reduced forms as originating in the expulsion of e from the 
strong forms, but this, though convenient in explaining the 
Reduced theory, is not strictly correct. We need not suppose that the 
reduced root is of later origin than the strong roots. Like 
them it appears from the first in certain definite formations 
under definite rules, and as such must rank as original and 
primitive. The appearance of the weak root is accompanied 
by a change of accentuation, for its occurrence is accompanied 
by a shifting of the accent from the radical syllable to the 
termination. Apart from any assumption of the priority of 
the full roots, it will be convenient to speak of roots, which 
have not the e or o of the full form, as weak or reduced roots. 
Three It is clear that the theory stated above is inconsistent with 

th'^™^ "5 '^^1 attempt to regard the root as a single unity common to a 
group of related words, and we must rather suppose that the 
root exists from the first in three distinct forms, two of which 
are strong, the third weak. This complete Ablaut or grada- 
tion of three sounds does not, however, exist in all cases, and 
not in all of those which exhibit the alternation of e and o. 

In the case of other groups of words we can only discover 
two roots, the strong root characterised by a long vowel (0?j, 
ora, hiii, \a9), and the weak root characterised by a short vowel 
(0e, ora, bo, \a6). But it is to be noticed that this Ablaut is 
governed by precisely the same laws as those given above. 
Thus the alternation in — 

Ti-6r]-ixi Tl-6e-iJ,ev, 

Bt-Sco-jUt bi-bo-fxev, 

X(TTa-ixi ta-rd-inev, 

is clearly completely analogous to that in ei-/xt, t-fxsv, es-t, 
s-unt. And again the Ablaut Xad-Qfxai : e\a6-ov is parallel to 
that in Tnvd-eraL : iiivd-oixrjv. The only difference is that 



the Ablsgjts belong to a different series, — Tre'uOeTai to what is 
known as the e-series, tardixL to the a-series, btbcofxi to the 0- 
series, rt^rjjat to the e-series. This will be illustrated below at 
greater length. 

Before passing on, we may notice a class of forms which 
seems at first sight to contradict the theory given above. 

In verbs belonging to what in Sanskrit grammar is called Aorist- 
the first class, i.e. those in which the stem of the present P"^®^™*^' 
tense is identical with the verb-stem, we find a divergence of 
treatment in Greek. In the case of roots belonging to the e- 
series the thematic presents of this class regularly contain e, 
and we have, e. g. Xeycm, Tpi\i,a>, (f)ipw, (jxvyo), jxevw, crreiyu), etc. 
Similarly in Latin we have lego, few, ten, tremo, etc., and in 
Gothic corresponding forms in i, giba, sniva, nima, steiga, etc. 
In Sanskrit the corresponding forms show of course an a 
{bhdrami) ^. 

Corresponding to these, in thematic presents of the a-, e-, or 
o-series we get in Greek, e.g. ddyw, kaOa>, Kaboo, ATjyco, <j>c&ya>, 

But side by side with these are a group of presents, appa- 
rently of the first class, which show a, 0, e.g. Hyco, ypi.<pu>, 
y\a<f>a>, fj.&^ojxai, a)(pjxai, ^k&^ojxai, odop,ai. In Latin we get 
the corresponding types ago, cano, scabo, cado, alo, tago, pago, 
scato, olo, loguor, in Gothic forms with a (draga, Jilapa, skaba, 

Comparing these two types, we get on the one hand 
Sanskrit bhdrdmi, Greek <pipa>, Latin fero, Gothic baira ; on 
the other, Sanskrit djdmi, Greek ayco, Latin ago. As the first 
type answers to an Indo-European bhero, the second should 
answer to an Indo-European ago. 

De Saussure, however (p. 159 sqq.), comparing the isolated 
aorist forms p,aKiiv, ra^ew, (j)ayeiv, (j)Xabelv, is of opinion 
that in these presents quoted above the root appears in a 
reduced form : that the true present of the root 'ay- is 'ay-, 

1 De Sauss., Mint. p. 159; Ostlioff, Z. G. d. P. p. 116; Brugmann, Zum 
keut. Stand der Spraclmi. p. 112. 


which may appear in 'dyeofxai, and that the form with the 
short vowel, aya>, is a present formed from the aorist stem, 
which has supplanted the true present with a long vowel 
(ayco). As then (fiepon corresponds to an Indo-European 6Mro, 
so &y(o would be represented by a form dffo, which has, 
however, completely disappeared. 

But if these presents show the reduced root of the aorist stem, 
we should expect that the accent would fall not on the root, 
but on the termination, and this is borne out by the facts of 
Sanskrit. We have there two classes of verbal themes, the 
first with the full root and the accent on the root (paroxytone), 
e.g. bhdrami (Indian first class), the second with the reduced 
root and the accent on the termination (oxytone), e. g. vicami 
(Indian sixth class). This latter class of themes existed in the 
original Indo-European language side by side with the former. 
In Sanskrit and Zend they have produced both present and 
aorist forms. In Greek there are no oxytone presents ; oxy- 
tone verbal themes are only found in the aorist. But it is to 
be observed that verbal themes with the reduced root, when 
no form with a strong root exists side by side with them, bear 
in all save accentuation a close resemblance to the aorist type. 
Thus by the side of yXvcfieLV, kXvuv, XiTea-Oai, a-Tixfiv, which 
are classed as presents, we have the isolated aorist forms StKeir, 
(K^v'jOe'iV, fJ-VKslv, aTvyeXv, fipa^ilv (^r^eiv). 

The result seems to be that the Greek and Latin presents 
of the type dffo, ayu> should be considered in connexion with 
the isolated aorists of the same type. They agree with the 
aorist in exhibiting the reduced root and only differ in the 
accentuation. It is probable therefore that they were originally 
formed from the aorist stem and were once oxytone, but have 
in process of time taken the accent of the ordinary presents 
formed with strong roots. It is just as though, by a contrary 
process, ik(v)d€iv were to change its accent and approach to 
the present type ^X(v)dfLV ^. The same explanation will hold 

' In yev-4a9ai and (\-iiv the converse has actually taken place, for these words, 
though belonging to the aorist type by accentuation and meaning, yet have 
the full form of the root as in the present stem. 


good of the Latin forms like cado, ago, tago, pago, etc. (of. 
the strong root in com-pag-es). 

We are therefore justified in assuming in the case of these 
aorist-presents, as they may be styled, another form (known 
as the imperfect-present) exhibiting a full root, and the Ablaut 
ago : ago will be precisely parallel to the Ablaut KaQtn : Xadav. 

This theory of De Saussurehas been accepted by Osthoff (Z. &. d. F., p. Ii6). 
Against it Hiibschmann {Daa Indogermanische Vocalsystem, p. 3) argues 
that an aorist-preaent of the type ago would be represented in Sanskrit by 
*ijami rather than *ajami, and that therefore the aorist-preaent must be 
represented in Indo-European rather by ago than by ago, and would substitute 
for the aorist present ago and the imperfect-present ago the two types ago 
and S,go, corresponding respectively to a Sanskrit *ajdmi and ijami. 

So far then we hare three degrees of Ablaut, two strong Two forms 
and one weak. But further, there is reason to believe that °^^^ ""^ 
reduced roots, as well as the strong, appear in two distinct 
forms. In the case of words exhibiting a reduced root con- 
taining a semivowel or liquid or nasal sonant, we find a 
variation of quantity of the root syllables extending through- 
out the whole of the Indo-European languages, which must 
therefore be supposed to represent an original variation. In 
Greek alone, for example, we get the same reduced root 
under no less than four diflPerent forms in (pv-fjia, <j)v-(ns, 
i-(l)-6F-r]v, vTrep-(f)F-Ca\os. The discussion of this subject is 
reserved for the appendix to this chapter : it wiU be suflScient, 
here to state the results of the investigation. 

In every reduced root containing a semivowel or liquid or The seoon- 
nasal sonant, the semivowel or sonant may be either long or ^^^^^ 
short. This difierence of quantity was originally determined 
by the absence or presence of a ' secondary accent ' {nelenton) 
on the root. The root, when reduced, in no case bore the 
main accent (hdchton), but, according to the position of the 
syllable in the sentence^ it might acquire a secondary accent 
which was weak as compared with the accent proper, but 
strong as compared with a syllable altogether unaccented. As 
in the case of a polysyllabic word like chntempldtion, the first 
syllable, though not bearing the main accent, is, by virtue of 
its position at the beginning of the word, pronounced with an 


emphasis which is strong as compared with that on the next 
two syllables, though weak as compared with that on the 
penult, so in the Indo-European krudJii the first syllable will 
bear a secondary accent when the word occurs at the beginning 
of a clause or verscj which will be absent when it comes in the 
middle of a sentence. In the first case, then, the semivowel 
will be long, in the second case it will be short. The first 
case will be represented by the Greek k\vQ\., the second by 
the Sanskrit crMM, the Greek having extended to all cases 
one variety, the Sanskrit having extended the other. 
Keduced In the case, therefore, of reduced roots containing a semi- 
roots with yo^gi or liquid or nasal sonant, we may conclude that there 
Towel. are two degrees of the Ablaut, one with a secondary accent 
(nebentonig), which we may call Ablaut III, and which has 
the semivowel long (*, «, f, I, m,n), the other altogether un- 
accented (tonlos, Ablaut IV) and with the semivowel short 
(*, «, r, I, m, n). There is also some evidence that there was 
the same variety of the reduced root in the case of words not 
containing a semivowel. Ablaut III showing a vowel of some 
sort in the root, though the root is not accented, Ablaut IV 
having no root- vowel at all. We have, for instance — 

Ablaut III. 

Ablaut IV. 

Vjiecl-, pod- 


pd- Zend/ra-bd-a. 

I.-'E. j)9d-ds, 

Gk. em-l3b-ai. 

r Sk. aplur. im- 

d- ( Gk. api-(T-Tov 
\ for apL-b-Tov 

^ed- dd 

< perf. aitd, 

i I.-E. 9d-te 

VsneigA- snlgh- 


smg/i- vi(j)a. 

Vhlievj- IM- 


bM- (pvais. 

Vster- stf 

j o-rpco-ro's ^ 
I strd-tus ) 

str- iTTpaTos. 

But further, we have seen in the case of the short semi- 
vowels and liquid and nasal sonants that they are sonant only 
before consonants, but consonantal before sonants. The long 
sonants and semivowels, similarly, have corresponding conso- 
nantal forms, viz. ii, uu, rr, II. mm, nn. In the case, therefore, 


of roots containing these letters, we must subdivide further as 
follows : — 

Ablaut III. 

Ablaut IV. 

I. before 

2. before 

I. before 2. before 



sonants. consonants. 

Vbheu- hhuu- 


bku- bAw- 

Veter- strr- 

virfp-(j)F-la\os (j}v-(ns. 
sir- sir-. 

Sk. ti-stir-e 


sir-uo arpa-Ti 

(perf. mid.) 

In roots which do not contain a semivowel, the two degrees 
of the reduced root are not distinguishable. Thus the present 
&y(i) with the reduced root of an aorist stem, as explained above, 
belongs to Ablaut III. The participle ewaKros belongs, under 
ordinary conditions, to Ablaut IV, but in form does not differ 
from Ablaut III, because a form like eTrt-Kros (which would 
be the more regular formation) would not be recognizable as 
belonging to the same verb. 

Again, in cases where Ablaut II contains e not accom- 
panied by a semivowel, this e cannot disappear before a con- 
sonant in Ablauts III and IV. In Ablaut III, for instance, 
we can have nothing but o-zceTrros and sessus (sed-ios) from the 
roots a-Keir-, sed- with Ablaut II, and in Ablaut IV (tkhtos 
would be unpronounceable. In such cases, therefore, there is 
no difference between Ablauts II, III, and IV. 

Where the second Ablaut contains a long vowel (as in the 
root (TTd), the distinction between the third and fourth degrees 
may be preserved. Thus in Ablaut III we get oraroy, status, 
with the long vowel shortened ; in Ablaut IV we get otuo) 
(for (TT-Tv-u)) without any vowel at aU. The relation of 
ara-Tos to o-t-tv-w is the same as that e. g. of (pl-Tv-at (for 
<j)v-Tv-a>) in Ablaut III to fit-tu-o in Ablaut IV. In fact the 
characteristic of Ablaut IV in all roots is, wherever possible, 
the complete absence of a vowel. 

Ablauts may be classified in six series, according to the 
vowel that they exhibit in the second Ablaut, which is known 




I. The 


as the middle degree {MiUelstufe). "We shall thus get the six 
series of the Ablauts of e, a, 0, e, a, 0. Under each series we 
shall expect to find four degrees, but for any root to appear in 
each of the four degrees is rare. 

The degrees of the e-series are as follows :- 

Ablatjt I. ABLiTJT II. Ablatjt III. 

(Accented.) {Secondary Accent.) 

Ablaut IV. 


Greek to 










no vowel. 

a (?), Sk. ? 





6e-To (Sk. ddAiia). 




In the third Ablaut we find in Greek forms like deros, where 
a comparison of the other languages would lead us to expect 
rather *6aros, as the svaralkdkii vowel or sckwa is ordinarily 
represented in Europe by a, corresponding to a Sanskrit t 
Thus we have in Latin cdtus, ddtus, status, sdtus. It is pro- 
bable that the e, in flero's and similar forms in Greek, is due to 
the 7j of other forms of the verb, just as the parallel form 8070's 
(Lat. ddtus') owes its o to to in SiSto/xt {M. U. iii. loi ; De Sauss. 


Ablaut I appears in Sanskrit 3 perf. da-dhdu, and in Gothic 

doms, A.-S. dSm, English doom ; possibly also in sacerdds for 

*sacro-dhd-ts. Ablaut III is seen in e.g. Latin credUus for 




*credd(us, eredettis, and possibly in fa-c, facto {Z. G. d. P. 188). 

Ablaut IV does not appear in Greek or Latin, but is seen 
in many Sanskrit forms, e.g. da-dh-maii, dha-t-tJids (for 
dha-dh-tds), etc. 

However dadhmdsi corresponds in almost every way to Tideixev, 
which therefore probably is for Ti-6-^iv, the e being a svara- 
bhdkti vowel, which takes that form rather than any other 
because of tj in other forms (compare ?o-rjj/xt : tora/xei' beside 
rldriixL : rCdeixev). 

dea-jMS, Doric refl/xoy, Locr. deOixos, seems to be a redupli- 
cated form for 6e-6-iJ.6s. Compare Seo-jno's = 8e-8-/xos. 


T. II. 



Gk. d(/)ea)Ka a(ji-i-r]-ijii 


avicovraL h<^-t--r]-v 


avkdcrOai rjcrai, rjne, ?-7j-/C€ 


(quoted as perf. rjiJ.a 


forms in Herodian ixiO-rj-jxcav 

iTos, ereos. 

and elsewhere. 

De Sauss. p. 140). 

Lat. se-vi 




( sero (for 


(ci.Geim. Saat, (for si-sa-mos), 
Engl, seed) (Z. G. d. P. 345). 



mr] (A. 105) 


A.-S. spowan, 
Engl, s^eed 
(where «=orig.o) 

spes (?) 


spatium (?). 





yvreg eppaiye 



/■> ' ' 

V apr]y apca-yrj 


Optative suffix w. 



ij/xt (for to-mO ^^^ ^°^ ah- jo. 
ij-o-i (Aeol.). 
^-v, ^ (for tjut). 
adagium {agh, 

with a for i? 

from Abl. III). 

f eppayrjv, payas may belong 







either to Ablaut III or IV. 



laxus (Engl, slack). 


( ra-tus. 
I ra-tio. 


j Ke-Kab-dv. 
{ cado(?). 

Vve. This seems to be one of those roots (of which there are 
not a few, Hiibsehmann, p. 85 ; De Sauss. pp. 357-370) which 
in no known form exhibit a true Ablaut, though it is possible 
that such an Ablaut may have once existed. In Greek we 
get arj<n (for &-Frj-(n), ^-tj-tov (^aX-qrov, 2. 410, is abnormal), 
d-Tj-zxerai, a-rj-ro, a-rj-Trjs, in Latin ventus. In Greek we have 
a-i-vTis, but here the shortening of the long vowel is not 
original, but due to the special tendency in Greek and Latin 
to shorten a long vowel when followed by a semivowel and a 
consonant (cf. p. 183). 

Special cases of irregularity between Greek and Latin are 

X.] THE i'-SERIES. 339 

Pa-1/.ev beside he-tere (but the connexion is doubtful), wei^r??- 
KovTa beside quinquaginta, Opavos heside/renum, etc. 

The typica 

,1 Ablaut of the a-senes is — 







no vowel. 

Greek o) 








(ru-a-TYiixa j 


a-ra-Tos (Sk. sfM-tds). 








Cl Goth.. siolo, 

sistimus (for si 


Engl, stool 

stetimus (for se- 


which may 

el. ^-(TTd-p.ev). 
Cf. Goth. 


be either of (Engl, stand), statJis 

1st or 2nd i^-stath); O.H.G. stat 

degree. (Engl, stead), which 

seem to be of Abl. III. 

Ablaut IV may appear in ste-ti by metathesia for se-st-i (of, d,e-&-C) and is 
certainly seen in Sanskrit ta-sth-atus, ta-sfh-Hs, etc. 

^hJld (fxovrj 























fdtum should rather be *fatum (of. datum, status), but has been assimilated 
to the first conjugation. 

Vgd or gm. 



^i^a-Coi /3i/3a?. 

(3 sing- 

^) (for^.^^rs), 













e^eTT\dyr](rav (may be 
Ablaut IV). 


plango {iov plag-no). 




( a-alpeiv, 
\ (recrapvia. 







( \4\a<TTai, 


< ka-v-d-av(a, 

\ a-ka(T-Tos (X. a6i). 

^ PiPdTi occurs as 3 sing, in a Laconian epigram in Pollux 4. 102, and is 
an alteration of Curtiua for the MS. PWavri. Ostboff accepts pi-0av-Ti, which 
he conceives to be an alteration of 0i-$(v-Ti, I.-B. ai-aim-H (with a strong 
root of ^-series), the o of 0lpavTi being due to that of 0ifiaTov, 0l$aii.ev, etc. 
(where a = m). The 3 plural would be 0i0avn, like HffravTi. But if the 
root is gem, the third plural should rather be gi-gm-gii = 0i-Pfi-avTt. 0i0avTi 
may have followed the analogy of iaras ( = t-ara-PTs), as has been the case in 
0i0is{Z. G.d.P.p. 375 n.). 







'/Bay Te6o}yiJ,ivoi, Oriyei. 

(Doric form in 




V rd/c 






















The last two may 

belong to the 0- 




' pango (for 


■ pag-no), 
( pac-iscor. 

We may perhaps 




diKvs, ocior 














But in nearly every case it is doubtful whether the word belongs to the a- 
or o-series. In ignarus beside i\/gno (which is everywhere else invariable) 
there may be some confusion with the \/gen or by metathesis gne in e. g. 






The type is : — 





Greek w 





No vowi 


It will he noticed that here the two first degrees everywhere 

I or II. 




( Sanskrit 



























don are 



(cf. ste-t-i). 




The in the third Ablaut in Greek is due to the o) of other forms, but the 
proper representative of the Schwa is preserved in Soveifcu, cf. Sanskrit a-di-ta 
= dSoTos, 










I or II. 






Here again the a of Ablaut TTT, 

is only preserved in np60aTOV, irp6$a(ris. 

/;jo (drink), v(6v(o (Aeol.) 








TTiTTlcrKco, from 



a form jo-y- 

no, etc., (K. 

, ^.xxvii.430). 










The forms in the fourth column seem to come from the 
fourth Ablaut of \/joo increased by y. The relation of Mbo, 
Sanskrit pibami is doubtful. The Ablaut poi- (Sanskrit 'pay- 
dna) : pi will be related as l(<j)-ir\-v to e(o-)-i-/xej'. 

Vjoo (guard 

) 77(0-1) 





cos, K&-VOS 








j elvo(ri<f>v\kos 
J {=iv-Foe-<Ti- 
( (jJvXkos;). 




R 3 





This is by far the most common of all, both in roots and 
suflSxes. The type is : 

I. II and III. IV. 

Indo-European o 


No Yowel. 

Greek o 



Latin o 





■ e-o-x-oz;, <rx-eti;, ^ 
t(rx<M (for si-sgh-o). 



fX^a-cpiv (Hesych.). 




TLKTOi (for TL-TK-a>). 





j fTT-e-cnr-O'V, 

\ a-n-icrOai, k-a-n-ia-dai. 

/ / 


( TTT-ia-Oai, e-TTT-ojx-qv, 

\ ■nl-TTT-Oi. 

noTT], -noTfj.os 







Trea-a-M (for 










eppvr]v{ = i-apF-riv). 

XoFri, olvo-xoF-os 







^bpaKov, bpAKOiv. 

(f>6pos, ^opiw, \ 
(popros j 




( ayp-6fx,evos, cf. 6/xj)- 
( y-v-p-ks. 



bp6p,os, bibpofxe 







OpO^TJ, OpO(j>OS 





I. II and III. 


rpoire'co, rpowos, rpoTTiy, ) / 
rirpo^a j ^ 

bii<j>6opa, (pOopA, <j)d6pos <})d€p& 

eypriyope eyepa 

'IirTTTj/xoXyof &p,4Xya>. 

;8oXij p4\os 

Xoyos, crvXXoyri, etXoxa Xiyca. 



TiTpap-fiivos, Tpaitia- 

(pOaprjvai, e(j)6app,evos. 

^aXeiv, j3dXX<i>. 

Xo^os, aXoxos 




kXohtj, KeKXo<f)as 








la-TaXpai, oraXeires. 

yovri, yovos, yeyova 


yiyvopai, yiyapfV. 





KTapevos, enravov. 


iriipaTai, eite<()ve. 











TUTos, reraTai. 



vopos, vop.1] 


TTop.Trrj, TT^TTOp.cfia 


Top.ri, TOplOS 



XotTTo's, XeXoiTTe 





e<TTixov, crrixos. 








tbpev, Ibeiv. 



^TteinOpev, ■niOecrdai. 
















Latin instances are comparatively rare, but we may notice 
toga : tego — moneo : mens — noceo : nece, etc. Most of the known 
instances will be given in the Appendix on the Grammatical 
Function of Ablaut. 

The type is : — 


Indo-European a 
Greek a 

Latin a 


II and III. 


S,ya), a^u), rfyayov 


No vowel. 

' o-yiioi {o-y-jxos), 
where o may be 
prothetie; of. San- 
skrit y-wa;*. 

ambages, coagulum aypos. 
exa(g)men ago, agiUs, ager. 

ay6s, eiranTos probably belong to the third degree, which, however, here 
cannot differ from the second (p. 235). 


ba-Cui,be-bav-iJ,evos bvr] (bF-r]). 

bd-rjTM, bcios, bais. 

airo, ab po-situs. 

Thia is the explajiation given by Osthoff of the Latin prefix po- (Z. G. d. P. 
25, M. V. iv. 340). 

{ i^aKpos, )xa(T(TOV, 
jj-rjuos, fX77Ktcr70s < naKebvos. 

{ MaKeboves, cf. macer. 

atdei, al66ij,evos, ] Idus (day of the full 
alQrjp, aX6pr\. > moon). 

aestus, aestas ) idapos. 

riFds, ava-cas (Aeol.) \ 
eojy (Attic meta- f avpiov. 

yeyrjde, yeyade 



{ya(a>, yavpos, 
) gaudeo. 




II and III. 

KaCoa, Kovcra), 
KEKav/xai, Kavixa. 



clavis, kX&ls 

So in the verbal suflSxes -ixai. 


The type is : — 
Indo-European o 

, -aai, -Tai, -arai, -ixi, -<ti, -ti, 


II or III. 




No vowel. 


\/od (hate) odi, exosus 
s/od (smell) obcobe, dScoSij 



oTTWTTa, dwwTnJ oi/ferat, oa-a-ecrdai. 

<i>\jr, /3om'7r^s, KVixioTfqs o\jns, owrjjp. 

oTrri, o/ijua. 



odium, odiosus. 

olere, olidus, odor. 

opao, opjLiei'O?. 

&pope, opvvrai. 


oritur, ortus, origo. 

opovTai, ovpos, opdco. 

■npo, TTpopLOS 

pro (lengthened as 

a monosyllable), 
odere, fossus, fossa. 


opatpeiv, capa 





loquor, locutus 

f dA.€trai, ovXoixevos, 




\ Kvla. 


I. II or III. IV. 

6fX(iiy.oKe 6f/,ovixai, o)xwyi,i. 

aXhrj ulna (?). 

Roots with We may now go on to consider some special points in con- 
long vowel, nexion with the theory of Ablaut. 

We have already noticed the fact that there are certain heavy 
roots (i. e. those of the long vowel series) where the long vowel 
remains permanent and is never reduced. This fixity, however, 
may be a later development superseding an original Ablaut. 
Such roots are, for instance, '/ve in o-7j):j.t (given above), Sanskrit 
rati (third singular), Vple in Sanskrit prdsi, irkfiTo, plenus, 
etc., \/sne in vr}}ia, nevi, Gothic nepla, O. H. G. najan. Com- 
pare the whole group of words connected with Tf-rprj-Tai, 
prjTcop, ci-/xrj-roj, St-fjj-fxeros, Ki-\rj-ii,evai, and fjfj,i-, semi-, San- 
skrit sdmi ; p,rjv, mensis, Gothic mena, Sanskrit mas, in none of 
which do we find any cognate form with a short vowel, or at 
any rate a short vowel that is certainly the representative 
of a primitive short vowel. 
Confu- A second point to notice is that owing to the existence of 

series. the same vowel in different Ablaut-series, the series tend 
eventually to get confused with one another. Thus the fact 
that the vowel that amplifies a nasal sonant in Greek is a 
tends to cause many words that really belong to the e-series 
to pass to the a-series. Thus xavhdivai is a nasalised present 
from a root ghend, ghncl, as in pre-herid-o, but it has passed 
entirely into the a-series in Kexavha. The true vowel is seen in 
Xiia-oixai for xevha-oiiai. So wiio-xa), iTiaOov, Ttados, etc., might 
make us suppose we were dealing with an a-root, if it were 
not for TTSTTovda, ivivOos, ■ (iTevd-a-oixai). 

By a similar confusion, roots of the e-series have passed into 
the e-series. For instance the Gothic setum corresponds to an 
Indo-European se-sd-mem (reduplicated), which regularly be- 
came sedmem. In sedmem, however, the stem was naturally 
taken to be sed-, and accordingly, though the root sed belongs 
to the e-series, which does not properly show e in any degree, 
yet a long e of a secondary origin comes in this way to be 


considered as an original Ablaut of the e-series. It is by the 
analogy of cases like this that we get forms with e from roots 
which cognate forms show to belong to the e-series. Thus we 
have firih-os, fji.'qcrToip, O. H. G. mdza, German Mass by the 
side of ju.e'8-a), mddus, Gothic mita : jXip-jxrfp-a by fj, : 
teg-ula beside tego : reg-nla beside rego, etc. E also appears 
in the e-series owing to the contraction of the augment with 
the following vowel. Thus Indo-European e-ed-a=eda, San- 
skrit dda, Latin edi (beside edo), (cf. I.-E. e-es-a, Sanskrit dsa, 
Greek ^a), and long e thus appearing as an appai-ently regular 
member of the e-series, it was but a further step to introduce 
into this series 0. For : e was a regxdar Ablaut, and e : e 
had come to be thought one : the two together naturally pro- 
duced a triple Ablaut : e : e. Hence kh-u>h-r\ (a redupli- 
cated form) from the root ed. 

Once more, the Ablauts e : e and a : a are regular, and 
these by a natural confusion give rise to an Ablaut e : a. 
Hence perhaps celo, caligo, supercilium ; slca (said to be for *seca, 
cf. siisj)icio beside siis^cio), secare, saxum. 

Again, appears in the e-series by a different process. The 
nom. sing, of consonantal stems, as we shall see later, was 
formed by lengthening the vowel of the accus. stem, without 
adding s. Thus we get fiyeixdv, ■^<6s (Sanskrit ace. masam), 
7Tei6(6 (stem ends in -oi, K. Z. xxvii. 371), Sanski-it gms, vdk, 
pad. Thus we should originally have had the series : — 
Indo-European nom.joo^^, ace. j)ddm, gen.jiedds, ox pd6s [hdSs). 
cf. Dor. Ttds TToba pedis, Zenifra-bd-a. 

But series of this type give 5 as an a,pparently regular member 
of the Ablaut : e, i. e. the e-series. Accordingly on this 
analogy we get the following groups : — 










(j)<ap, fur 



b&, b&ixa 
















rco/xdo) I'ojuos vejio). 

Cf. mo-s, me-fior, p-irpov, and plorare beside ■plere. 
There are other cases of abnormal relations between vowels 
which are certainly not original, but cannot yet be satisfactorily 
explained (cf. pp. 73—76). 
Thus we have : — : weXdo). 

: TfTavvvixi. 
: (TKihavvvp.1. 
: Kepavvvjj.1. 
: Aeol. iricra-vpis. 

: nox, Sanskiit nakta, Gothic nahts. 
ovojia, nomen. 
Sanskrit naldia. 
Boeotian /Saya (p. 134). 
Sanskrit vfia, Gothic vulfs (p. 137). 
Sanskrit cakms, Gothic hwehla. 

There are also instances which make it impossible to deny 
the existence of Ablauts a : and a : e, as isolated pheno- 
mena, but we can in these cases establish no general law. 
Thus we have : — 

KoX-ajSpos, aper (Curt. G. E. p. 373). 
Kava^, cavilla. 
(radrepos, sanus. 


&4>evos, cf. ap-tus : op-timus. 

hih6,<TKu> (for 8t-6aK-o"K£o). 











(To'oy, (row, o-Soj 
XoyyACw, longus 
[xovvos, monile 
opiTvr] (opes ?) 

But eiTo'p is by popular etymology connected witli (wSirTris (iiro^ knSirTrjs tSip 
avTov Kaxav Aesch. Frag. 291), and upupa would be by assimilation in an 
onomatopoeic name. 







: fax. 


: jacio. 


: alere. 

pollere, u-pil-io 

: Pales. 


: aemidus. 

ot zeros 

: aeger. 

Sis, ovis 

: aviUa, avena (but see p. i<S7). 


: \6.<TKeLv, IXaKov. 


: bafiav. 


: pars. 

In some cases the 

in Latin may be due to a liquid sonant, 

and the a in Greek to a liquid or nasal sonant. 

Cases of an Ablaut a : e not to be accounted for by the 

ordinary theory are: 


ardea ; 

; epodbios. 

Possibly both represent 

an original rdi, the c in Greek being protbetic. 

aries : 

: €pl(f)OS. 

nactus 1 

; heyKeiv (for e-ve-VK-eiv, implying a 

strong Vvsk), 

margo ; 

: merges. 

man-cus : 

; men-da. 

vas (vM-) 

: &-Fee-kov. 

maneo ; 

; ft,kvat. 


; festuca. 


; her-ctum, cf. co-hors. 


; fxekas. 

ratis ; 

; re(t)mus, epeT[j.6s. 

quattuor : 

: retro-apes. 

In few, however, of these cases can the connexion be considered 
certain. Many contain a liquid or nasal, and the treatment 
of long sonants in Latin is too doubtful for us to express any 
certainty as to the relation ; rates may be for rates, and be 
related to the long jj in Tpiripris,as daius in creditus to Ti-dr\-p.i. 



Import- No complete and consistent theory of the history of accent 

^gg°^ in the Indo-European languages has as yet been attained, and 
indeed it is only recently that the question has come to he of 
scientific importance. A few years ago the fact that noha was 
paroxytone but irobos oxytone was one to be remembered for 
the purposes of exact scholarship, but had no bearing on the 
theory of language as a whole. But later hypotheses have 
connected all the phenomena of Ablaut and inflexion with 
those of accent; the great principle known as Verner's law has 
illustrated the original accentuation of the North European 
languages, established its relation to that of South Europe, and 
shown that both systems are to be traced back to some one 
system prevailing in the original Indo-Em-opean language. It 
therefore becomes of more importance to ask what this accent 
is that bears so important a part in the development of lan- 
guage, and how it comes to pass that the system of accen- 
tuation in Sanskrit, for instance, is so difierent from that 
obtaining in Greek. 
Meaning By the term accent in its widest sense we understand (i) the 
relative stress or (a) the relative joifc^ with which the different 
parts of a word or sentence are pronounced. That is, the 
question of accent is concerned with the laws which apply to 
the synthesis of combined sounds. We have already re- 
marked, in dealing with the different letters, that they do not 
actually exist as individual sounds, but only in the combina- 
tions of the spoken language. The division of the elements 
of speech into syllables, words, and sentences is partly logical, 
partly due to considerations of convenience, and only in part 
phonetic. As a collection of mere sounds, language is not 

of Accent. 

ACCENT. 253 

divided into words or sentences: this division results only 
from attending to the meaning that these sounds convey. 
But the division into syllables is more entirely a phonetic Exepira- 
question. If sentences were uttered with the same force *°'"y , 

^ .... accent. 

throughout, the question of a division into syllables would not 
arise. But as a matter of fact the different elements that 
compose any group of sounds are uttered with various degrees 
of force, which can be infinite in number. It is this that we 
mean by the exspiratory accent, which depends on the stress, 
the degree of energy or strength of voice with which a sound 
is pronounced. 

On the other hand there is also a variation in the tone or Chromatic 
pitch with which different syllables are pronounced. This *'^™*- 
variation consists in a raising or lowering of the pitch of the 
voice, and constitutes the musical or chromatic accent. 

No Indo-European language employed exclusively either 
the exspiratory or the chromatic accent, but one or other 
always predominated. In the classical languages, for in- 
stance, the main principle of accentuation was musical, and 
hence the name irpoo-uSia given to accent. In the languages 
of North Europe the principle was, as in our own language, 
exspiratory, though of course differences of pitch were also 
employed. In a language like French the distinctions of 
stress are less marked and the syllables are nearly uniform. 

The questions whether the accent of Greek and Latin was Accent in 
identical in nature, how far the accent is to be considered -^^^ ^° 
purely exspiratory, how far chromatic, and how we are to 
reconcile accent with the phenomena of quantity and rhythm, 
are too complex and too much disputed for us to enter into 
them at any length here. But we may remark that, if the 
accent were purely chromatic, it is difficult to see how the 
tendency should have arisen to draw back the accent from 
the end of the word, or how it should have come to stand in 
such close relation to the phenomena of Ablaut. 

The importance of a consideration of accent in the com- Grimm's 
parison of the Indo-European languages can best be illus- 
trated by the principle known as Verner's law. The law of 







t, J). 

d, h. 

East and 
West Ger- 

the permutation of consonants between the languages of 
Northern and Southern Europe was formulated by Jacob 
Grimm, and established a fixed relation between the con- 
sonantal sounds of German and the classical languages of 
Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin, which here represent the original 
Indo-European language. Where Greek and Latin show 
Aspirates, German shows Mediae ; where Greek and Latin 
show Mediae, German shows Tenues ; where Greek and 
Latin show Tenues, German shows Spirants or Fricative 

The results may be grouped as follows : — 

I.-E. Tenues k, t, p = Germ. Spirants h, 
I.-E. Mediae g, d, b ^ Germ. Tenues k, 
I.-E. Aspirates gh, dh, M = Germ. Mediae g, 

By the word ' German,' we understand the original German 
language. The German or Teutonic languages, as we have 
already seen (p. 34), fall into three groups — the Gothic, the 
Scandinavian, and the West German. The first two may, for 
philological purposes, be classed together as East German. 
Of these Gothic is phonetically the type of the original 
German language. It was divided into the languages of the 
East Goths or Ostrogoths, and the West Goths or Visigoths. 
Of the language of the Ostrogoths there are no remains. 
The language of the Visigoths is known through the frag- 
ments of the Bible of Ulphilas (a. d. 311) ; it still survived to 
some extent as a spoken language in the Crimea till the 
1 6th century. 

The oldest remains of the Scandinavian languages (p. 34) 
date from the 13th century. These languages are closely 
akin to the Gothic. 

The history of the West Germans is complete confusion 
until the conquest of Britain in the 6th century. Eleven 
main tribes are to be distinguished — Lombards, Burgundians, 
Bavarians, Alemanni, Franks, Hessians, Thuringians, Angles, 
Saxons, Jutes, and Frisians. 

In the first instance, West is distinguished from East 
German by the inflexion of the verb. The East Germans 


formed the and sing. pret. of strong verbs in -t (namt, gaft), 
the West Germans in -i (ndmi, gdh'i), but from the beginning 
of the literary period other distinctions begin to appear. The 
history of the Anglo-Saxons and Frisians from the 6th cen- 
tury is, for political reasons, distinct. The remaining lan- 
guages have three periods, distinguished as Old, Middle, and 

The Old High German period extends to iioo a. d., with High and 
a literature of glosses, glossaries, ecclesiastical translations, ^^' 

hymns, and some popular poetry among the Franks of the 
upper Rhine, the Alemanni, and Bavarians. The Lombards, 
Burgundians, and West Franks became completely Roman- 
ised, and their languages disappear. 

In the German district proper during this period we find 
in operation, though only partially and unequally a Lautver- 
scMebung or mutation of consonants. It took place most 
completely and earliest in the South (High German), less and 
less towards the North (Low German). The Low German 
dialects are the least changed, and most nearly represent the 
original German language. 

Thus, disregarding dialectic differences — 

t initial becomes in H. G. the fricative « (= tz) \ e.g. 
Low G. teihn = H. G. zeAn,. Medial and final t becomes a 
spii-ant which is written z but pronounced sharp * (Germ. sz). 
This change took place about 600 a. d. 

k medial and final becomes in H.. G. the spirant eA ; e. g. 
Low G. spreken^H. G. spreeAen,. 

p medial or final becomes f in all H. G. ; e. g. Low G. 
scha^, H. G. schaf. 

h andy remain unaltered. 

M gradually passed to d in H.G. ; e.g. brother became 

d became H. G. t. In the intermediate districts k and g, 
p and b are not distinguished. 

Middle High German embraces the period from iioo A. d. 
to the T4th century; New High German the period since 
that time. 


Exceptions Having defined the term ' German ' we may pass on to the 
law "™™ ^ exceptions to Grimm's law, which are threefold. We have 
first special combinations of consonants. Indo-European sJe, st, 
sp are ' protected ' by the hard spirant s, which remains un- 
changed ; the following hard mutes do not, as by Grimm's 
law, become the corresponding aspirated mutes, but remain 
unaltered. Again, in the special case of the Indo-European 
combinations kt, pt, the k and p by Grimm's law become h and 
,/ respectively, but the following hard dental is unchanged 
[K. Z. xi. 161 ; Paul und Braune Beitrdge, 5. ^'^i). 
Grass- Another class of exceptions fall under the head of Grass- 

law, mann's law (K. Z.xii. 81) : by which, in the apparently anom- 

alous cases like Sk. duhitar (=Goth. dauMar), Sk. bandh [ — 
Goth, hindan), it is shown that the Indo-European stem began 
and ended with an aspirate, but that in the derived languages 
the double aspirate in the same syllable was not tolerated, and 
accordingly I.-E. bhendh- became Sk. landh-, Gk. tuvQ- (for 
^ivO- in irevOfpos, ■jreio-ju.a), Lat. of-fend-ix, and Goth, hind-en, 
quite regularly. 
Vemer's A third class of exceptions comes under the law enunciated 
by Verner {K. Z. xxiii. 98 sqq.), which explains those cases in 
which sonant mutes g, d, b in the German languages cor- 
respond, not to the aspirated, but to the hard mutes k, t, p in 
the Indian and Indo-European languages. We have, for 
instance. Germ, tegu- = I.-E. dekem, Germ, modar = I.-E. 
mdtar, Goth, bairand =Sk. bharanti. 

It may be well first to give a list of some of these excep- 
tions, that it may be clear that they are neither few nor 


A. German g = I.- 







saga (saw) 


sagjan (say) ) 
A.-S. secgan ) 



]7egna-(thane) ( 
A.-S. Jjegn J 




Goth, hals-aggan 

(curve of neck) 

A.-S. angan (arrow- 

B. Germ, d = I.-E. t 

J^ridja ) 
A.-S. Jjridda / 

Goth, fadi- (in com- , 

pomids like / 

bru}7-fadi, ( 

bridegroom) ' 

fedvor ) 

A.-S. feover J 


Sanskrit. Greek. 








and- (opposite) ) ^^^. 
andswerian ) 

andia fend) ) , , 

J* ^ ' > anta, atitya 
.-S. ende ; 



Tea-a-apis quatuor. 
avTi ante, 


C. Germ. ^ = I.-E. ;?. 

Germ, sedan, A.-S. seofon (seven) = Sk. saptan, eirrii, 

But we have also cases of vai'iation in consonantal change Variation 

within the limits of the same root. ' inthesame 


(i) I.-E. i= Germ. A and ff. 

Goth, taihun (A.-S. tyn)=^hiKa, decern; but from the same 

root comes a noun tegu, Goth, tigw, O.H.G. -zig, A.-S. -tig, 

Eng. -ty (in twen-ty). 

So Germ, hauha, A.-S. he^h (high), N.H.G. hoch. 

hauga (heap) (N.H.G. hiig-el). 

Germ, teuhan, Goth, tiuhan = duco (N.H.G. ziehen). 

tuga, O.H.G. A.-S. heretoga, N.H.G. Herzog. 

Germ, fanhan, subst. fanga N.H.G. fang. 

slahan \ slaga sehlag. 

A.-S. sMn /A.-S. slaga. 




} - 

} = 

Sk. cvdcura kKvpos 


Sk. fvacru invpdi socrus. 

German. Sanskrit. Gre^. Latin. 

O.H.G. swehur 
A.-S. Bveor 
O.H.G. swigar 
A.-S. sveger 

(ii) I.-E t=Germ.J) and d. 

frapijan (understand) subst. froda A.-S. frod. 
soba (satisfying) sada cf. satur, sat, satis. 
lei)7an (go) A.-S. li'S (limb) A.-S. Isedan, \M. 
(iii) p and b have coalesced in most German languages, and 
we therefore do not find the same variation in the case of the 
Variation- Particularly is the same variation noticeable in conjugation : 
tion."''"^^ the German surd fricatives and sonant mutes which answer to 
Indo-European surd mutes so divide themselves in conjugation 
that all present forms (infin., pres. indie, conj., imper., part.) 
and the singular of pret. indie, show surd fricatives, all other 
forms sonant mutes. 

A. I.-E. /i=Germ. k {hv), g. 

In the following list Anglo-Saxon forms are given to illus- 
trate old German. 

N. H. G. 

Pres. inf. A.S. 1 sing. pret. 

slean (strike) sloh 
ledn (abuse) loh 
hlehhan (laugh) hloh 

seon (see) 

, ,, J-feolan (hide) 

(commend) ) ^ ' 

qedeiken ) , 

I ^ [feon 
(grow) ) 

leihen (lend) lihan 

Ziehen (drag) 

fliehen, (fly) 

B. l.-'E.t 

Engl, quoth 

warden (be- 


= Germ. J?, d. 

> veor'San 







I plur. pret. 








Past pt. 








I sing. pret. 


I plur. pret. 


Past pt. 

scra^ scridon. 

sudon soden. 


sc/meiden (cut) sni^an 

schreiten ) .j. 

. „ . >■ scrroan 

(walk) ) 

*ct'&w (seethe, ^ ,x 
,\ ' iseo^an 
cook) j 

It is clear that these variations, which run through the 
Old Northern, Old Saxon, Old Frisian, Anglo-Saxon, and Old 
High German languages cannot have originated independently 
in each. The sphere is too limited and definite, and the 
acoustic diflFerence too small, for analogy to come in. So that 
where we find them in one language we are justified in assum- 
ing them, even though not actually found, for the other 
members of the group; It is true that the variation is un- 
known to Gothic, which has the surd fricatives throughout ; 
but Gothic in other respects has a tendency to uniformity un- 
known to the other Germanic languages. 

The diflFerence then must go back to a period before the 
separate existence of the several German languages ; and the 
explanation of the variation in conjugation must also be 
the explanation of that in individual word-forms, i. e. 

tehan beside tegu is to be explained in the same way as 
slahana (infin.) beside slagana (past pt.). 

Irqpar beside modar in the same way as hvefiana beside 

Now the Indo-European system of verb inflexion depends 

upon : — 

(i) Difference of termination. 

(ii) Difference of root-vowel. 

(iii) Presence or absence of augment and reduplication, 
(iv) Difference of accent. 
Now take the following groups of primitive German forms : — 
kvejjana kvaj» kvMum kvedana. 

slahana sloh slogum slagana. 

Hj^ana lai|; lidum Hdana. 

Here the terminations of kve\ana and kvedana are the same, but 
the consonants different ; therefore the variation in the con- 
sonants cannot depend on (i). 

S % 

36o verner's law. [ch. 

Slahana has a short, sloh a long vowel; but the con- 
sonant is the same ; therefore the variations cannot depend 
on (ii). 

They cannot depend on (iii), as this will not account for 
change in non-verbal forms ; and we should have expected 
the same form throughout the preterite, which is not the 

Therefore, by the method of exhaustion, it must depend 
on (iv). 
Verner'3 But this can also be proved inductively — the law that results 
^*'^' being this : Where in Sanskrit the accent is on the root 

syllable, we have in German surd fricatives at the end of roots ; 
where the accent falls on the termination, we have sonant 

We may illustrate the laws in the system of verbal inflexion 
as follows : — 

A. Where the root is accented in Sanskiit ; in German 
we have surd fricatives in the corresponding conjugation. 


pres. indie. = 


pres. indie. 





bhedati, etc. 


J) )! 

pres. potential = 
bhedeyam, etc. 



pres. conj. 
lij^au, etc. 

» I) 

pres. imp. = 
bheda, etc. 



pres. imp. 
lij>, etc. 

)3 )J 

pres. part. act. = 



pres. part. act. 
lijiand — 

S) 3J 

verb, subst. = 




!> )) 

perf. ind. sing. = 

bibheditha, etc. 



pret. ind. sing. 

B. Where the termination is accented in Sanskrit, in German 
We have sonant mutes : — 

Sanskrit perf. ind. plur. = German pret. ind. plur. 
bibhidimd lidum. 


Uhhidd lidu]?. 

hiiJddus lidun. 

Sanskrit perf. potent. = German pret. conj. 

lihhidyam,, etc. lidjau, etc. 

„ „ perf. part. pass. 

bhinnd ( = hhidnd) lidana. 

The same principle underlies the relation of s and z (r) in 
the German languages. For an Indo-European * is repre- 
sented sometimes by s, sometimes in Gothic by a z, which in 
other German languages is r. The conditions determining 
the appearance of the sonant z (r), instead of the surd s, are the 
same as those which determine the appearance of ff, (^instead of 
A, y. E.g. A.-S. edre answers to auria for *ausis, but ndse to 
nasus, mm to Sk. mws. 

Also in conjugation, we find A.-S. ceSsan, ceds, citron, coren, 
where s and r alternate on the same principle as >5 Aniff,J) and 
d above. 

It must be noted that in the division of syllables all 
consonants go with the preceding vowel, e. g. fad-ar, finp-an. 
We may illustrate this division by comparing the English 
pronunciation of mag-nan-im-it-y with the French ma-gna- 

Further illustration of the operation of Verner's law is 
reserved for a foot-note^. 

' (a) Individual cases are — 

Sk. mdtdr G«rm. ni6dar. 

pitdr fadar. 

snusa (of. vv6s, riurus) A.-S. sndru. 

gatd {k-Kard-v) Germ. hund. 

catvaras fedv6r. 

sajptdn (Iir7<i) seban. 

Further — 

Sk. keta (appearance) Germ, haida A.-S. had (-hood). 

dntara an})ara (5'5er (other). 

antdr inter undar under (under). 

dti vfjaaa, an-a-ti- anadi ened. 

(i) In Sanskrit causatives the accent fell on the suffix : the same was the 
case in the German causatives, e. g. : — ■ 

hlogjan (to make to laugh) from hlahjan. 
hangjan (to hang, trans.) from hanhan (intrans.) 

363 verner's law. [ch. 

It may be observed that the foregoing account depends on 
the hypothesis that the Sanskrit in the majority of cases 
represents the original Indo-European accent ; but this hypo- 

fra-vardjan (to destroy) from fravairjjan. 
sandjan (to send) from 3iii))an (to go), 

nazjan (to save) from nesan (Germ, genesen). 

laizja,n (to teach) from Itsan (to know), of. de-lirare. 

And generally we may say that there is no German causative with h, \, s 
as final vowel of the root. 

(c) Strong verbs in German correspond to the first and fourth Indian classes, 
which accent the root syllable. Accordingly the Indian termination -t corre- 

spends to a German d, e. g. : — 

German 3 sing. pres. ind. 



Sanskrit hhdrati. 

2 pliir. pres. ind. 




2 plv/r. pres. conj. 




3 phir. pres. ind. 




{d) The Sanskrit ending -td 

of the participls 

i oon-esponds to a Germ 

-da, e. g. :— 

Sanskrit damitd 

Gothic tamida 

English tamed. 








German kind. 


A.-S. hlfld 

English loud. 

Compare the participial forms kaldd (cold), root ffel-, aldd (old, cf. alius), 
dauda (dead). 

(e) Words formed with the suffix ti are sometimes oxytone, sometimes 
barytone in Sanskrit. We find a corresponding variation of the dental in 

Thus :— 


Sanskrit ffd'ii. 



cf. bir-th. 

But sa-di 


cf. seed. 


Sanskrit mati 

cf. mind. 


Sanskrit sphdti 

cf. speed. 


cf. Greek K&p-ats. 

An extension of Verner's law has been made by Bugge (Paul und Braune, 
Seitrage, xii. 399), who maintains that, even at the beginning of a word, 
original k, t, p are sometimes represented by German g, d, b, instead of by the 
regular h, p, f. Where the main accent originally rested on the first or second 
syllable we have in German h, p, f, but where the main accent originally 
rested on the third syllable, or even later, we find in German g, d, h. In such 
words the first syllable was pronounced with weaker stress. 

Anglo-Saxon distaef (distaflf) is to be referred to original dehsistahds for 
pehsistaids, where pehs- answers to Latin tex-ere. 

Gothic gamai>is='La,tin communis, and both are to be referred to an 
original Icommoinis : in similar instances German ga- answers to Latin com-. 

Gothic gahri (wealth) is not to be referred to giban, but answers to the 


thesis is borne out by the facts given above and will receive 
further justification in the following pages. 

Phonetically we may explain Verner's law by obsenang 
that the exspiratory accent and the surd consonant alike re- 
quire a strong stream of breath. Where therefore the exspi- 
ratory accent existed, there was sufficient volume of breath to 
maintain the surd consonant, but where the exspiratory 
accent was wanting, the surd consonant became the cor- 
responding voiced consonant, which requires less emphatic 

So far we have spoten almost exclusively of the accent Syllabic 
which falls upon a particular syllable of the word, and which 
we may therefore call the ' Syllabic accent.' And it is no 
doubt in this sense that we most frequently use the term, 
when we speak e.g. of the accent of av-qp, Mmo, mankind. 
But besides this there is the ' sentence-accent ' which falls on Sentence 
some particular word in a sentence, so that this word is to the 
surrounding words what in the case of syllabic accent the 
accented syllable is to the surrounding syllables. Further, in 
both these cases we are using the word accent in an absolute 
sense ; we are speaking as though there were but one accent 
in every word or sentence. But we may also use the word to Bauptton 
express the relative stress laid on difierent syllables of the Pelentan. 
same word or on different words of the same sentence. In 
the words ' manipuldris,' ' cbntempldiioti,' e.g. the main accent 
or ' Aaupiioti,' as the Germans call it, is on the penultimate 
syllables ; but the first syllable in both eases has an accent 
which is relatively strong as compared with that on the next, 
though relatively weak in comparison with that on the penult. 
This latter may be called the secondary accent, or in German the 
' nebenton.' Both these accents, the haupUon and the nebenton, 
must be taken account of in any general theory of the 

Latin cofia, i. e. go-all = co-o-pi-a. Eegularly Latin co(m)- should be repre- 
sented by German ha{m)-, as in Gothic hansa (crowd), whence are named 
the Samse-iawDS. 

Anglo-Saxon geaa (mod. English gowk) is related to k6kkv^, and points back 
to an original German ionkugds. 




accent in 


It may be noticed that the hauptton or main accent is an 
important part of the word or sentence in which it occurs. 
According as the syllabic accent rests on one or another sylla- 
ble, the meaning of the word is changed. In English 'con- 
vert' means one thing, 'convert,' another, and the same principle 
runs through all Indo-European languages (cf. rpo'xos, rpoxos, 
Sanskrit bAdras, Mards). The position of the syllabic accent 
also determines whether the word is intelligible or not; 
assist, e. g. is meaningless, assist intelligible, and we cannot 
doubt that the same would have been true in Greek, e.g. of 
&vdpos instead of avhpos ^. But precisely the same is the case 
with the sentence-accent. ' Give me tJtat hooTc ' has a totally 
different meaning according to the place of the sentence- 
accent, while ' it is raining ' with the accent on the first word 
is unintelligible ^- 

The part played by sentence-accent in Greek is highly 
important. The most common case is the alteration of the 
acute accent on an oxytone word to a grave in the middle of 
a sentence. What the exact meaning of this alteration may 
be it is not easy to say, but it clearly has to do, not with the 
word in itself, but with its position as member of a group. 
Another case is the difference of accentuation in enclitics and 
interrogatives (e.g. rtj but ris), the word in both cases being 
precisely the same, but the function of the word in the 
sentence differing. But above all we may notice the influence 
of sentence-accent in the three groups of phenomena known 
as Enclisis, Proclisis, and Anastrophe. 

Of Enclisis we shall have more to say later on, at present 
it is sufficient to note the difference of Zeiij y]plv and Zeiis 
y\\t,i,v, Zevs eart and Zeis eort, where it is clear that the 

' For a poBsible instance in Greek of the difference in. accent causing a 
difference in meaning, we may compare the story of the line in Eur. Or. 279 
€« KVfiaTaiv yd.p av9is ai ■ya\riv' dpSi, where the actor Hegeloohus pronounced 
ya\fjv. (Ar. San. 304,) 

^ With regard to the syllahic-acoent it is to be remarked that it is capable 
of varying its position even within the limits of a single syllable — that it 
comes, e. g. much nearer to a following media than to a following tenuis ; . 
contrast seat and seed, meat and meed, leak and league. 


varying accentuation is due not to anything in tlie words 
themselves but solely to the part they play in the sentence. 
So again with Proclisis-', Oebs &s and ms Oeos differ purely in ProoliBia. 
the position of the words employed. The Anastrophe of Ana- 
prepositions is a disputed point, and this again will he dis- 
cussed later on. Plere it will be sufficient to point out the 
influence of sentence-accent in wept (ro(plas beside cro(p(ai 

Enough has been said to show that in any investigation of 
the question of accent we must take account not merely of 
syllabic but also of sentence-accent. We can now go on to 
consider in detail the phenomena of accent as they are pre- 
sented to us in the Greek language. It is clear that to 
arrive at any scientific result, we must be guided in this 
department by the same principles as elsewhere. We must 
go upon the supposition that the system we find in Greek or 
any other Indo-European language is developed from the 
system that prevailed in the original language, a supposition 
which is proved by Vemer's law ; that the development is in 
accordance with strict phonetic law, and that any apparent 
irregularity must be explained, at least for the present, by 
the action of analogy. 

Now the system of accentuation presented to us by Greek is The law of 
dominated by the law of three syllables. By this law the gyUabies. 
acute accent or Aauptton may not recede farther from the end 
of a word than the antepenultimate, or, in cases where 
the last syllable is long, than the penultimate syllable. In 
technical language, the recessive accent is limited to three 
syllables or three morae, a mora being the quantity of a short 
vowel, and a long vowel being equivalent to two morae. To 
this law, which is otherwise universal, there are two cases of 
apparent exception. 

(i) In the case of words with a trochaic ending the acute 

■ It may be noticed that proclisia is unknown to the ancient grammarians, 
who always accented what we now call proclitics. The name was adopted by 
Hermann to describe the practice of the MSS., but in defiance of the rules of 
the grammarians. From him it has passed into modern grammars. 



accent may fall on the fourth mora from the end, e. g. aCcooroj, 
^weipos. Of this exception no explanation can be given, but 
there may be noticed a certain fluctuation in this class of 
words, the earlier accent, according to the grammarians, con- 
forming to the law of three syllables : — 
We find, e.g.: — 

Tpo-naiov (Old Attic) beside rpoiraiov (New Attic). 

dxpetos (Homeric) axpetos (Attic). 

yeAoTos ye\oios (New Attic). 

aypoLKOs &ypoiKOS (Attic). 

6/xotos (Homeric) ojxoios (Attic). 

kprip.os eprfixos. 

erot/noy ^Voi/xoj. 

Similar cases are : — 

jxaxd-qpos ix6x6r]pos. 

■novqpos TTovrjpos. 

ayviA ayvia. 

opyvid opyvia. 

In some of these cases the testimony of grammarians is con- 
tradictory, in some the difiereuce of accent is connected with 
a difference of meaning, e. g. aypoiKos is variously accented 
according as it means 6 kv tiS ayp^ oIk&v or o ap-aOris, 
though again authorities differ as to which accent is appro- 
priate to each meaning. But enough has been said to show 
a fluctuation in this class of words with a trochaic ending, 
though such a fluctuation is not confined to words of this 

(a) In words like KijTrot) the violation of the law of three 
morae is only apparent, as in this case the accent falls on the 
second mora of the first syllable (/ceeTrou). 
The aooeot The law of three syllables, or more strictly of three morae , 
mSan- jg ^jj^gn virtually universal in the Greek language. Let us 
now turn to Sanskrit. The system of accentuation that pre- 
vails in Sanskrit may be proved to represent very closely the 
system of the original language, chiefly by the fact that the 
so-called exceptions to Grimm's law which are connected by 
Verner's law with the phenomena of accent give indications 


XI.] wackernagel's theory. 267 

of the existence of an accentuation-system in the Germanic 
languages differing very much from that now dominant, but 
corresponding closely to the Sanskrit system. Now in San- 
skrit the accent is not confined within the narrow limits 
which restrict it in Greek and indeed in Latin. The accent 
in Sanskrit is 'free,' that is, it may fall upon any syllable in a 
word ; and its actual position is determined not by the 
quantity of the final syllable (as in Greek), nor by that of the 
penultimate syllable (as in Latin), but solely by the inflexion 
of the word and its function in the sentence. No more 
striking instance of the difference of the two systems can be 
given than by the case of the finite verb, which in Sanskrit 
is unaccented, except when it appears in dependent clauses or 
at the beginning of a sentence. 

Supposing the systems of Sanskrit and Greek to be both Waeter- 
derived from some one primitive Indo-European system, the "^fo^y 
question naturally arises how we are to reconcile facts ap- 
parently so conflicting. To this question an answer that is at 
any rate partially satisfactory has been given by Wackernagel 
(K. Z. xxi^>457 sqq.). His view, as amplified and extended by 
Bloomfield in the American Journal of Philology (iv. ai sqq.) 
and by Wheeler (I)er grieckische Nominalaccent, Strassburg, 
1885) will be given in the following pages. 

It is clear that there are in Greek a certain number of 
words which exhibit the 'free,' or as we may call it the 
'historic' accent, an accent resting on different syllables of 
the words according to laws which now escape our observa- 
tion. The accent of -nevTe, oktco, ttovs, irobos is clearly identical 
with that of Sanskrit jidnca, astd, pad, padds, and whatever 
is the explanation -of the one must also be the explanation 
of the other. But the accent of ejSovKevov, ipovKevere ex- 
hibits a new principle which has nothing analogous in San- 
skrit and must be explained by the intervention of a new law, 
that of the three morae. The discovery of Wackernagel was 
the connexion of the accentuation of such words with the 
accentuation in cases of enelisis. The accent limited by the 
law of three syllables may be called the recessive accent. 



Certain words in Greek under certain circumstances take 
no accent of their own, but ' throw the accent back,' as the 
expression is, upon the preceding word. But the accent m 
enclisis is limited in Greek, as in the case of single words, to 
three syllables and three morae: that is to say, the enclitic 
word is considered as an integral part of the preceding word 
(as indeed it is written in Latin in the case of -ne, -que, -ve) 
and the whole word-group is then accented in accordance 
with the law of three syllables. Thus the accent of Zi-is /ioi 
is identical with that of ktjttou, that of koXo's Ioti, ov (jirja-t, 
with that of aftooros. But in a case like Zeis rjij,(»v complete 
enclisis is impossible, as fjixcov contains four morae. As a sub- 
stitute therefore for complete enclisis the accent goes as far 
back as the law of three morae will permit. The importance 
of this principle will appear presently ^. 
Quasi- We have seen that the finite verb in principal clauses in 

Sanskrit is unaccented and enclitic ; the verb in Greek may 
be described as quasi-enclitic. Owing to the law of the three 
syllables it is not able in the vast majority of cases to incline 
its accent entirely on the preceding word ; as a substitute 
therefore for complete enclisis it draws back the accent as far 
as the law of three syllables permits. 

' It may be convenient to give tlie laws of enclisis as usually understcod. 
They are stated by Chandler {Q-reeh Accentuation, § 964 sq.) as follows : — 

(i) An oxytone word followed by an enclitic remains oxytone, the enclitic 
losing its accent, a.fa66s tu. 

(ii) After a, paroxytone word a monosyllabic enclitic loses its accent, 
fpiXos TIS. 

But (a) >•• paroxytone word with a trochaic ending, when followed by an 
enclitic, takes an acute on the last syllable, dvSpd jioi. 

(J>) a paroxytone word of any form followed by an enclitic beginning 
with aip takes an acute on the last syllable, iroWAjch a(peas. 

The last two rules are tacitly ignored by modern editors. 

(iii) A dissyllabic enclitic after a paroxytone word, other than the cases 
given above, is oxytone, tioXXokis IffriV. 

(iv) A proparoxytone followed by an enclitic takes an acute on the last 
syllable, ayyi\6s Tij. 

(v) A properispomenon followed by an enclitic takes an acute on the last 
syllable, awim ri. But dissyllabic enclitics after properispomena ending in 
f or (t are ox3rtone, Krjpv^ kariv. 

(vi) After a perispomeuon enclitics lose their accent, 'Ep/j^s ircus. 


In general we may say that the historic accent, as pre- 
sented to us in Sanskrit, is preserved in Greek wherever its 
appearance is not prevented by the intervention of one of the 
special laws given below. The following are typical in- 
stances : — jaat,padds : -nois, iroSo's — ricdn, dricam : kmdv, iXmov 
— crdvas, qrutds : KXeos, kKvtos — vidvan, vidun : dhias, Ibvua. 
The chief exception is the finite verb. In the finite verb, 
and in aU words where the historic accent would stand 
before the antepenultimate syllable, a new law comes in by 
which the accent may not recede beyond the last three morae, 
or in the case of words with a trochaic ending the last four 
morae. But just as Zivs rjiibv is the enclitic form of Zeis r/fuv, 
where complete enclisis is impossible, so "Zews boir) is the 
enclitic form of Zet/s 6ot^ (Sanskrit deyaty. Only the distinc- 
tion between the enclitic verb in principal and the non- 
enclitic (orthotone) verb in dependent clauses, which is 
observed in Sanskrit, is lost ia Greek, and here the verb is 
uniformly enclitic, or rather quasi-enclitic. 

The only hindrance to the- verb in Greek, as in Sanskrit, The accent 
being entirely enclitic is, as has been already said, the fact verb forms, 
that the great majority of verb-forms contain more than three 
morae. A strong confirmation of the theory here given is the 
fact that the only purely enclitic verb-forms in Greek, the 
present indicative of d\i,i and <^i\[i.i, are the only forms that 
nowhere exceed two syllables and three morae. Xeyat might 
have been accented like riv&v, Keye like tlvI, but this was not 
possible with XiyofXiv, Xiyere, X-eyova-i. Here, therefore, we 
have the action of analogy : the forms not capable of enclisis 
have necessarily taken the recessive accent as a substitute for 
enclisis, and have assimilated to themselves the remaining 
forms of their system. <f>r]iJ.C, el^C, on" the other hand, admit 
of complete enclisis throughout. 

"With regard to the two apparent exceptions, el and (firjs, 
which are orthotone, it may be noticed that el is a late form 
and apparently only Attic ; therefore its accent may be due to 

^ Cf. (iroid for an earlier *(iroifi, the augment always taking the accent in 
Sanskrit, but complete enclisis being impossible in Greek for the most part. 

a7o benfey's theory. [ch. 

special considerations. The older forms, eh, ia-a-C are enclitic. 
"With respect to (p-^s, Wackernagel has shown that it is 
practically only found in relative and interrogative clauses. 
In the first case its accent would be consistent with the 
practice of Sanskrit and a solitary remnant of the primitive 
accent in dependent clauses ; of the second it may be re- 
marked that the accentuation of interrogative sentences, and 
therefore of the verb in them, is naturally more emphatic 
than that of ordinary discourse. The accent of (prjs in this 
latter case may be compared with the Sanskrit accent of the 
verb at the beginning of a sentence, where it is necessarily 
emphatic, and with the accent of the pronouns in Greek 
under similar circumstances, e. g. ovros at <pMvSi (Soph. Aj. 
Benfey'e We cannot, however, overlook the fact that (i>aii,iv, cjiari, (j)a- 

^''^' di — l(7-/xez), lore, ilirL represent the historically correct accent of 
the plural (cf. p. 390) as eort does that of the singular. There is 
some authority for accenting ^^jut properispomenon (Chandler, 
§ 937)' which would also be agreeable to the theory of 
primitive inflexion ; and oh the whole perhaps the theory of 
Benfey {Vedica und Linguidica, p. 19) is less far-fetched : that 
in the majority of cases <pr]^i, and etjut became completely 
enclitic, owing not merely to the number of syllables they 
contained, but also to their function in the sentence, etpit as 
a mere copula is naturally enclitic, for (^rj/iit we may compare 
the colloquial enclitics ' says I,' ' says he,' in English. Where, 
however, the verbs are emphatic, they keep the original 
accent, at any rate in the case of lort, and in qb^fxt if we 
accept the accentuation of Tyrannion. Where they are ac- 
cented on the last syllable they are rather to be classed as 
proclitics, and their accent is to be compared to that of pre- 
positions, when coming before their case (v. p. 278). 

It is to be noticed that in this last case they have a grave 
and not an acute accent, and according to the theory of the 
grammarians a grave accent only indicates that this syllable 
on which it rests has not the acute accent, i. e. is not, strictly 
speaking, accented at all. 


The fact that etjui (sum) is never accented on the first syllable 
may be due to a wish to distinguish it from et^i (ibo). 

It must be remarked that participles and infinitives, not Participles 
being finite verb-forms, were never enclitic and therefore keep y" ^^ ^ "^" 
the historic accent in Greek, cf. hharan cpepwv, ricdn knt^v, 
ruvdn 6pvvs, babMvdn ^^((pvdis. So with compounds, the finite 
verb-forms were enclitic, and threw the accent back, e.g. 
sdmbkara <Tvij,(j)epe, dpi asti eirecrTL : the non-enclitic forms kept 
the historic accent, e. g. vnokafidv, KaOfjirdai but KdOrjTai. 

It has been suggested, as an explanation of the recessive Conflict of 
accent, that at some time in the separate existence of the and reces- 
Greek language a new accent arose side by side with the sive accent. 
historic which rested uniformly on the last mora but two. 
According to this theory there would have been a time when 
e. g. " AyAjxeixvov bore two accents, one the historic, which in 
all vocatives in Sanskrit, and therefore iu the original 
language, rests on the first syllable, the other the recessive 
accent resting on the third mora from the end. Wackernagel 
supposes the recessive accent to have originated in the verb, 
and thence to have been extended to the noun, but for this 
there is hardly sufficient evidence. In any case these two 
accents would have come in conflict with one another. It 
remains for us to see according to what laws one or the other 

I. In the case of monosyllables and of disyllables with a 
short final, the recessive accent cannot come in, and the 
historic accent is therefore kept : — 

e. g. pdi, padds, padi, pddam, padas, pddam, jiatm. 
Ttovs, iroSo's, nobl, woSa, Tiohes, noh&v, itoa-L 
In cases like this a secondary accent could never have 
appeared, because the forms (except iu the gen. dual and plur.), 
never exceed two morae ; and at no period in Greek was the 
accent allowed to rest on two successive morae. At no time 
therefore could there have been a conflicting accentuation such 
as e. g. iroSt, and the historic accent was therefore maintained. 

It is noticeable that precisely those forms of this type which 
exceed two morae, i. e. gen. dual and plur., are the forms 


whose accentuation deviates from the normal type. We have 
e. g. ■naibcav, -uavTcav but itob&v, i. e. in these two cases the 
recessive accent has predominated over the historic ^ 
Aeolic In tiie case of disyllabic words the nominative may not 

tonesis. be capable of receiving the recessive accent, but the oblique 
cases may. croc^oy e. g. contains only two morae, <to^ov con- 
tains three. Here therefore the recessive accent arising in 
the oblique cases might be extended to the nominative, and 
(Tofov, with the recessive accent predominating over the 
historic, might give occasion to cro'^oy. This is what has 
happened universally in the Aeolic dialect. The 'Aeolic 
barytonesis ' is nothing but the predominance of the recessive 
accent over the historic, e. g. from the conflicting accentuation 
iroVa/xo's, Attic preferred Trora/xo's but Aeolic irorajLios. 

The difference of accent in disyllabic nominatives corre- 
sponding to a difference in meaning, e. g. cpopos, bMras beside 
(popos, boards is primitive, but will be discussed later on. 

II. When the recessive accent faUs later in the word than 
the historic aecentj the recessive accent prevails by the law 
of the three morae. 

Thus Ssjxskiit J dnamdna yevoixevos. 

jdnitrljjdnitryas yevereipa, yevereCpas. 

Sanskrit dJcsitasya. 

TTfVTeKaibeKafoT -nivTiKaibiKa jpdncadaca(cf.€vbeKa). 

Specially to be noticed under this head is the question of the 
accentuation of compounds. 
The acoen- ^^y. q^j. purposes it will be convenient to classify compounds 
compounds, under three heads : — 

(i) Determinatives, in which the first element of the compound 
is syntactically dependent on the last, e. g. Xl6oI36\os=6 Xidovs 

' But in the case of jraidmv it may be noticed that the stem is properly 
disyllabic and remains so in Homer. Cf. Ipiiaii' from stem Ipiul'-, Tpaii-. 



So S.(j>diTos 

but a^dirov 


but TTOTViaS 


but irarpiov 


but -qbiov ■ 


^dXXoov. This class is called by the Indian grammarians 

(ii) Descriptives, in which the first element is an adjective 
or adverb describing the second, e. g. fSadvbtvris. These 
compounds are called MrmadMra^a. 

(iii) Possessives, compounds which in form are substantives 
but in meaning are adjectives, denoting possession, etc. of the 
quality given by the substantive, e. g. ivve6.TTr]xvs = nine cubits 
long. These are called hahuvrihi. 

Now in Sanskrit those determinative and descriptive com- 
pounds whose second element is a verbal adjective in -tci take 
the accent on the first element, e. g. Mstakrta {krtd-), ghosa- 
luddha {huddhd for hudh-td-). This was originally also the 
accent in Greek, as is proved by e. g. e/cSoroy, oKvtos, etc., but 
in cases like aTroreXevrjjros (for ctirore\et)r?jros) the recessive 
accent lies neai'er to the end of the word, and therefore pre- 

Similarly in the case of abstract nouns in -ti with an ad- 
verbial prefix, the accent originally lay on the prefix (cf. Sanskrit 
sdmgati-). This accent is kept where possible in Greek, and 
so we have av6.'nvev<Tis, eK^acris, ava^Xfjcris, etc., but where the 
original accent cannot be preserved the secondary accent comes 
in, as in d^aipetrty, e/cwe'rao-ts, ■uTrTjpeVjjcrty. 

Possessive compounds in the same way originally accented 
the first element ; and this accent is kept imder the same 
limitations. Thus we have :— 

the historic accent in the recessive accent in 

^advKokTTOs [fiaOvs) i^eyddviJLOs (jue'yas). 

kXvtottooXos [kXvtos) Tavpo[j,eTunTOs (ravpos). 

XaXKoitovs (xaXnos) evvedijrjxvs (evvea). 

VTrepdvixos [inrep) XivoOdpr]^ {kivov). 

Xpva-oOpovos (xpvo-os) XP*'"""'"'^'^'''^''^ (xpyfos). 

There was an original distinction of accent between the two ' Mutata 
great groups of compounds known as Immutaia, or those in ^^^^J/" 
which the meaning of the compound is the same as that of 
the elements which compose it (e.g. ^/oitr(iAaz^To:;=half a 
talent), and Mtotata, or those in which there is a change of 




meaning (e.g. J(To6aiVcoD = ' equal to a god,' not 'an equal 
god '). The former group comprises the descriptive and de- 
terminative compounds, the latter the possessives. Immutata 
originally accented the last element, Mutata the first. But 
after the introduction of the recessive accent, this distinction 
was only observed in Greek in those cases where the last ele- 
ment was disyllabic. We have for instance : — 
Immutata. kidojBokos, throwing Mutata. Xi.d6l3oXos, stoned. 


/• 6r]p6l3opos, de- 
0,;;.o/3o'poj,devouring J ^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ 

*^^ ^^^""^ i beasts. 

Trat8oyoi'oy,begetting deoyovos, of divine 

children birth. 

jjLriTpoKTovos, matri- [/.rfTpoKTovos, slain 

eidal by a mother. 

But in other instances other influences come in. Compounds 
where the last element is proparoxytone or paroxytone with a 
long final, can, whether Mutata or Immutata, accent only the 
last element. Thus we have : — 
Mutata. laobainoiv Immutata. fip-irdXavTov. 

KaWipifdpos i/feuSayyeA-Oj. 

XmapoKprjbfiJLVos avroKaa-CyvrjTos. 

Again, the accent oi Mutata and ImmMtata may, in the oblique 
cases, become identical, e. g. p,r)TpoKT6vov is genitive alike of jurj- 
TpoKTovos and oip.T]Tp6KTovos. From these two facts arose a ten- 
dency to accent all compounds alike recessively, regardless of 
their origin, especially where the recessive accent would fall 
on the first element. 

The rule is that Immutata are accented where possible on the first element, 
but where this is impossible the original accent of the second element is kept, 
thus — 

kmTovos but eiT^fwt^6Sf 

diroTpoiros but enapaiydsj 

^IJLiovos but TVfiPoxoTj. etc. 
See further on this point below, where the difference of accent is connected 
with the rhythm of the word. 

To return to the general rule : — 

Compounds with a-privative accent the prefix in Sanskrit ; 


this accent is kept where possible in Greek (e.g. ayywros), 
otherwise we find the secondary accent (e. g. ajxAxriTos). 

Again, the vocative in Sanskrit, where accented at all, takes Accent of 
the accent on the first syllable, and some traces of this accen- 
tuation may be seen in Greek. Thus we have : — 
lj.6)(dr]pe : fi,o\dr\p6^ yvvai : yvi'r\. 

2(0Kpares : 2a)Kp£ir?)s Trdrep : iraTrip. 
Notice especially the vocative Zev (i. e. Z4v) from a noun Zevs, 
where the accent shifts in the vocative from the second to the 
first mora of the diphthong. But in general the analogy of 
the nominative has predominated in Greek, especially where 
the accent cannot go back to the first syllable of the word : 
e. g. yecaixerpa, KXe6(ppov like ye(i>{i.iTpr\i, KKeocppcav. 

In compounds the practical rule for accentuation is that the 
accent does not go further back than the last syllable of the 
first element. But this rule would seem to be merely the 
result of analogy ; in most cases the recessive accent naturally 
fell in this place, and the regular accentuation of e. g. ^aOv- 
koXttos, 6/no'rtjuos became the model for i-nohpa, rerpaTroy, etc. 
But some cases are to be otherwise explained, e. g. eirCirav is a 
parathetic compound, in eirCa-xfs -crxes is entirely enclitic. 

III. "Where the place of the historic and recessive accent 
coincides, the accent remains in that place. This, of course, is 
self-evident. Instances are : — ■ 

Bvyarep iroTvia jjeiroSey Trkipa bcobeKa. 
Sanskrit duhitar j)dtm napdtas plvarl dvddaca, 

IV. Words with a dactylic ending which were originally Words 
oxytone become m Greek paroxytone. dactylic 

This is a most wide-stretching and important rule. We ending, 
will consider a few of the cases individually. 

[a) Adjectives in -pos, -A.os are ordinarily oxytone, e.g. 
KaOapos, x^a/-iaA.os, -waxv^os, Sanskrit cithird, baJiwld. 

But those in -Xoy if they are dactylic in form are paroxytone, 
e. g. ayKvkoi, ttoiklKos, alp.v\os, Tponikos. There are some ex- 
ceptions, as a^o-uA.os. 

(b) The perfect participle in -jxivos. Sanskrit has only one 

T a 


The perfect perf. part, in -nana, the more usual termination is -and; but 
^2Lw?^^ whatever the termination, the accent is always oxytone, and 
that this accent is primitive may be seen by a comparison of 
the Germanic languages, where we get warden, Indo-European 
urtono, the t by Verner's law becoming d in an unaccented 
syllable. The accent therefore of the part, in -jiivos in 
Greek was most probably originally oxytone, and traces of 
this original accentuation are seen in the Greek proper names in 
-jiiej'o's {'OpxoiJ.€v6s, Scofo/xei'o's, IfTTja-afxevos, <PaiJ.ev6s, Ttcra/nez'oj), 
and in the forms SefajueyTj, elaixevq. The normal accent how- 
ever of the perf. part., as is well known, is paroxytone. This 
seems to be due to the fact that the bulk of these forms have 
a dactylic ending, and are of the type AeXet/x//,ej'os (for 
*\eKeiij.ixfv6s) ; and the majority has influenced the accent of 
the minority of the type XiX.vij.ev6s. 

The same principle accounts for the accent o{ Tmmutafa com- 
pounds whose second element is a verbal adjective in or e. 
We have already seen that the accent on the second element 
is primitive, but we should have rather expected it to be 
oxytone than paroxytone, inasmuch as the uncompounded 
adjective is oxytone {-narpoKTovos, e. g. is from ktovos). But 
the fact that the majority of such compounds are dactylic has 
caused the accent to pass from the last to the penultimate 
syllable in /3o?78po/xos, TtarpoKTovos, etc., and the example of 
these has affected forms like kidojiokos. But forms with a 
non-dactylic ending (cf. p. 274) as a rule remain oxytone, e.g. 
oXpioepyos (w — ^). Precisely the same is the case with substan- 
tival compounds of the descriptive and determinative class. 
In dvocTKOTTos, e. g. the element o-kottos is oxytone when un- 
compounded ; in composition the word becomes paroxytone by 
virtue of its dactylic ending. The predominance of words with 
this rhythm has then affected the accentuation of this class of 
compounds as a whole, and so we have 8?;|Uo/3opoy, alcrxpoXoyos, 
apTOKOTTos, SfLirvoXoxos, etc. on the analogy of Xoyoypdcpos, TeXea-- 
(p6pos,(Kril36Xos,ei(i. In connexion with this faetwemaynote the 
tendency to avoid an aggregation of short syllables in com- 
pounds, even where there is no etymological justification 


for the long syllable, e.g. TTobriveixos, virrjpirrjs, fji.ov&vv^, 
vTTcapocfios, etc. No donbt (TaKeiT-cj)6pos is older than (raKo4>6pos, 
Tevx€(r<p6pos than Tivyjx^iopos, while 6vr)(f>Ayoi (by the side of 
OvohoKos), ^\a(f>-ql36\o9 (by the side of ^Aae^o/croyos) may very well 
be compounded with feminine forms. So in d8oi-7ro'poy the first 
element may be a locative, ef. xa/'iai-TTerTjs. But it is of course 
natural that a language whose oldest literature is in a dactylic 
metre should show a proclivity to dactylic forms. 

On the other hand, the possessive compounds, as we have 
already seen, were originally accented on the first element, 
and so naturally took the recessive accent in Greek 


Again, it seems possible that the properispomenon in many 
words with a dipthhong in the penult may be traced to the 
paroxytone accent in dactylic words, thus : — 

(pav\os :=*<j)av<Tv\os =^'^<pavav\6s (cf. hav\6s^*baa-vX6s 

Koikos =*/cft)^A.os=*/ca)tXo's (cf. k&s). 
balpos :=*baFtpos. 
d//.oios =*6/xa)^os' (ojixcos). 

^oiySos =*(f)a)i^os {<j)&s, cf. (TTpa^os, otiXjSo's, afiopftos for 
original accent of termination -/3os). 
yeXoios ^*y€A&)tos (*yeAa)s). 
Further, we may notice the accentuation of the following 
groups of words : — 

Adverbs in -Cku, avriKa, Tr]viKa, etc., as contrasted with 
oxytone adjectives in -/cos (Aoyt/cos). 
Adverbs in -ki?, woXXaKis, k^&Kis, etc. 
Pronominals in -XLkos, rjkUos, TTrjXiKos, etc. 
Nouns in -I'os, w/x^tos, ttXtjo-Cos, uvtCos, p.vpios, etc. 
Diminutives in -Cov, yuipiov, xpva-iov, -naibiov. 
Miscellaneous words of dactylic rhythm, e. g. KapKivos, 
■napdivos, ripefxa, drpejua, oariov, etc. 

It may be noticed however that in Homer dactylic proper 
names are proparoxytone, e. g. "Icjuros, ^rnxws, KaXrjo-ios, while 
it is those of a tribraehic rhythm that are paroxytone, Tv^tos, 
'Obtos, etc. (v. Monro, H. G., § 139). 


A further striking example of the dactylic law is seen in 
the system of noun inflexion. We have already shown that 
the ' weak eases ' were originally accented on the last syllable, 
and this accent is maintained in the case of disyllabic forms ; 
where however the forms are trisyllabic the accent becomes 
paroxytone, and we get 6(j>pvos, aa-Tepos, ■narpacn (for older 
*a(jrepo'j, *o<^pDoy, ^-narpaai), the accent being shifted owing 
to the rhythm of the word (contrast the accentuation of Ttotos, 
Tpmi). It would, however, be too much to deny in these cases 
the influence of the nominative and the tendency to keep the 
accent in oblique cases on the same syllable, a principle which 
we have already seen operative in the vocative. 
Anastro- Anastrophe in prepositions may most suitably be discussed 
posit^M * under this head. We have seen above that the varying 
accent in e. g. cro^ias wept and irept a-o(f>ias is due, not to any 
difiFerence in the word itself, but solely to its position in the 
sentence, that it is a case, that is, of sentence-accent and not 
of word-accent. The problem is whether the proper accent is 
that which appears in anastrophe or not. 

On the whole, perhaps the strongest evidence on the subject 
is the fact that the Sanskrit dpa, dpi, upa are paroxytone, and 
therefore correspond to the Greek &Tro, eiri, vtto. The 
arguments adduced for supposing the original accent to have 
been oxytone, or in support of the hypothesis that prepositions 
were originally unaccented, are hardly strong enough to 
counterbalance this fact. It is argued that anastrophe only 
occurs, according to the best grammarians, when the preposi- 
tion comes immediately after its ease, whereas we should have 
expected the original accent to be preserved where the pre- 
position was most independent. But the fact that the gram- 
marians differ shows that little weight is to be attached to 
this argument. Again, the difference of accentuation in 
elision before a pause, as tovtcov -nap'' compared with that in 
TovToov Trap' ^Kdev does not come to much, as the latter 
would naturally be assimilated to iraprjXdev as a single word. 
From the idea that monosyllabic prepositions do not suffer 
anastrophe, it has been supposed that all prepositions are 


properly toneless; but the best authorities are in favour of 
writing- KaK&v 'i^ (Chandler, § 913). The case of prepositions 
of more than two morae is discussed below. 

Kara, ixera are not found in Sanskrit, but the accent of the 
latter seems vouched for by Gothic mij) (i. e. /xeVa). 

d/i^^ is Sanskrit ab/n and keeps the primitive accent. The 
same may be said of vireip, i. e. ^viripi, Sanskrit updri ; virep 
may owe its accent in anastrophe to the analogy of virepos, 
Sanskrit 4para. 

avri is Sanskrit dnti, but the German and vouches for an 
Indo-Em'opean anti. 

8tai, vTTaC, Trapai were obsolete in the days of the gramma- 
rians, and we can attach no great value to their evidence on 
these words. The -i is mysterious, but we may perhaps com- 
pare ovTocrC, 681, in which ease the accent would seem to be 

av6,, bia are said never to retract the accent, the reason 
alleg-ed by the grammarians being a wish to avoid confusion 
with &va (from ava^) and Aia. But Hermann (ad Eur. Med. 
1 143) holds this to be a fiction of the grammarians as far as 
regards ava, while in 6ta, if it is an instrumental, the accent 
would be primitive. A further argument for prepositions 
being originally paroxytone is seen in their accentuation when 
used adverbially, e.g. wept when^Trep^o-crcos, ava = av6,(TTrj6i, 
irdpa=Trdpecm, etc. (Chandler, §917). 

All this points to prepositions being in themselves for the 
most part paroxytone, but when they occur before their eases, 
proclitics : so that wept troc^iay is parallel to ttov ea-rlv 6 avrip ; 
cro(j)Cas irept to eart deos : the preposition in the latter case 
being added as it were as an after-thoaght, to explain more 
fully the meaning of the case. (Compare the accent on pre- 
positions in Latin, p. 285.) 

Monosyllabic prepositions, when proclitic and occurring 
before their case, have no accent ; and ex KaxZv is parallel to 
d avrip (though neut. ro and the oblique cases and Sk. sd through- 
out are orthotone), but nanSv e^ to 0eds &s beside ojj deos ^- 

' It may be noticed that eyen the grave accent on prepositions disappears 


In the same way the grave accent on the final syllable of 

TLVOS, Tivi, TLVeS, TIVO,, etc. TTodeV, TTOdl, TTOT€ TTOtOS, TTOCTOi, 

d/xos, ore, Tore — efj.os, Teos, o-^eos, dju/xos, i5/x/xos is to be looked 
upon as a case of proclisis. The non-enclitic form is seen in 
Tivos, TToBev (cf. aXkoOev, Sanskrit dcUa), ttoOl (ef av6i, San- 
skrit dd/ii), ro're, ore, etc. Some of these forms may be com- 
pletely enclitic, but complete enclisis is impossible in the 
oblique cases of ai^ixos, TJ/ijuoy, and ejuos may have followed their 
analogy or that of ejixoC. But where the enclitic word contains 
more than two syllables, the recessive accent comes in, and 
f/fiirepos, v^iTepos, cr<l)eTepos are accented like (pepoLfj,eda. 

V. Finally we have to consider the case where the historic 
accent lies nearer the end of the word than the secondary 
accent. In this case, however, no law has as yet been obtained ; 
sometimes one, sometimes the other accent predominates, 
according to principles which are so far obscure. 

An instance or two will suffice. 

The historic accent appears, e. g. in — 
exaroy fvvea yeverrip Idapos TraxvXos eparos. 
Sk. catdm ndva janitdr vlAhrd lahuld raid. 

On the other hand we have the secondary accent in — 
((.Kocn rirapros Tplirovs ovojia Ovydrrip. 

Sk. vihcati caturthd trij)dd ndman duhitd. 

An interesting case of the survival of the historic accent in 
Greek, though not coinciding with the secondary accent, is 
the accentuation of the second aorist infinitive. The Sanskrit 
thematic infinitive in -Ahydi in the majority of cases accents 
the thematic vowel (Whitney, 8h. Gr., § 976), and this accent 
is preserved in Greek in the second aorist (e. g. yivwQai), 
though not in the other tenses. 
Aoeentua- We may conclude by adding a word or two on the very difii- 
Enclisis. cult subject of the accentuation in cases of enclisis. We have 
already seen that the phenomena which come under the head 
of enclisis are cases of sentence-accent. Now the division of 

where they coalesce with their case in a parathetie compound, as in l-iriToiroXii, 


a sentence into words is always more or less artificial ; and in all 
languages what are in origin complete clauses, or at any rate 
phrases, come to be as it were stereotyped, and are pronounced 
and even written as one word. We need only instance cases 
like eKirob(av, quamvis, quamliiet, notwithstanding, albeit, etc. 
But the word-group as well as the individual word has its 
principal accent, which will vary according to the function or 
position of the group in relation to the surrounding groups. 
It is very probable, therefore, that no haa-d and fast rules can 
be laid down for the accentuation of these word-groups : the 
so-called ' enclitic ' words were possibly not toneless under all 
circumstances, and indeed they are written orthotone even in 
modern editions when emphatic or occurring at the beginning 
of a sentence or clause (Chandler, § 945, etc.), and the rules that 
we find in the grammarians may be generalisations from par- 
ticular instances of laws not really of universal application. 
Consistent with this supposition is the fact that the state- 
ments of grammarians on the subject of enclisis are irrecon- 
cileable with one another. The lists Of enclitics are variously 
given, and the rules of accentuation appear under different 
forms. When we find one authority making ka-rov enclitic, 
while another says it is orthotone ; when Aristarchus writes 
&.vhpa 11,01 but Herodian 6.vhpa joiot, the natural inference is 
that both are right, but neither exclusively so : that one form 
represents the accentuation prevailing under one set of 
circumstances, the other that prevailing under different con- 

Amid this variation between our authorities one or two 
facts are yet universally acknowledged. No enclitic is of 
more than two syllables, and, with the exception of tivcov, 
Tivoiv, <T(f>eu>v, the last syllable is always short. And in the 
case of these exceptions it is to be noticed that they are not, 
like TTov, TTore, ■no9i, etc., isolated words, but form part of an 
inflectional system ; so that it can hardly be doubted that 
their accent, or rather want of accent, is the result of the 
analogy of tlvos, tlv€s, ticti, a-cfucri, (r(j)eas, etc. AU enclitics 
are of such a nature that, considering them to form one 


phonetic unit with the preceding word, the secondary accent 
of this new compound falls on the first and not on the second 
element. As we said above, the principle of accentuation of 
Zej^s ea-Ti is the same as that of 6.(000-705, that of Zews ttov as 
that of Ttavrcuv. 

We may notice, again, the ease of the words of four morae 
not usually recognised as enclitics, but which nevertheless 
take a different accent according to their function in the 
sentence, rnxaiv, vjiuiv, etc., can never be enclitic in the full 
sense of the word ; but when forming for all practical pur- 
poses part of the preceding word, they take the recessive 
accent, as a substitute for enclisis. Zeiy TJ'/iiwy for an inadmis- 
sible *Ze?;s r]ij,cov is as much a substitute for complete enclisis 
as C^yov (pepoiixeOa for *Cvy6v (pepoiixeda. And the fact that 
the accent does not pass to the preceding word in rjixcav, ri\xas, 
rjiuv, has affected the accent of the form ^/ai^;, just as in the 
contrary direction rivos has affected tivmv. 

We may, however, notice that though the enclitic prac- 
tically forms part of the preceding word, yet the combination 
of an orthotone word plus an enclitic is not one phonetic ele- 
ment in precisely the same sense as a single word is one. In 
Xvdria-oiixfOa there is nothing to prevent the full play of the 
law of three syllables and the recessive accent ; in cra);xa re, 
avdpoiitoare the pre-existing accent of the first element of the 
compound has to be taken into account. The normal case of 
enclisis is that in which the enclitic word is completely merged 
in the preceding word, and the^ accent is either that of the 
first element, or, where this is further from the end of the 
word than the law of three syllables permits, the recessive 
accent. The exceptional cases are those in which the indi- 
viduality of the two elements is partially preserved, and we 
get an accentuation either of the last syllable of the second 
element (avOpdirov tivos) or of the last syllable of the first 
((T&ixa re). Cases like avOpdirov tlvos are instances of the 
principle we have discussed above : the accent of a word 
which is properly toneless, but which for some reason or other 
comes to be accented, would seem to be oxytone ; avOpiiirov 


Tivos (enclitic) is parallel to Trapa avOpd^nov (proclitic). In 
the case of cr&p,d re we may remark that no monosyllahic 
enclitic properly takes the accent in Greek ; though this law 
may be in origin no more than the result of the analogy 
of such cases as Kakos ye, aire's (jyrjo-i, where the accent is 

In conclusion, we may remark that though individual cases 
present great difficulty, yet nothing exists to invalidate the 
assumption that the fundamental principle of enclisis is 
the law of the three syllables, and that the apparently ab- 
normal cases of accentuation that occur are due to cir- 
cumstances preventing that law being fully carried out. 
Individual points have yet to be cleared up : no explanation 
is as yet offered of the change of an acute accent to a grave 
on final syllables in the middle of a sentence, nor of the differ- 
ence between the value of syllables for purposes of metre and 
of accentuation (\e'Xu7ai, metrically ^^ —) : but, nevertheless, 
in Wackernagel's theory of the recessive accent and in the 
recognition of the validity of the law of three syllables in 
cases of enclisis, we have a satisfactory basis for a complete 
and scientific theory of the subject. 

It remains that we should say a few words on the subject Accentua- 

n J J • • T j_' tion of 

01 accentuation m JLatin. Latin. 

The Latin system of accentuation stands in strong contrast 
to the Greek. It is true that the law of three syllables is 
common to both languages ; neither in Latin nor in Greek 
does the main accent recede further than the third syllable 
from the end of the word, but in all other respects the two 
systems ai-e totally distinct. Their main differences are 
two : — 

(i) In Latin the quantity of the penultimate syllable 
determines the accent, that of the final syllable being 
of no importance : in Greek the quantity of the final 
syllable determines the accent, that of the penult being of 
no importance. 

(ii) Oxytonesis is unknown in Latin, except where a 


paroxytone word has lost its final vowel, e.g. audin for 

The law of Latin accentuation is simply that the main 
accent falls on the penult if the penult is long, otherwise on 
the antepenult. Monosyllabic words have the acute, if the 
vowel is naturally short ; the circumflex, if it is naturally 
long. It is clear, then, that in Latin what we have called 
the historic accent has completely disappeared, and its place 
has been taken by the recessive accent, whose position, how- 
ever, is determined by conditions quite different from those 
operating in Greek. Nevertheless there are not want- 
ing indications that the historic accent must once have 
existed in Latin, though disappearing before the beginning of 

The weakening of vowels in composition and redupli- 
cation — a phenomenon unknown to Greek — can point only 
to a primitive accent on the reduplication or prefix. Thus 
tetigi teUgimus must go back to an original tetigi teligimus ; 
for the stem being tag- (TiTaycLv), the a could never have been 
weakened to i under the accent. Similarly, peiero, conficio, 
cognitus cannot have come from peiuro (supposing this to be 
the derivation), confdcio, cognotm. Rather in these cases the 
original accent was on the prefix, the verb itself being tone- 
less (cf. Sk. dpi asti, Gk. inea-ri, KdO-qrai, 'ifj^^aros, v. p. 271), 
and it is then drawn forward wherever necessary, in com- 
pliance with the law of three syllables. 

Again, the syncopated forms of many words point to an 
original accent further than the third syllable from the 
end of the word. Upiimus shows that the older Spitumus 
could not have been accented on the antepenult, as the 
accented vowel could never have been lost. Similarly surgere 
implies surregere, not surregere — surpui implies surripui — 
Sdmnium, SdUnium — Idlneum, Idlineum — reccidi, rececidi, 

Knally, the statement of Aulus Gellius (13. 35), that the 
vocative of Valerius was Vdleri (for *Tdlerie), might be taken 
as proof in Latin of the same shifting of the accent in the 


vocative to the first syllable of the word that we have already- 
seen (p. 275) to ^^ characteristic of this case in Sanskrit, and 
of which one or two traces remain in Greek. 

Enclisis occurs in Latin in the case of -ne, -ve, -que, etc. ; 
but the rule of accentuation is simply that the accent rests on 
the last syllable of the orthotone word (e. g. rosdque), whose 
proper accent is completely lost. 

Prepositions are said to be proclitics when coming before 
their cascj but otherwise orthotone : circa moenia, but moenia 

Enclisis occurs in Latin not merely in those cases where, as Enclisia. 
stated above, the accent of the finite verb is thrown back 
upon the prefix, but also in cases like situmst, where est is 
enclitic exactly as fori is in the Greek kixKov eari. The 
same principle will also explain p6sswm [pdiis-sum), n6n-vis, 
ma-vis, etc. 

Again, we have primitive enclitic pronouns and particles 
preserved in si quis (cf. et ris), num quis, ne-que (cf. ovTi), 
uterque, Jii-c, si-c, altene (cf. ^-Fe), ne-dum, etc. Possibly, too, 
we may see enclisis in the case of some prepositions when 
following their case, e. g. quScum, parwm-per, sem-per (cf. Um- 
brian trio-per =^ per trial 'ter'): but this may be a purely 
Italic treatment of the prepositions, and is not necessarily at 
variance with the theory given above. 

Other cases which may be put under the head of enclisis, 
inasmuch as the whole phrase in each case is accented as if 
it were one word, are profecto (prd facto), Utico {in loco), 
deimo [de novo), and, most interesting of all, ' igitur', which 
has been recently shown (K. Z. xxvii. 550) to be the enclitic 
form of ' agitur', originating in the common Plautine phrase 
( Qidd agitur ?) Quid igitur ? It retains traces of its enclitic 
origin in classical Latin, in the fact that it cannot, as a rule, 
begin a clause. 

The rule for the accentuation in enclisis in classical Latin is 
simply that the accent rests on the last syllable of the word 
before the enclitic, e. g. tantone. But tanione is for tdnto-ne, 
according to the ordinary laws of Latin accentuation. In 


cases like taniane, where the accented syllable is short, we 
must probably see an extension by analogy of the accent of 
the more numerous cases of the type tantone ; tdntane would 
be more natural. 

Where the enclitic disappears as a separate syllable the 
accent remains on the last syllable of the new word- 
for illim-ce, audiu for auMs-ne, etc. 




Nominal Inflexion. 

Hitherto we have considered, first, the isolated sounds Morpho- 
symholised by the letters of the alphabet ; next, the com- ^°^ 
binations of those sounds as they appear in Greek and Latin 
words ; lastly, the mutual relations of syllables and words 
under the influence of word- and sentence-accent. It now 
remains to consider the difierent forms assumed by words in 
order to express the various grammatical relations in which 
they stand to one another in sentences. The facts of Lan- 
guage as actually spoken are words, grammatical forms and 
sentences. These are the obvious elements of speech. The 
division of words into the smaller elements of sounds and 
syllables is the result of a still closer analysis. Leaving on 
one side the sounds and syllables with which we have already 
dealt, and the facts of syntax with which we are not here 
concerned, we pass on to the Morphology of the Greek and 
Latin languages — that is, the grammatical forms which make 
up their systems of declension and conjugation. 

The identity of a language lies peculiarly in its system of the basis 
grammatical forms. Words may be borrowed from other g^tion of ' 
languages, lost, or renewed, but if declension and conjugation languages. 
remain constant the character of the language remains the 
same. It is by their grammatical system that languages are 
classified into difierent families and groups. Upon this is 


based the great division of languages into monosyllabic, 
agglutinative, and inflexional. The idioms of a mono- 
syllabic language like Chinese, where each element is isolated, 
are modes of expression almost inconceivable to a European. 
The Semitic languages, again, with their poverty of mood and 
tense and wealth of voice, are perfectly distinct from the con- 
jugation of the Indo-European verb. Descending to smaller 
groups, we find difl'erences of inflexion in the difierent lan- 
guages of the Indo-European family ^. 
Analytic The chief diflerence between the ancient classical languages 
thetic^n- and modern English, French, or German is usually expressed 
guages. \)j saying that Greek and Latin were synthetic whilst modem 
speech is analytic. By this is meant that modern languages 
do not employ inflexion to the same extent to express gram- 
matical relations. As Bacon says, 'they slothfuUy express 
many things by prepositions and auxiliary verbs.' In meet- 
ing, for instance, with such words as amat, (pikei, saxi, xa/xat, 
we find that in Latin and Greek it was natural to express by 
a single word that which in English we should express by 
more. Whatever the final element of these words may have 
meant originally by itself, it is clear that the principle 
underlying such forms was to attach to a part of a word 
sounds which should express the relation borne by that word 
to some other word or words in a sentence. In the same 
way in the French faurai, and in the English cat's paw, 
we have grammatical relations expressed by the addition of 
sounds which have lost their original meaning. By them- 
selves apart we do not attach the meaning of futmity to 
~ai or of possession to s. 
Boots and For grammatical purposes words are broken up into roots 
®^" and sufiixes. In difierent languages the various parts of a 
word are combined with difierent degrees of fixity. 

In the monosyUabie or isolating languages the difierent 
elements are kept distinct. In the agglutinative languages, 
that part of a word which contains the main or radical 

' See A. Darmesteter, La Vie des Mots, Intr. § tI. 


meaning remains unaltered, while the other parts undergo 

The languages with which we are immediately concerned, 
the inilexional languages of Greek and Latin, admit of alter- 
ation both in the radical part, which contains the main, 
essential meaning of the word, and the formative part, which 
expresses its relations to the other words of the sentence. In 
the chapter on Ablaut the question of roots and the changes 
they undergo has been already considered. It remains to 
consider the combination of roots with the different suflBxes 
which go to make up words, whether formative, that is, those 
which are added on to the root for the purpose of forming the 
stems or bases of nouns and verbs, or inflexional, that is, those 
suffixes added for the purpose of expressing different gram- 
matical relations. 

The distinction between roots which are Verbal, that is, 
Predicative, and Pronominal, that is, purely Deictic, has been 
already alluded to in the introductory chapter. The Verbal 
or Predicative roots belong equally to the parts of speech 
which we distinguish as Nouns and Verbs. 

Words are formed from roots either by composition, the 
combination of different roots, e. g. caeli-col-a, fidi-cen, sheriff 
{shire-reeve), or by the addition of suffixes to the root. The 
combination of root and formative suffix makes up the stem 
or theme of a word, to which are added the inflexions express- 
ing case, number, person, and the like. Sometimes no 
distinction is to be made between root and stem, as for in- 
stance in fer-s, ea-ixev : in other instances, as in 60-T^p-os, a 
formative suffix (in this case -Ty]p-) has been added on to the 
root in order to form the stem. 

Each noun-form consists of stem and termination. The Nominal 
stem varies according to the nature of the termination, but " ^^^°^' 
the laws under which this change takes place are more difficult 
to discover in nominal than in verbal themes. In Greek, for 
instance, the bases or themes of the different cases have been 
constantly assimilated through the working of analogy. In 
some cases the stem employed had a strong form, in others 


390 GENDER. [CH. 

a weak form, but the process of assimilation has tended to 
obliterate this distinction. This question will be dealt with 
at greater length when we come to speak of the different cases 
in the different declensions. 

The nominal stem may be identical with a verb-stem, or 
extended by means of primary or secondary suffixes. The 
name of primary is given to those suffixes which are added 
directly to a verbal stem ; the name secondary, to those 
which are added to another noun-stem, as in the case of 
liTTT-fij-s, where the suffix -eu- is added on to the stem of 


Gender. Besides terminations which distinguish differences of 

number and case, there are also the endings which mark 
distinctions of gender. The question of gender is involved in 
much obscurity. Languages like the Chinese have no such 
distinctions ; the Semitic languages distinguish between 
masculine and feminine ; while the Indo-European family 
adds the third division of neuter. We must either adopt the 
theory that the distinctions of gender were in their origin 
sexual, as Aeschylus says, avrip yvvri re x^''''- '''^^ iJ.eraixjJ'i.ov, or 
else that there was a dichotomy into things animate and 
things inanimate, and subsequently things animate were 
divided into masculine and feminine. (Cf. Gow, Notes on 
Gender, Journal ofVMlology, x. 19.) However this may be, 
the distinctions of gender are not the same in different lan- 
guages, and there is but little uniformity. In Latin and 
Greek they are marked in the vowel declensions by modi- 
fication of the inflexional suffixes, but scarcely marked at all 
in the consonantal declensions. For the sake of practical 
convenience we shall, then, recognize them as inflexional 
endings, and not distinguish them as secondary, as might 
be done, for instance, in 8/x^retpa {^bixTf-rep-ia), hporpov { = apo- 
Tp-o-v). (Monro, H. G., § 113.) 

Systems of In considering the question of the inflexion of any noun in 
Greek or Latin, we have to take account of three questions : — 
(i) To what degree of Ablaut does the root and suffix — if there 
be a suffix— belong ? (ii) What are the terminations of the 


various cases? (iii) To what system of inflexion does the 
word belong ? 

The first two questions are considered elsewhere — it is with 
the last that we have to do here. 

In the original Indo-European language there were three 
systems of noun inflexion : — 

I. The Strong Inflexion, in which the syllable immediately Strong 
preceding the case ending kept e or the equivalent long ^ 
vowel in the strong cases, but lost e or shortened the long X 
vowel in the weak cases. The strong cases are nom., voc, 

ace, and probably loo. The weak cases are gen., dat., instr., 
and abl. 

This loss or retention of e or the corresponding phenomena, 
like every similar Ablaut, is intimately connected with dificr- 
ence of accentuation. Those cases which originally took the 
accent on the suffix — i. e. those (with the possible exception of 
the locative) whose sufiix contained a vowel — lost the e or 
shortened the long vowel of the preceding syllable ; whereas 
those eases where the accent could not fall on the sufiix, as 
the sufiix did not contain a vowel, kept the stem intact. 

II. The Weak Inflexion, in which the syllable preceding Weak 
the suffix kept the e or long vowel of the stem where the ease ^ *'"°"' 
termination began with a vowel, but lost the e or shortened 

the long vowel where the case termination began with a 

To the strong inflexion belong all oxytone nouns except 
some in -eu , but all themes without exception belong to the 
weak inflexion in the dual and plural. 

III. Stems in -0, -a (ist and and declension) belong neither Pai'oxy- 
to the strong nor weak inflexion, as the accent does not pass inflexion, 
to the suffix, and consequently the vowel before the suffix is 

not lost. 

Thus we have — 

Strong Inflexion: 
Sing. nom. ieug-s e (cf. &-Cv^, con-jux, with stem of 
ace. ieug-rg,. \ weak cases extended through- 
gen. iug-6s ' out). 
TJ a 


Weak Inflexion : 

Sing. nom. suddu-s (cf. ahv-s. 

aec. sudcM-m abv-v. 

gen. sudcleu-os d8e-os). 
Pai'oxytone Inflexion : 

Sing. nom. ISgo-s (cf. Xo'yo-j. 

acG. l6go-m koyo-v. 

gen. IdffO-sio koyo-io, \6yoo, Koyov). 

Formation Passing on to the formation of Nominal Themes, we 

of Nominal }j^yg 

Themea. . 

Primary themes in -o. 

These are, as a rule, mascaline and neuter, and perhaps 
aU were originally so. In that case the feminines will 
be the result of false analogy ; e. g. humus (a late nom- 
inative from kumi) on the analogy of terra (Delbriick S. F. 
iv. la). 

On the variation of accent and Ablaut in the stem see 
p. 291 ; on the Ablaut of the final vowel see p. 316. 

The characteristic of themes in -0 is the vocative in -e, 
which is the only case of Ablaut in the suffix which survives 
in Latin. 

Primary themes in -a (-?j). 

These are mainly feminine, but some that were originally 
feminine became masculine, and then took a final -s in the 
nominative on the analogy of the 0-declension (e. g. veavia-s. 
Old Latin, paricida-s), which again was subsequently lost in 
Latin. Forms without the -s but of the masculine gender are 
seen in the Homeric ve^eXTjyepera Zei/s, tTuroTa Neorcop, etc. 
and in the Attic vocative (Delbr. 1. c.). 

The vowel of the suffix varies between d and a, as that of 
0-stems between and e (p. 316). The Latin nominatives in 
-a must come from an original -a, as an original -a in an 
unaccented syllable would become -e (p. 62). 

Themes in a long -e are seen in ojxo-Kkrf (of. M-KXri-crKia), xpv 
(cf. kC-xptj-jxl), the last being a substantive which has come, 
like &,vayKr], to be used as a verb. With these we may perhaps 

XII.J 0- AND ^-STEMS. 393 

compare the Latin quies. For the Ablaut and accent of the 
root see p. 478. 

Greek Sy-tos, SrtJy-ios, irarp-ios, Jjatin Jlt(v-ms,patr-ius, adaff- Tliemes in 
ium, etc. So oa-a-a [uoqia), fxaipa (jnopta), yK&crcra (yXcoxto, cf. " ' " ' 

The Greek feminines in -ta correspond to Sanskrit forms 
in -*, e. g. TTOTvia, patnl. The -a may have been extended to 
the nominative from the other cases. 

The Latin stems in -ie (fifth declension) correspond to the 
■Greek stems in -ta. A new nom. has been formed in -ie-s 
(hence materies beside materia), but the stem -ia- is kept in 
the gen. and dafr. (e. g. materiae not *materiei). In the other 
cases of the declension the analogy of res (rei-s, Sanskrit rag 
ray-ds), and dies (dieu-s, Sanskrit dyaus), which are originally 
diphthongal stems, has operated (cf. p. 296). 

Some -ie- stems in Latin have passed into the 0-declension 
apparently on the analogy of the vocative (cf. *jilie-=fili). 
Thus alis (for alies, cf. alie-nus) becomes alius. On inscrip- 
tions we find in proper names forms of the type Cornelis, Cor- 
neli, Cornelim, which, if not merely abbreviations or mistakes, 
may point to an original nominative Cornelies, which would 
become Cornelis, as alies becomes alis. The vocative Cornelie, 
contracted to Corneli, is identical with a vocative from a stem 
in -io, and may have been the origin of the form Cornelius. 
The derived forms Lahie-nus, Lucie-nus and the Oscan and 
Umbrian proper names like Viinihiis (Lat. Vinicius), Koisis 
seem to support this theory (-S. B. vii. 60). 

Other suflSxes, coming under the general head of the -0 and 
J! -declension are — ^' Other suf- 

-U0-, -ud- in TtoXFrf" {■no'k\r\), oXFos (oSXos), Ik-Fos {"ikkos, 
ivTros), cf. eq-uos, capti-vos, ard-uos. 

-mo-, -md- in dic/iiTj, TTvyixrj, ot-juos, Xoi-/io'y, becr-ixos, 6ep- 
,fios, 'L&i.fir-muSjfor-miis, an-i-mus, etc. 

-no-, -nd- in Opo-vos, ol-vos, Troivri, tsk-vov, a-envos, Latin 
pater-mis, eqm-nus, som-nus, do-num, etc. 

-mond-, -mena-, -mno-, -una- in di-p-evos, xap-p.ovr\, oroco- 
.jxvrj, ter-minus, coh-mna, legi-min,i, etc. (cf. p. 301). 



-lo-, -la-, -ro-, -ra- in a-cjiob-pos, b&-pov, XajiTr-pos, epvO- 
pos, ecrO-kos (ea-kos), iraxy-kos. 

In Latin the stems in -ro mostly become consonantal in the 
nom. sing. Thus affer (Greek aypos, Sanskrit djras) is for 
*ag-ro-s, *agro, *agr, ag-e-r, where e is the svarahhdUi vowel 
most appropriate to / (p. 71). The full form survives in 
mnerus, numerus, erus, juniperus, as the r in these cases is 
radical. The full form also survives in the Plautine vocative 
puere. Old Latin pover becomes puer, and in compounds -por 
(Marcipor) for *-povr. So in compounds, the e is not lost 
where it is radical (e.g*. cornigerum beside agrum), but we get 
the varying form dextera, dextra ; uterum (Old Latin), utrum. 
Satur, vir (in spite of vir-tus) were also originally 0-stems, 
with corresponding feminines in mtura, virago (?). Levir has 
passed into the 0-declension on the analogy of vir (Greek 
8a?j/3, Sanskrit devar). 

Latin stems in -lo- are seen in rallus (rad-lus), and in the 
diminutives (Lentulus, parvohs, etc.). 

The suffixes -to-, -td- are seen in koTto?, KotVrj, bin-Trj-s, 
ara-Tos and the whole group of past participles. 

Many other terminations might be given under this de- 
clension, e. g. iTTTT-tKOj, civictis, apo-Tpov, ara-trum, servi-tium, 
mor-tmis, pati-cus,formo-sus {formouentius, cf. ix&vo-Fevr-, l^Qv- 
oeis), etc., but the above will suffice. 

Themes in Themes in i, u have -l, -u before consonants, -ii, -uu before 

*' "■ vowels (see p. 334). 

In Greek we have kis, opvls, iro'Xtj, (cf. TroXf-rjjs), d/crfs, 
p-ryypis, 'EXeucrEs (where the declension has become heteroclite), 
ItTfivi (cf. l<T)(y-p6s), Ixdvs, TTokvs (Horn.), 6<ppvs, veuvs, bpvs, 
6i^-p6s, etc. The vowel has often been shortened in later 

The alternation of i, it and ii, uu leaves traces in Greek in the 
non-elision of a vowel at the end of a word or syllable. As in 
Sanskrit we have dMs but hhiyam, hhus but hJiuv-am, so in 
Greek we have 6-(j)pv-s but 6-(j)pijF-os, irokls but ttoXu-os, 
Epic TTokios. Thus ^oiTiAveipa is for jSatru-dveipa before a 


vowel, while before a consonant we have « in the Latin 
q%os. Again Iv k6vX ayyj. TTvpos is for iv kovu 'dyxi, but before 
a consonant we have I in bd<piKos. The short t of ira/xjSSri 
ra (Soph. Phil. 391) might be explained by the absence of the 
secondary accent on that syllable (see p. 234). 

These stems in -I, -w have been assimilated in later Greek 
to those in ~ei, -eu, and hence forms like iroAecoy, which seem 
to come from a stem woAet. 

In Latin we have an «-stem in vis : but otherwise the l-, %- 
stems are not certainly to be distinguished from those in ei, eu. 

The themes in ei are not oxytone, but many of those in ey, ThemeB in 
are oxytone and show the reduced stem in -u. They both be- ^^^°-^^- 
long to the 'weak inflexion' (p. 291), and accordingly keep 
the e of the suffix where the case-ending begins with a vowel, 
but lose it where it begins with a consonant. 

Thus we have ^Ao-ls, Sanskrit ffdiis, ^aa-^i-es ^Aa-eis, San- 
skrit gdtayas, ^81;?, Sanskrit svadus, fjbeFes fjbei?, Sanskrit 
svdddvas, etc. In the dative plural l3d<Tea-i, fjbia-i. stand for 
^aa-ia-i, fjbvn (Sanskrit gatim, svddum) by assimilation to the 
vowel of the other cases. 

Words of the type SpojueJ/s, j;o/xei;s are of secondary forma- 
tion and peculiar to Greek. To this type certain stems iat,u 
have been assimila,ted. Thus the Attic voKsis is for iroXei-es 
from a stem iroXfi-, the true form being voKies (stem ttoKl-). 
The Homeric ■it6\rjos and Attic TroAews are new formations on 
the analogy of vojxr\os, vo\xi<i>i. 

Some stems in -i have a parallel stem in -6, e. g. ixrjvis, e\-nCs, 
^pis. So we have epiha, epiv, but always eXirCba, for a final -iv 
is never accented in Greek. Cf in Latin lapi (Ennius), but 
elsewhere lapid-. 

/-stems in Latin often become consonantal, except in the 
gen. plur., e. g. dos (cf b&Ti-s), compos (poii-s), pars (parti-um). 
Similarly the neuters in -al, -ar, -e were originally /-stems (cf. 
sale (Ennius), calcari-a, mari-a). 

Some stems have -i- in Latin, -0 or -a in other languages, 
e. g. collis {*colni-s) : koXohvos (koIvo-s), caulis : KavXos, fores : 


e-vpa (but cf. fons, foras), imhn- : atppos, unguis : Sk. nakhd, 
tristis : Sanskrit irstd, lenis : Xr}v6s, panis : Messap. iravos, 
pellis [*pelnis) : mXXa. 

The majority of abstract nouns in -ti take in Latin a further 
suffix, ti-on-, cf. Sanskrit ffdii, Greek /Sacri-, Latin con-ven- 

Z7-stems are seen in Latin idus, acus, gradus, etc. Of the 
supposed neuters in u, cornii, genu may be duals {oornu-e, genu-e, 
cf. sing. Tiokv) ; gelu is only found as an ablative. 

Derived from [7-stems are the verbal substantives in -t%t- 
{juve7i-t'ut-, cf. sena-tu-), corresponding to those in -tat- from 

sus and grus have become consonantal stems, but cf. su-lus, 
vrhich has kept the strong root, though the termination begins 
with a consonant. 

Original adjectives in -u are treated in two ways. Either 
they pass to J-stems, from the analogy of the feminine, cf. 
gravis : fiapvs, Sanskrit gurus (Indo-European masc. grrus, 
fem. gi'ui), tenuis : ravv-Trrepos, hrevis : j3paxvs, levis : kXa^vs, 
pinguis : iraxvs, dulcis : yXvKvs (?), or they pass to 0-stems, 
as carus : Sanskrit cdrw, densus : hacris, torum [=.torridum, 
Paul. Fest. 354) : Sanskrit trsu. On the other hand acu- 
pedius : aKvs remains unchanged. 

Diph- Zevs is for ^Ztji/s, Sanskrit dyaus, Indo-European dieu-s, with 

Btemf. tlie long vowel shortened in Greek before the semivowel 
followed by a consonant (p. 1 83). The reduced root is seen in 
AiF-6s, Sanskrit divas. 

In Latin the strong stem appears in Dies-pifer, dies (for 
diSu-s), (K. Z. XXV. 59), and with e in Ju-piter, Jov-is, and 
throughout the inflexion, eu becoming in Latin ou before a 
vowel, u before a consonant. The weak stem occurs in hi-du- 
om [bi-diu-om), D(u)is. 

Indo-European gous, Sanskrit gd>^s becomes Greek (Sovs, 
gen. j3oF6s (Sanskrit gavas), the long vowel surviving in 
the Homeric accus. ^5)v. In Latin Ids, bo-bus, bovis are 
regular, the it becoming v after an unaccented vowel, dis- 


appearing after the accent ; lovem is a new formation for the 
earlier '''horn (bourn). 

The same shortening of the vowel appears in z^aiJs (with 
long vowel in vrjF-os, vfjvs, etc.). In Latin the word has 
passed to the /-declension from the analogy of the genitive, 
and the strong stem is perpetuated throughout. The regular 
nominative would be *ndus or *nds. 

Another diphthongal stem is seen in res (for reis, Sanskrit 
rds, gen. rayds), the i being lost before consonants and at the 
end of a word [K. Z. xxvii. 305, cf. diew-s, dies). In the ease 
of sj)es, the old plui-al sper-es and the form sper-no (if this is 
connected) seem to show that the stem originally ended in a 
consonant. Plehes, fides were probably once stems in -as 
(p. 310). 

To liquid stems belong the nomina agentis and names of rela- stems in 

tionship in -tor, -ter. This class of stems is extremely difficult, ^^^i 1 
c ' ^ ^ ./ ' andNasals. 

and the phenomena they exhibit are very contradictory. More 
will be said of them under the head of nominal inflexion, but 
some few points may be noticed here. At first it looks as 
though they admitted every variety of Ablaut and accent in 
root and suffix. Thus we find b&Top (0. ^SS); beside 6or?}pes 
(T. 44), ^c&Topas (M. 30a), beside jSorrjpas (o. 504), b^ropa beside 
daiorem, pLrjo-Tcop beside a&rep, a-mrijpos, and -narrip, p.rjTrjp beside 
evTrircop, ■nap.p.riTwp. Amid this confusion one fact seems to 
stand out, the forms in -tor are paroxytone, those in -ter O's.y- 
tone : and this is confirmed by the consideration of cases like 
<})priv beside ev<pp(ov, which seem to show that suffixes in tend 
to retract the accent. Soror, the only name of relationship in 
-or, is paroxytone in Sanskrit svdsar. 

To this rule iniirrip is a, very early exception, but even here the Sanskrit 
mdtdr, German modar, points to an original oxytone accent. German Iropar 
on the other hand shows that the accent of (pp&Ttjp, bhratar is primitive. 

But against this rule we may observe that the Sanskrit 
nomina agentis in -tar (=:-tor) are oxytone, though they some- 
times become paroxytone, according to their function in the 
sentence. Moreover we should have expected the oxytone 
words to show a reduced root, the paroxytone a strong root ; 


but Sanskrit has no nomina, agentis with a weak root, while 
in Greek we get strong roots unaccented in iretoTTjp, and 
some other words. 

We may begin by distinguishing in Greek the nomina agen- 
tis and the nouns of relationship. In the former the stem 
remains disyllabic throughout the inflexion, in the latter it 
becomes monosyllabic in the weak cases. 

In Sanskrit we have data, datdram corresponding to the 
Greek bdraip, bairopa, Lat. dafor, datorem. Prom this com- 
parison, and the example of Epic firjo-Tuipa we might suppose 
that the original Greek accusative was bdraipa, but this can- 
not be regarded as certain (cf. p. 299)- At any rate the vowel 
of the stem suffix was 0. 

The next question is what was the stem of the weak cases. 
The Sanskrit locative is ddtari, with a in the stem-suffix as 
opposed to the accusat. datdram and the dat. ddlre. It is thus 
a link between the strongest and weakest form of the stem- 
suffix. From a comparison of crSrep, TTovXv^oTupa (= -rep-La) 
we assume that the Greek sufiix answering to Sk. -tar- was 
-re/3-. This gives us a series -rop-, -rep-, and in derivatives 
-rp-, e.g.:— 

bcoropa a&rep ^aX-rp-ia. 

Just as in stems with other suffixes we have a series : — 

(Tui<j>pov- (fipev-os •np6-(\)pacT<Ta{TTpo-(ppn-Ti(i). 

alS) (al-Focr-a) alei (ai-f e(r-t) Sk. dym-am (aim-). 
(irot-jucoi') TTot-juer-oj ■noi-p.v-T). 

Here as elsewhere the change of vowel is connected with the 
shifting of accent, and a syllable is more decidedly weakened 
when the accent falls on the syllable following next but one 
than when it falls on the syllable immediately following 
{K. Z. XXV. 30). Thus :— 

(i) A short vowel which is kept immediately before the 
accented syllable is lost when the accent falls a syllable later. 
This is well illustrated by the Sanskrit cat-varas (four), as com- 
pared with t-urtyas (fourth), which is for ht-urlyas, the first 
syllable having disappeared with the shifting of the accent 
(cf. p. 369). 



(ii) A long' vowel, which is shortened immediately before 
the accent, disappears when the accent comes a syllable later, 
e. g". 'iaTOLKa : karaora (*cr€(rTdF6Ta) : ecrrvia where the accent 
was originally on the last syllable, e. g. lorti-tti : so too fiejJMKcas 
fj,eiM-Kvia, etc., and al& : alei : aymdm, quoted above. 

(iii) A diphthong that is unchanged immediately before 
the accent is reduced when the accent comes a syllable later, 
cf. ace. aus6srg, (170a for riFocri^), gen. usesds, Sanskrit usds. 

Now the Sanskrit feminines in -* (which are amplified in 
Greek to -ta, in Latin to -ie), accent the termination in the 
' weakest ' cases (instr. gen. dat. abl. sing., Whitney, Sk. Gr., §§ 
311,364). In these cases therefore the accent came originally 
two syllables after the stem syllable, and they were conse- 
quently formed with a reduced stem. This reduced stem was 
eventually extended to all cases, strong and weak, and so we 
get gen. *\p^aX-Tp-i-ds (cf. Sanskrit devyas), whence is formed a 
nom. i/fdXrpta. The strong form of the nom. and ace. is how- 
ever exceptionaUy preserved in the type irovXv^oTeipa (-rep-ta). 

Similarly the sufEx -rep- became -rp- before an originally 
accented case termination (cf. Sanskrit da-tf-bhyas), and this 
shorter form was then generalised, and secondary forms 
derived from it, e. g. \oe-Tp-6v, Ja-rp-o'j, etc. 

In explaining bo-Trjp-os beside bd-Top-a we have to note not 
only the difierence of stem-suffix but also the reduction of the 
root, and from a comparison of these two declensions according 
to the rules given, we can reconstruct an original inflexion 
running bcaraip, b(aTopa for the strong cases and in the weak 
boTepos, boTepi. In the nouns of relationship on the other 
hand we have no alternation of and e and the inflexion runs 
TTarrip, irarepa but in the weak cases Trarp-oy, Tiarp-L 

We may therefore give the following scheme of the cases, 
distinguishing the nomina agentis and the names of relation- 
ship : — 

Nomina agentis. Names of relationship. 

ace. Sk. taram -ropa -torem -tdram -repa -terem. 

loc. -tar^ *-Tipi *-teri -*tH -rpC -tri. 

fern. gen. -tryds -rptas -trie-is. 

300 NASAL STEMS, [cH. 

But this mathematical precision could not be observed, and 
a confusion of the two types was inevitable. In Greek the 
stem bcoTop-, borep- (cf *bc6Top-m, *8orep-t) gave rise on the one 
hand to Scdrcop, bdropos, on the other hand to borrjp and 
boTrjpos with the long e of the nom. extended throughout 
the system, as the long o has been extended in ^Tjoraipa. In 
the noims of relationship irarrip, Traripa, Trarpl are the primi- 
tive forms, and have given rise to itarepi, TraTepos. In Latin, 
nomina agentis have extended to all cases the strong suffix -tor 
and also the long vowel of the nominative, but have taken the 
weak root of the oxytone nomina agentis in -ter, while preserving 
the termination of the paroxytone form in -tor. Thus in 
dator, datoris the reduced root da ought to give a nominative 
da-ter, the termination -tor a nominative dotor ; the actual 
form is the result of a ' contamination' of the two types. The 
reduced termination is seen in the derived fem. and neuter 
forms, vic-tr-ix, doe-tr-l-na, ara-tr-um, but the last generally 
with a strong root [claus-tr-um, cf. KXei-Bpov beside jSd-dpov). 
In names of relationship the weak suffix is universalised 
{patru, patrem, the last being less primitive than the Greek 
•n are pa). 

Soror is declined like the nomina agentis in -tor ; mater, f rater 
(Greek p-drqp, cjipdrr^p) are assimilated in declension to pater, 

To the above may be added Indo-European intdr, Sanskrit 
yantar, elvar^pes, jan-i-tr-i-ces. 

Nasal There ai-e three nasal suffixes, each appearing in four 

Stems. Ablauts, viz. :— 

I. mon a. men ^. mn 4. mn. 

uon uen un un. 

on en n n» 


Of these. Ablaut I of course appeared m the strong cases. 
Ablauts III and IV in the weak, and accordingly we have, 
e. g. Kv-cov, Kv-v-6s. Ablaut II presents more difficulty. 
Either some nasal stems had -on- in the strong cases, others 
-en- (as in ira-rep-es beside b(&-Top-es above, 8u(7-/xei;-e'((r)a beside 


r\F-6(T-a) or perhaps the sufEx with e was originally peculiar to 
the locative, and has been extended throughout the system in 
iroijii7ji», ■noi.y.ivos, ■noiiJ.ivi, etc. As opposed to the other 
' weakest ' cases the locative in Sanskrit takes an a (e) in the 
stem-suffix (Whitney, Sk. Gr., § 421) of liquid and nasal stems, 
e. g. loc. uddni, instr. udnd, loc. pildri, gen. piiur. This vowel 
as we have seen is not the same as the of the stronger cases, 
e. g. bdropa, but was probably e as we may see from o^xet and 
■ttavb-r\^€L which are more primitive locatives than oIkoi (p.- 
318). If this is so avxivi, 'jroiixevi. will be primitive from an 
original nom. ^avxoav, iroCixaiv, gen. av)(v6s, iroiixvos and will be 
the starting-point of the inflexion avyjiv, avxivos {M. U. ii. 
159). The particular form the assimilated systems took was 
apparently a matter of accident, and accordingly beside ttoi/xtji' 
■noiixivos we find TenTcnv tIktovos, while in kvvos we have the 
reduced form of the stem kvov-. The weakest stem also sur- 
vives in apvos (rv-69), compared with -noXv-ppriv, strong stem 
uren-, in hvk-v-o^, and Latin car-n-is, which answer to -na- 
Tp-6s, pa-tr-is from the stexo. pater^- But more often the weak 
stem only survives in derived forms, as -noi-ixv-iov {'woi-p.ev-), 
yeiT-v-Ca (yeLT-ov-), TSKraiva (t€kt-ov-), etc. Elsewhere even in 
the dat. plur., where the nasal in Greek has disappeared, the 
vowel of the strong forms has taken the place of the regular 
representative of the nasal sonant a, e. g. ■noLp.ecn for *'noip.a(n, 
Ttoi-p^n-cri, riKToa-L for T€KT-n-ai, etc. In Pindar we have (ppan 
[(ppn-a-L) beside classical (fipea-i. 

The various forms obtained by the addition of further suflixes Furtlier 
to nasal stems is noticeable. Thus we have : — ■ ^" ^^' 

reg-n-om, Sanskrit rajan. 

pul-lus ioT pul-nua, cf. Anglo-Saxon /oiJa. 

cor-n-i-OB, cf. Kopdtvr) (kot-v-t)), which is an extension of 
KOpcov-, as iJtekebdvri of jxeXebcav, cf. (/.ekebaCvca. Cor-n-ix is 
formed precisely like vic-tr-ix. 

* ^ pollen, pollis, polenta mAio&ie a.n orip^ai pdlen poln-Ss ; fullo,fellu, 
amnis forms \ikefulo{n),fuln6s,felo{n)felnSs, dbho{n) abhnos. {K. Z. xxviii, 


collis for col-n-is, cf. nokaivos (koI-v-os). 

eernuns for cers-n-uus, ef. aix^i-Kpavos (-Kpa<T-v-os), uprivr], 
Lesbian Kpcii'i'a (Kpaa-v-a), Kapdvov {Kapa(T-v-ov), Sanskrit clrsdn, 
instr. clrs-n-a. 


So K&pS = Kapaaa = Kapaffii, ap^-Sciivov = Kpour^-Se/iVov, KfS.Ta= Kpaan-ra, xap- 
r)Ta=Kapaan-Ta. KaprjaTa, Kpdara in Homer are new forme, the -or- which 
has been absorbed into the long vowel being added afresh on the analogy of 
oVoyua bvoimT-, etc. According to Do Saussure, p. 234, the original s is to be 
seen in Ionic xar&Kprjs, if this is not to be written /car' dicpas. 

lien (lik-n), cf. (mXayx-v-ov, cnrXriv {cn:k7]yxy). 
lil-n-a, cf. Hesycli. a>KK6v for aiKvov beside otK-qv, uikivr}. 
cam-is, carn-a, carn-osiis beside caro{n). 
But carnis may not really show the reduced stem, but be 
syncopated for *carinis as vernus for *verinus {kapwos), verna 
for *verina, vesina (ves-ta). 

mag-n-us, Sanskrit mahdn, instr. mah-n-d [Vmagh-). p.eya 
is for fieyn, as aA.ei^a for aXeitpn (ef. aXei^nros with dvoiinros, 
nom-in-is). It may be originally a subst. which has become an 
adj., as vetus beside veter (cf. yivos : evyevrjs, genus : degener). 

In Kvonv, Kvvos (ef. Kvveios, Kwirj), the original root is kv-ov-, 
KV-V-. Canis is for cw-on-is with wo becoming («)«, as om 
regularly becomes au (p. 85). 

With, pal-m-a. cf. djrdXa/x-Dos beside TraXaix-rj. 
colu-mn-a, cf. colu-men, cul-men. 
alii-mn-us, cf. ali-men-tum, Ale-monia, ali-monium. 
So Vertu-mn-us, Tolu-mn-ius (cf. Tullius, tol-erare, roX-p-ri), 
Volu-mn-ius (volo), autu-mn-us, calumnia, ter-men, terminus, 
termo[n). These are not, in the first instance, passive partici- 
ples, but extensions of nasal stems, partly with strong, partly 
with weak suffixes. 
Latin and Note that in Latin as opposed to Greek, there are no neuters 
Neu^ters. ™ -mno; but only in -men. The vowel suffixes are only used 
in Latin to form masc. and fem. stems, and termo{n), termin-us 
are two difl!erent ways of forming the masc. from the same 
neuter termen (rkpp.a). So decor is a masc. formed from decus, 
auror-a a fem. from the original neuter ausos-, auses- (p. 310). 
The connecting vowel which appears between the stem and 
the suffix is often merely phonetic (e. g. in eol-u-men beside 



cul-men, vol-u-mus beside vol-tis, h-u-nrns beside yj>.\\.ai (x^iJ-aC) ), 
and its character is consequently determined by the following 
sound : but sometimes there are corresponding forms with w, 
e. g. CUtumnus : KXiris, cahimnia : Kcakvo) (?), stdtumen : statuo, 
jxeO-v-iivaios : ixeOvo). 

The stem Juveti, Sanskrit i/ti,-van,mjuven-is,j'uven-cu8 appears 
in its reduced form xajumx [ju-vn-ix, cf. vAkivBos, from the stem 
iuvnk- mjuvenc-us ?). Junior beside Juvenior answers to avpios 
beside the fuller riFtpios. 

We may especially notice the feminines formed by the 
addition of -i (Greek -la, Latin -ic) or -a, e. g. corn-i-x, Jun-ix, 

Also noticeable are the neuters formed by adding -to to the 
nasal stem, e. g. cognomentum, testamentum, tegmentum. Origin- 
ally the forms men-, mn-to- existed side by side, and we get 
accordingly cognomen beside cognomentum, just as we have in 
Greek va>vvij,-vos, ovoixaCvco (di/oju^r-ico), 6voii,A-KXvros, as well as 
ovoixara (ovojx-n-Ta, apparently originally the plural of a stem 
ovoixaTO-), ovoixaTO-OeTrjs (Plat. Charm. 175 -B), ai/ytaro-arayTjj, 
etc. So unguen beside unguentum. This will explain rjiraTos 
beside Jecinis, the former from stem ^Trgro-, the latter from 
TjTrn(p)-, (^Tta-p, Sanskrit yahr{t) ). 

The neuter nasal stems frequently had a nominative sing. 
in -r. Thus we have r\iiap, jecur, Sanskrit yahrt ; vher {ub-r), 
ovdap, Sanslcrit udhar ; irelpap, ireCpaTOi for TtepFnr, cf. aireipcov, 
Sajxsknt pdrvan ; el8ap eibaros {or ebFnp. In (f>peap, (ppedros the 
quantity points to a metathesis from an earlier <t>pr}S,T, cf. 
(ppeiara (<t>. 197)^. But though the nom. plural of these 
words may correspond to Latin -menta in seg-menta from a 
nom. sing, -mento-m, the gen. sing, corresponds to the Sanskrib 
adverbial forms ndmatas, Mhatas, yahdtas (6-v6ij.aTos, ovdaros, 
fiTtaTos), so that it is not necessary to assume these to be later 
forms which have supplanted an earlier 6vop,aTov. The dat. 

^ The -r of these nominatives appears to come from an adjectival suffix -to, 
cf. Sanskrit sthavard : trriap, iiyadva/rd : dSap, map6s : map, iSap6s : vdaip, 
■flpLipa : ^i^ap. map is an adjective in 1. 135 i-nei ii&\a map 'in' oBSas, and Solon 
35. 21 map -^AKa, though a, substantive in /3o£c iic map iXiaSai (A. 550, etc.). 


plural alone does not show the dental sufEx, and 6-v6iJ,a(n cor- 
responds to Sanskrit namam (M. U. ii. %%d). 

The element -ar- has also intruded into non-nasal stems in 
ovs b>T6s, which is properly an a-- stem, and should have a gen. 
*ova6s (cf. atir-is, and d/x^-fi(o-)es, Theocr. I. zS), also in bopv 
boparos, yovi yovaros (Epic, bovparos, yovvaros). Two themes 
in -p, divap and vhrap, keep the -p throughout. Texjuap and 
map are not declined. bdfjLap has everywhere the stem baptapr-. 

In many cases there is a parallel form in -s, e. g. Sanskrit 
wdAas, Ved. uMar, /htjxos : I^VX'^P (nasal in fxrixavr]), mos : map, 
ijbos : vboup, robus-tiis : robur, (^ikiyoi -.fulgur. 

In Latin the old declension of the type jecur jecinis, has 
usually been confused, and we get jecoris, jecinoris ; itineris ; 
femur, femenjfemoris, feminoris. In some neuters in-r (ebur, 
acer, aequor, etc.) there is no trace of a nasal element re- 

The quality of the vowel before the -r is doubtful. Nor- 
mally apparently r medial= Latin or, r final = Latin wr (ebur 
eboris), but we also ¥mA. femor (Neue, i. 173)) waA. fulgera \>q- 
^x^e. fulgiira. Tiber may be due to an original locative *uber-i 
(cf. 'noi-p.iv-i, p. 301). 

Miscellaneous instances of the amplification of nasal stems 
are juvencus {juvn-kos ; Old High German jung for juvn-g) 
oaraKOS (oar-n-Kos), Kopa^ {Kop-n-^, cf. cor-n-ioe), femella, 
gemella, etc. (for gemnla, cf. geminus), cf. uLakos (tti^Xos) beside 

Compo- In composition we get three types of nasal stems : — 

(i) The strong stem followed by a connecting vowel — 
imagin-i-fer, germin-i-seca, Anien-i-cola, aycDv-o-dirrjs. 

(ii) The nasal is lost in the type homi-cida, sangui-suga, 
septi-7nanus, aKixo-derov, but here the analogy of the 0- and 1- 
stems may have come in ; cf. angui-fer, armi-ger. 

Sanguen (neuter) is the older form, from which is formed a 
new masculine sanguis (sanguin-s). For exsangiiis beside san- 
guen, cf. sublimis beside limen. 

(iii) The weak stem in nomenclator (also numiclator) sepiem- 
fluus, decemvir, beKAfi-qvos, 




Old »z-stems are to be seen in ds (hs, a-eix-s, of. Sjna (stnma), Jlf-stems 
sem-el, sim-plex, fiia = 0-/x-ta, etc.), in x^oi;- (cf. x^a/x-aXo's, Aam-i, 
humilis) yj.ov- (cf. hvayj^ixos, hiems). In Latin Mems has its m 
from tlie oblique cases, and would more regularly become 
*hies. In this word Greek has generalised the stronger stem 
(xtoz;-), Latin the weaker {hieni-y. 

The only pure i?-stem in Greek is aX-, in fiA.j. Latin has Monosyl- 
sal (but Ennius wrote sale), sol {sauel, cf. liFikios). ite^^*^"'*^ 

Of primary r-stems we find ver (for ves-r as €ap = Fe(Tr?), 
hir : xeCp, her : xrip,fur : ^dtp, etc. 

Mel is not properly a liquid stem, nor can mellis be con- 
nected with iisKltos as if for *meUis (as Osthoff thinks, Z. G. 
^- ^- Sy^\ Rather mellis =meduis, Greek fxiQv, Sanskrit 
mddhu, and mediu), meduis has passed to mel, mellis. For lu 
becoming U, cf. culleus : KOvXeos {kulveios), sollus : ovKoi 
(soluos), anguilla : eyxeXwy (from an original masculine enghelus, 
feminine engJielua, the latter passing to the J-declension) ^. 

There are few traces in Greek of the original Ablaut in Stems 
Mute stems. Thus where the Sanskrit has lUrantam, bhd- ^^ ™ 
ratas — santam, satds, Greek shows (jyepovra, (f>epovTos — ovra, 
ovTos. In the case of the last stem, however, the Doric evres 
(Sanskrit sdntas), eacra-a (ia-nr-ia, Sanskrit sati) give an 
instance of vowel variation. 

So too possibly the weak stem Ixar- stands beside the 
strong sKovT- in the Homeric a-eKa(oixivri (cf. dz^o/xar- beside ovo- 
IxdCco). Compare also lp,ov-id, [[lacraoo (stem i/xar-) ; the two 
stems have coalesced in tjudj, lij,avT-. 

We get a substitute for Ablaut in the type xo-pi-Fevr- beside 
XapiFiT- (cf. B&nskAt pad-vdn-tam, pad-vd-tas) where yapiFer- 
is for xapiFaT-, xapiFnr-, the vowel having been assimilated to 

' The Ablaut of declension has disappeared here as elsewhere in Latin. Bat 
originally we must have had an inflexion of the type *hemo{n) (of. nemo = 
nehemo), hemonem (quoted by Paul. Fest. 100), *hemems. 

^ Where Iv remains in Latin the conditions are different. Selvus is for 
*helsvos, silva (cf. OAi;) for silsva or sulsva. A vowel has been lost in malva 
(lia\-6,-xi, Hesych. fia\0al may be half Latin), pelvis (Sanskrit pdlavi), calms 
(cf. Calavms). In milviis, solvo, volvo, gilvus v = original u. But we cannot 
then connect ov\e and salve (p. 188) {K. Z. xxviii. 163). 



tte € of the strong stem (of. TTOijj.ea-i, ^pecrC, p. 301). If the 
feminine had had the strong- stem xo-P^Fevr-, xapiFevr-ia would 
have become )(api.a,<Ta, as Tidevna has become Tiddaa. 

In TTovs, pes, we have a strong stem ■noh-, a weak ireS-, the 
former having been generalised in Greek, the latter in Latin. 
€7ri-/38-at may possibly show the weakest stem (p. 234). 

Schmidt {K. Z. xxv. 15) supposes the original Ablaut to 
have been j)dd : ped. But in ordinary cases Ablaut is either 
quantitative and not qualitative, as in ^Stv, jSoos — vvfKpdv, 
vviJ.'pd — ayeo/^ai, ayo), or else, in the alternation of : e, quali- 
tative and not quantitative, as in (fiopeco, (pepco — oIko-v, ot/ce-t, 
oue. Accordingly answering toped- in the hatin. ped-em, etc., 
we should expect pod-, not pod-, and with this the facts of the 
language are in agreement. iro'Sa answers to Sanskrit padam, 
as SciJropa to dataram. The Doric -ndn may be explained by 
special considerations (p. 334), and we get the short form 
where the nominative is not monosyllabic, as in Tpiiros, cf. 
S-irdv beside irav. 

An Ablaut : is indicated by wira beside aWoTra, oho-na, 
fjvoTn, hy ivpvoTTa beside Kvv&Tra(A. 159)1 and the Homeric femi- 
nines uvKQitls, jBXoa-vp&Ttis, ySofiiriy, yXavK&Tns, etc., which point 
to an original inflexion &\jf, Swa, *6-7i6s. KvK\a>\jr keeps a> 

But the majority of stems with a final mute show no vowel 
variation, e. g. cjyvKa^, <pk6^, ovv^, Kap.TTds, etc. 
In Latin. In Latin Ablaut is unknown in the inflexion, either the 
strong or weak form being extended to all cases. 

Thus (i) guttural stems : — 

strong stems, pdc-, riff-, nee-, etc. 
weak stems due-, con-jug-, etc. 

derived stems in -ic-, -de-, -de-, -ec-, -uc-, radio-, 
andde-, veloc-, volUc- (voluc-ris), duplec-. The guttural added 
in Latin to the -* of the feminines is peculiar to that lan- 
guage (cf. radle-, Greek pi^a (/5t6ta), Indo-European ufd-i). 
The same « of the feminine with another suffix is seen in 
reffl-na, doctrma, concvMna, etc. 

The stem seni- in seni-s, setil-um is increased by a guttural 


in senex, Sene-ca, senecio. A genitive senecis is quoted &om 
Plautus, ap. Prise, p. 724, P. (ArchivfUr Lat. Lex. i. 119). 

Nix is originally an /-stem : the gen. nivis is for *nihuis, 
snighHs (of. vC^a) and from this is formed a nominative nix 
(i.e. snigh-s), ef. ni-n-gu-it (p. 313). 
(ii) Labial stems, dap-, sfijp-, etc. 

(iii) Dental stems, noct-, lact-, nepoi- (Sanskrit napdi-, 
weak stem in nept-is). 

But here we often have confusion with the /-stems, e.g. in 
nocti-um^ (cf. voci-bus, Sanskrit vaghhyai). lade (Varro) is 
another nominative formed on the analogy of neuter nomina- 
tives in e with genitives in -is. 

Derived stems, equet- (cf. twiro'rTjs), antistet- (cf. drrtcrrdrrjs), 
lapid- (but Ennius used ablative lapi, cf. ipiZa, ipiv), pecu-d-, 
merce-d-, custo-d-, etc. 

The present participles almost always pass into the /-de- 
clension {ferenti-um, ferenti-a). Latin has universalised the 
weak stem, Greek the strong, in place of the original Ablaut, 
e. g. Iheront, iliernt. The strong stem, however, may survive 
in sons besides ah-sens. 

Dens is also properly a participle (cf. Lesbian ihovni) from 
an old Latin *edens, *dentis. The more primitive nominative 
with a strong stem is seen in ohiv (Hdt. 6. 107) oSoires, 
with the first vowel assimilated from an *l'b6vTi.s, aor. part. 
of '/ed. The original inflexion would have been *lha>v, 
*lh6vTa, *8aTos (8Mr-os, cf. o8({f=d8^r^), but as an aor. part, 
the inflexion is assimilated to the type hov%, bovros. Sanskrit, 
Latin, and German keep the monosyllabic stem throughout 
(dan, dens, O. H. G. zan, Anglo-Saxon tdt/i for *tonth). 

I. Themes in -os, -es. S-stems. 

These are mainly neuter, and in Greek show the middle 
degree of strong root (Abl. II), with some exceptions, such as 
l36,9os on the analogy of padijs (also j3iv9os), ddpa-os, papos, 
Taxos, 116.609 (on the analogy of iiadeiv, but also TihOos). All 
these however are post-Homeric except Oipaos (cf. ©epo--tr?js), 

' There is another stem in noctur-nus, Greek vvKTOip. 
X 3 

3o8 J-STEMS. [CH. 

Kapros or Kparos (cf. Kpicra-Mv), OaXos (cf. veo&rjkf)i), and 
in Oapa-os as compared with dpaavs we get an Ablaut 
of quantity, though not of quality ; dpaaos only occurs in 
H. 416. We find 6x0s, but *exos is justified by Hesych. 

Apart from these exceptions, the vocalisation of the root is 
simple. In the termination and accent we may notice the 
following points. In substantives there was originally the 
Ablaut : e in the stem-suffix, which is preserved in yevos, 
*yev€a-os, genus, generis. But the adjectives have throughout 
the vowel e. Thus \fj9os : aX-qOris, albc&s : avaib'qs, -^evbos : yjrevb'qs, 

Further, difference of function is marked by difierence of 
accentuation. Adjectives are oxytone, but Tpirjpr]s, Arip,ocr6evr]s 
throw back the accent. 

The Arcadian form rejuezjes ( - rep.€vos) points to the adoption 
of the e-Ablaut in this dialect in the nominative, corres- 
ponding to the extension of the in Latin temporis (cf. temperi, 

Proper names in -es like ^(oKpdrrjs have in Attic passed 
into the ^-declension in the accusative singular XuiKpdTrjv 
(beside Sa)Kpar?j). 

■qm, albm with stems rjoir-, albocr- had once in the weak 
cases stems in -ecr- which survive in albea-Ofjvai. They were 
possibly originally neuters, and the nominatives in -cos of later 
origin; wsas ( = ri<is) is still neuter in Sanskrit. So beside 
accusative oidj (Aesch. Clwepli. 350) for alFoam we have the 
Doric ales, Attic aleC, aei for *alF€(TL. The a of ahi is short, 
that of Attic ad doubtful, the long diphthong is seen in 
eTDjerajJoy, Sanskrit dyus ; so that in this root we get the 
same Ablaut as in ijFepLos : avpr], vrjvs : vavcpi. 
In Latin. Jq Latin we have primitive ^-sterns in fas, jus, ros, tus 
(borrowed from 6vos). 

Of derived stems the neuters in -us, -eris are most com- 
mon ; from these have arisen the masculines in -os {-or), -oris 
{-or only in arlos, arboris), on the analogy of feminines 
like auror-a (p. 310) and the nomina agentis in -tor, -tdris. 

XII.] LATIN .y-STEMS. 309 

Thus we get decus : decor, and in process of time some 
attempt was made to distinguish the masculines from the 
neuters by giving the former a long d throughout, e. g. decor, 
decoris beside decus, decoris, major beside majtis, lepor, leporis to 
distinguish it from lepus, leporis. So tenus survives as an 
adverb beside tenor ; it is still a substantive in Plant. Bacck. 
793 {ita intendi tenus, ' the net '). 

The original Ablaut of the declension : e has mostly dis- 
appeared, but of. temper-i, temper-ies, tempes-tas beside temporis, 
veter (Enn. Ann. ly ; Att. Trag. 481, Ribb.) beside vetus, 
honos beside hones-tas. Vetus is probably originally a substan- 
tive, veter an adjective, the two being related as genus : de- 
gener, yevos : evyevqs. 

The -r of the nominative comes from the intervocalic s (r) 
of the oblique cases, but the s is kept in monosyllabic words 
(Jlos, mos, etc.), in arbos and iambic words (Aonos), and as 
honos, etc. occur in the MSS. of Cicero, the s cannot be 
purely metrical. In forms like degener the quantity of the 
vowel also comes from the oblique cases, the older form would 
be degenes (cf. ivyivr\s) ; licorpor (from *corpos, *oorpesis) is a 
new formation. Modus beside moder-ari points to an original 
*modus, *moderis, which has passed to the masculine system. 
But modus represents two distinct words, (i) a possible Greek 
*lj,6bos (masculine) from iJi,f8ofj,ai, (cf. <p6pos : (pepco) in the 
sense of ' measure.' (a) Greek /i/eAos, which becomes *molus 
and *modus (pp. 149, 1 90), in the sense of ' time.' ' Number ' 
in a musical sense is not ' modi ' but ' numeri. Pondus on the 
other hand has passed to the 0-declension in pondo (De Sauss. 
p. 80). 

Vi-s is an /-stem (cf. Greek X-<^C) and the plural vires is on 
the analogy of speres, old plural of spes. 

In some cases *-stems with a nominative singulai- in -es 
have passed into /-stems {K. Z. xxviii. 328) from the simi- 
larity of the dative-ablative plural: e.g. sedi-bus [ = sedes- 
beside civi-bus etc. 
Thus we have sedes : ebos (for e : cf fvyevrjs : yevos). 
aedes : aWos. 



plehes : ttXtj^os (where the Latin b may be 

due to the preceding' I, p. 148). 
moles : moledus. 
fidlB : fdustus (Paul. Fest. 89, De Sauss. 80). 

From ausos- (fiF<os,Aeol. avais), comes the feminine auror-a, 
where the -a makes the gender more palpable; a device 
which may be compared to the lengthening of the in 
decoris. Cf. Lafon-a, Ion. A-qTovv, Att. A-qrca. 

Venus (cf. veniistus), Ceres were originally neuter abstract 

stems in II. Stems in -acr- must be assumed in yripa's, Kpeas, etc. 

'""' The a here seems to be a connecting (svaraiM&ti) vowel, 

which appears in Sanskrit as i-, e. g. KpiF-as, Sanskrit kravis, 
cf. Sanskrit dam-i-tar, Latin dom-i-tor, Greek iravbaii-d-Tcop. 
In the Ionic of Herodotus we find yrjpo.^} yripaos, as well as 
Kipas, Kepeos, repas, repeos, and beside repara stand re'pea and 
Homeric reCpea, if this is not to be referred to a-o-rrip. 

In Latin the corresponding forms are those in -is, -eris, 
which are therefore seemingly originally neuters. But the 
gender changes in Latin, and sometimes a new nominative 
appears, as in vomer {Georg. i. 163) beside vomis. The -s is 
preserved in pulvis-culus, cf. serenus for seres-nus (Greek atka'i). 

Compara- The comparative stems originally ended in -io{n)s-, -ies-, and 
' therefore may be considered under s-stems ; ^5ico, for example, 
is for fjb-LO(r-m and corresponds to the Latin suaviorem. 

The stems are paroxytone and originally showed the full form 
of the root, as can be seen in the adjectives which show the 
reduced degree in the positive, e.g. : — oXly-os, oXelCaiv — Kparvs, 
Kpiacrcav. Cf. ttoXvs : irXe-toi;-. The Attic forms Kpeia-a-iov, 
p,iiC<i>v show an epenthetic i, which does not appear in the more 
regular Ionic Kpea-a-cav, p,k^(av. But koKos, KaKos, etc., show no 
variation of the root, while in yXvKvs, I3advs, iXaxys the older 
yXevK-Lov-, ^evd-iov-, eXeyx^ov- have been supplanted by 
yXvKLov-, padiov-, iXacrcrov-, with the vowel of the positive. 
Compare however rdxos : Oacrcrov, p,dXa : ixaXkov, I3pabvs : ^pScr- 
ao3v (?). 


With regard to the sufBx there is great difficulty caused Suffix of 
by the fact that in Sanskrit and Greek a nasal appears which ^""'Para- 
is not found in other languages. Thus the Sanskrit com- 
parative gdr-iydm{s), (which would correspond to a Greek 
fiapiov- or rather ^epiov- which does not actually exist) is 
declined : — 

Accusative : garlyansam, cf. [ni^ui for jxcy-ioa-ni, Latin 

major em. 
Genitive : gdriyasas, cf. ixeiCovs for />iey-too--oy, Latin 

Here it will be noticed that the Greek preserves the nasal 
permanently only in the nominative singular : ixeCCovs, the 
nom. and accus. plural can only come from ixey-iocr-es, [xeyioa-ns, 
not from fieyiov-es, fieyiov-ns. fieiCoves, etc., are new forma- 
tions on the analogy of the nominative singular. Latin, on 
the other hand, has no trace of the nasal, while Sanskrit 
maintains the nasal in strong cases. 

Of the origin of the nasal no account can be given, and 
we must be content to accept -lovcr-, -too-- as parallel suffixes ; 
but we may perhaps compare the perfect participles in -For-, 
which show a nasal in Sanskrit. 

All trace of the nasal disappears in the superlative suffix 
-toTo-, which is formed by the addition of the termination -to 
to the reduced form of the suffix -too^-. 

Few relics of the original Ablaut of declension : e, 
corresponding to Sanskrit a : a survive in Greek and 
Latin ; but we may notice •n-Xees, wXeas for wXeeej, irkeeas 
( = Tr\e-i€rr-ei, irXe-Lea-ns), and forms like majes-fas beside 

In Latin the strong suffix with the long vowel of the 
nominative has been extended to all cases, and major, majoris 
have taken the place of an original maios, maiosm, maiesis. 
The distinction between -or of masculine and -us of neuter 
is comparatively recent (cf. decor : decus). In Plaut. Men. 
327 we find proin im ne quo aheas longius ah aedibus (i. e. 
longios) and 'prior bellum,^ 'prior senatus consultum', 'helium 
posterior^ are quoted by Priscian from Quadrigarius, Va- 


lerius Antias and Cassius Emina (Biicheler-Windekild, p. 
lo n.)i- 
Perfect III. Stems in -For-, -v(T-. These forms are common in 

sT^s!^^* Greek, e. g. in perfect participle active, but also in substantives 
(Spyvia, 6,yiiia, etc.). 

In Sanskrit we find three forms of this suffix, -vans- in 
the strong cases (e. g. ace. sing, vid-vans-am), -vat- (e. g. in 
instr. plur. vid-vdd-lhis), -us- (e.g. in dat. sing, vid-us-e). 

In Greek the strong stem -Fot- answers to Sanskrit -vat-, 
the weak -va-- to Sanskrit -us-, but no trace of the nasal is 
found, and dbais, Ibvla (Ih-vcr-ia) answers to Sanskrit vid-van, 
vidvsi. If these stems are to be ranked as s-stems, the 
appearance of the r in the masculine must be due to some 
unknown analogy. 

But in Greek we find traces of a third Ablaut -f eo--, and 
the series -For-, -Fea-, -va-, answers to the series -Top-, -rep-, 
-Tp-, and -p.ov-, -p.ev-, -jxv-. Thus in the Tail. Heracl. we 
have fpp-qyeia (fppr]y-Fe<r-ia) as opposed to Terpiyvla (rerpiy- 
vcr-ta), where, though the termination is identical, the suffix is 
in a different Ablaut. We may compare a-coreipa (trco-rep-ta) 
beside ijrd\-Tp-ia. 

Other difficulties are presented by the forms TerpiyZras, 
KSKkrjy&Tas (Monro, IT. G. ^ 2,6), where the long vowel may 
be due to the analogy of the nom. sing., unless we are to read 
K€KA.77yovrajj TerpiyovTas. 

Among other s-stems we may mention : — x*/^" fi'^m x'^""'' 
Doric x°^v, -va- before a vowel becoming -vv- and then in 
Attic -V- (p. 199). The related languages show a, e. g. Latin 

jxr\v- from jujjro--, Aeolic gen. p,rjvvos for p,r]v<T-os, Attic 
p.Tr]v6s. The corresponding Latin mens-is has passed into the 
/-stems (p. 297). 

p.v<T- in p.v's, jMos. In IT. 315 we have pLvdv, and the 
Epic jjiveXos stands beside Attic ixveXos, and p.v(r[ beside levari. 

^ Majorem may represent majonsem, as formosus represents formonsus — 
but the may equally be due to the analogy of the nom. as in daior : datoru 
(p. 300), so there is no certain trace of the » in Latin. 


After the loss of the intervocalic o-, the declension was 
assimilated to that of 6(\>pvs, dcjipvos (with « before consonants, 
uu before vowels in syllables with a secondary accent, p. 334), 
but the original Ablaut of the «-stem (e. g. old gen. mitsds 
and mmos) survives in fiuo-i, /xuo-t [M. U. iv. ai7). In 
Latin the « is extended to all cases. 

The Greek feminines in -c/j, e. g. Trei6<6, involve many diffi- Femiranes 
culties. In Ionic they appear as forms in -ovv, e.g. 'lovv, 
AriTovv (Hdt.). The iota subscript which is sometimes found 
in the nom. may be due to the voc. in -ot. They seem to be 
parallel to the masculines in -ws, e. g. jjpws. 

In Homer the words Ipcoj, yeXcos, Idpc&s have not, as in later 
Greek, stems in -7-. Thus we have the phrase i$ epov evro, 
the datives yeXu, iSpu (perhaps we should read Ibpoi), while in 
K. 574 we must read Ibpoa in the fifth foot of the hexameter 
(Monro, H. ff. § 107 note). 

As regards the formation of noun-stems in Latin, it is to Latin 
be noticed that, as against the instances given above (p. 309) ^°^^' 
of the change from consonantal to vowel themes, many vowel 
stems on the other hand have become consonantal owing to 
the retraction of the accent, which is universal in Latin. Thus 
we get trais : trdbes (Enn. Trag. 381), anceps : micipes (Plant. 
Mud. 1158), Campans [Trin. 545) : Campanus, praegnas (True. 
173) : praegndtis. So again we have pars : parti-um, mers, 
merx : merces. In neuters the unaccented final vowel is 
regulai-ly lost in classical Latin in stems ending in -ali, -ari 
(of. old Latin calcare beside calcar, always calcari-a; Ennius 
used sale). The vowel was originally lost before a following 
vowel, and then the shorter form became universal. 

Latin presents many instances of formations by analogy, 
especially in the alternation of e- and *-stems {sedes : sedUws, 
etc., p. 309), and 0- and w-stems e. g. domus, cf. gelus : gelum, 
[gelu does not exist as a nom.), and of the forms in -es, -ei, 
with those in -es, -etis (e.g. requies). The most striking 
instance is seen in the case of peous. The original form is 
pecu, Sanskrit j»af«, which is found in old Latin and survives 
in the classical joed-wa. From this is formed {i)pecus, pedis in 

314 THE CASES. [CH. 

Lueil. ap. Gell. 30. 8. 4 ; (ii) pecus, pecoris on the analogy of 
pectus ; (iii) pecus, pecMis, originally *pec'udis, on analogy of 
iticus. Compare the similar cases oipenu, ossu, etc. 

In the treatment of Greek names the practice of Latin is 
noticeable. Greek stems in -ovt become Latin stems in -on 
(kecvT- : lean-), and the same may have happened with those 
in -(a [Aiho, Athonis, Neue i. 344), but those in -ovvt-, -avr- 
become neuters in the proper names Hydruntum ('Tbpovs), 
Agrigentum (' AKpayas). Neuters in -ar- seem sometimes to 
become feminines in -a. Plautus may have peristromae, Pseud. 
146 (where Pleckeisen reaAs peristromata), lampadds occurs Ter. 
Adelph. 907 and lampada, -ae became common in late Latin. 

The stem cam- becomes an J-stem with nom, carnis in Liv. 
37. 3, on the analogy of gen. ovis, nom. ovis. 

The Cases. The Cases were called by the Stoics wrciJcreis, which was 
rendered into Latin by casus. They were regarded as varia- 
tions from the nominative. The nominative stood erect 
by itself, resting on no other word ; the rest of the sentence 
depended upon it. But the nominative is no longer regarded 
as the TTpcoTT] dia-Ls or starting point ; the stem is the constant 
element of declension. Differences of the final letter of the 
stem lead to differences of declension, and all analysis of different 
forms is based on the distinction of stem and termination. 
The nominative like the other cases is developed from a 
common base. 

Cases are inflexions of the stem, formed by suffixes added 
to the stem for the purpose of expressing the relations of 
nouns to the verb and other nouns in a sentence. It would 
be possible to express by inflexional suffixes a few of the ele- 
mentary kinds of relation, and leave additional refinements to 
be expressed by auxiliary words such as prepositions : on the 
other hand it would be possible to express every sort of rela- 
tion by case suffixes. This, however, no language does ; the 
system of case suffixes and the uses to which they are extended, 
differ according to the genius of each particular language. 
There may, for example, be general points of resemblance 


between the use of the genitive in Greek and Latin, but a 
complete survey shows us idiomatic differences of usage in 
each language. 

In the primitive language we find by comparison that Indo- 
(excluding the Vocative which expresses no relation) there were ga'ses^^*" 
seven cases, viz. Nominative, Accusative, Genitive, Dative, 
Ablative, Instrumental, Locative. Sanskrit has all of these. 
Greek and Latin excluded the Locative and Instrumental from 
common use, while Greek was without a special case form for 
the Ablative. We are not to suppose that there was a definite 
number of cases to express a fixed number of logical relations. 
That would be to fall into the error of those theorists who super- 
imposed Logic upon Grammar, who like Hermann pronounced 
six cases to be the limit of the possibilities of the human 
mind, or who found the root of the logical copula in every 
predicative root. Precision and distinction are the work of a 
late period in the history of a language, and even so there 
are often more ways than one of saying the same thing. For 
instance, in Greek we find the genitive absolute, but beside 
this are to be found traces of a nominative, accusative and 
perhaps even dative absolute. 

We have preferred to deal with the Greek cases in their 
several declensions to taking together the forms of each case 
in all declensions. 

The following is a table of the Greek case endings : — Greek case 


Nominative sing. (i) -s, e. g. fowoy, -novs. Singular, 

(a) Long syllable without -?, e. g. narrip, 

(3) Simple stem, xdpa. 

Vocative sing. (i) -e, e. g. ?7nre, abeXtjie. 

(a) -a, e. g. vvfJ.(f)5., bfcnroTci. 

(3) Simple stem, e. g. yepov, -nuTep, o-firep. 
Accusative sing. (1) -v for Indo-European m, e. g. Xn-no-v, 


(a) -a for m, e. g. iroTep-a, iro'8-a. 






Nom. and Ace. Neut. (i) -v, e. g. ^vyov. 

(2) Simple stem, e. g. i]hv, Xhpi, -nav. 

(3) -P' e- g- ^w«P> wTa/j. 
Genitive sing. (i) -os, e.g. Trarp-o'y. 

(a) -y, e. g. x««pa-s- 

(3) """i"' ^- §■• '^"""'O-tO, ITTirOU. 
-0), 6. g. rc3-8e (Cretan), 
-at (?), e. g. thfjiev-ai. 
-I, 6. g. otfcei, x<^A"*'i ''''^'* 
-a, e. g. 5/iia. 

Ablative sing. 
Dative sing. 
Locative sing. 
Instrumental sing. 

Nom. and Ace. 

Gen. and JDat. 

(i) -e, e.g. TTo'Se. 

(3) -0), e. g. ITTTTO). 

(3) -". e. g. x«^P«- 
(i) -aii), e.g. yjiipaiv. 

(a) -OW, e. g. ITTTTOtV, TToSoty. 

Plural. Nominative 


(1) -ey, e. g. aK^LOv-es. 

(a) -01, e. g. i^TTTTOt. 

(3) -"^'j e. g. x&ipat. 
Accusative (i) -»s, e.g. xcapas, "m-novs. 

(a) -«?, e. g. 7ro'8-as, (pepovras. 
Nom. and Ace. Neut. -a, e. g. C^y-ti, fjbe-a. 
Genitive -oov, e. g. -f^wprnv, imicav, TiobSv. 

Locative -en, e. g. ■noip.i-cri, jSatrtXeC-tn. 

Instrumental (i) -otj, e.g. Xw-ois : -ats, e.g. vvjifp-ais. 

(a) -<t>i{v), j3tri-<j)i, vav-cfii. 

0-stems seem to show an alternation of e and o in the strong 
and weak cases, though this is scarcely plain enough to be 
regarded as certain. In these as well as in ^-sterns we can 
find no trace of a vowel falling away in a syllable preceding the 

The Nominative t-mio-s has the ending s, which is the 
regular nominative ending, as we can see from Sanskrit d^vas, 
Latin equo-s. 

The neuter, as in C^yo-v, Sanskrit _yM^a-OT, is not distinguished 
from the accusative masculine. 


The Vocative l-nn-e. In this case the accent was always Vocative, 
drawn back. The identity of nominative and vocative in the 
great number of the themes of the imparisyllabic declension 
has led to the frequent use of nominative for vocative in this 

A number of masc. 0-stems appear in Ionic and Attic in 
the nom. sing, and the rest of the cases with long o-sound. 
This is the so-called Attic declension. There is the group in 
which -eco- has arisen out of -r\o-, as in the case of vem, XeaSy, 
etc., to which the Attic Icos belongs, with change of accent 
from the Homeric tjcos. In this instance the accent in Attic 
is due to the analogy of other stems with the diphthongal -tut-. 

The Accusative, a translation of the Greek teim alriaTiKrj, Accusative 
shows LitiTo-v, Sanskrit acva-m, Latin eguo-m. °^^- 

The original m has been replaced in Greek, according to the 
law of final consonants, by v. In the Attic declension the final 
letter is sometimes lostj as in Xayw for \ayu>v. This is due to 
the analogy oi rjpaia ( = ?j'/3(b) from rjpoos. 

The Genitive had in Greek the name oiyevmrj, the case of the Genitive 
yivos. The Latin genetivns makes it the case of origin, which ''^^^' 
is certainly a usage of this case, but not its most distinguishing 

i-i!T!o-<Tio, in Homer X-nTioio (and ittttoo), and in Attic 'i-n-nov, 
Sanskrit dcva-sya. The actual form 'fitTToo does- not occur in 
Homer, but the genitive in -00 should stand in such phrases as 
B. 335 00 /c\e'os, O. 66 'IA.too ■nponapoiQev, etc. (cf. Monro, R. G. 


The Dative, in Greek Sotiktj, was the case of giving. The Dative 

originally separate dative, locative and instrumental cases have ''^^*' 

in Greek coalesced into one, but of each of these some traces 

of the original formation is left. 

Xttttw-i is the form taken by the dat. of the 0-decl. in 
Greek. It is not certain what was the exact natm-e of the 
termination which was added on to the stem t-n-iro- to form 
this case. 

The infinitive (cf. Monro, //. G. § 34a) is to be regarded as 




having been originally the dative of an abstract noun. This 
being so, FibixfvaL, Sanskrit vidmd/ie, boFevai (povvai), Sanskrit 
ddvdnS, point to the fact that the termination was -ai. 

Cf. on datives of imparisyllabio declension, p. 324. 

In many dialects both dative and locative are represented 
by a form in -otj e. g. Boeotian, rot Sct/iioi. 

Locative. The Locative sing, had the suffix -i, as in oixet and Doric ira 
and Latin dorm. oXkh is quoted by Herodian as from Menan- 
der. We have also the Doric ireT, avrei, rrjveX, tovtsi where the 
grammarians agree in the circumflex accent (cf Ahrens, 2,. 
361). To these we can add the adverbs aOeei, iravbrjiiei. 

The form otKsi has become oXkoi as the result of contami- 
nation (De Sauss. p. 91), and the same explanation applies 
to other Greek locatives in -ot, such as ireSot (Aesch. Prom. 
272), apixoi and the adverbs not, ottoi, evravOoi, etc. In com- 
pounds occur UvXoL-yevris, o8ot-iro'pos, oA-oot-rpo'^os (N. 137), etc. 

Ablative. The Ablative had a special form in Indo-European 0-stems. 
In Latin we have Gnaivdd and facilumed. In Greek the 
Cretan Toi-Se (hence). Loci-. 5, ottco (unde). The adverbs of 
manner cS-6e, ot!ra)-s, RaK&s, etc. and cto^m- of a-ocpdrepos are 
perhaps instrumental, pointing back to an Indo-European 
termination -oa. For the formation of the comparative by 
adding on the suffix to a case form we can compare iraKaC-Tepos. 

Dual. Nom. Voc. Ace. ittttco, Sanskrit dcvdu, but Vedic dgvd, from 

Indo-European ekuo (-oe), cf. Latin amdo. 

The dual form of Sanskrit with the « is explained by Brug- 
mann as a contraction, by Osthoff as a combination of the stem 
with the particle «. This last writer sometimes outdoes Bopp 
in his agglutination theories, as for instance in his theory 
of the perfect in -Ka (p. 425). From the evidence of the 
most ancient Sanskrit writings, it would seem that du and 
a were parallel endings of the nom. dual, -du coming before 
a vowel, and -a before a consonant (K. Z. xxviii. 217). This 
would point to -ou as the original Indo-European ending 
of the nom. dual before a vowel, before a consonant as in 
Greek X-miia. The only remains of this v, in Greek and Latin 


come in the ordinals odavus, oyboFos. In Sanskrit we have 
astdu answering to Greek oktco, Latin octo. 

The neuter nom. is Cvya>, Sanski-ityw^e, for Indo-Europeanyayoi. 

The Genitive and Dative is t-mroiv, Epic 'iTrnoi-iv, which does 
not correspond to Sanskrit or other Indo-European languages. 
The forms of the dual are known to Homer, Attic, Boeotian, 
and, to a less degree, the Laconian dialects, but are not em- 
ployed by Herodotus. In place of hvoiv, he has bv&v (i. 
91). The dual fell into disuse in later Greek, and is not 
employed in modern Greek. The form bvelv [M. U. ii. 344) 
must be put beside olKei, dike, and perhaps points to an original 
e vocalization of the stem of this case. 

The plural nom. is iinroi instead of tTrTTooi, Sanskrit -as for Plural, 
original Indo-European -os. In the Greek the ending of the tiv™'"* 
pronominal declension has been substituted for the original 
ending, just as in the ^-declension, and this is a featm-e common 
to Latin. The pronominal plural rot, Sanskrit te was taken as 
the model of formation. 

The short a of the nom. nent. plural fvy(i is not original. 
In Sanskrit the ending is -dni, but Vedic shows an older form 
ywffd. The identity of the ending of the nom. neut. plural 
with that of the pronominal declension rd may have led to the 
subsequent assimilation of the original plurals ittttcos and ydipds 
to rot and rai. 

The Aec. plural is formed by the addition of s to the accus. Accusative 
sing, 'ltttto-vs, Indo-European ~o-tts. 

Cretan shows Kopfi-ovs for k6(t\j.ovs, Doric -<us, Ionic and 
Attic -ovs, Lesbian -ots and Elean -otp. We also find a falling . 
away of the v without compensation, as in Hesiod kayos, in 
Pindar z/ao-oy and frequently in Theocritus. 

I'tittcoi', Indo-European ending -dm or -om. What the Genitive. 
original ending of this case was is obscure. The termina- 
tion may have been long or short, but as it has coalesced with 
the preceding vowel it makes little difference what its exact 
nature was. In consonantal stems the genitive ending is long 
uniformly with the vowel declension (p. 323). 





The suffix 


LTTTTois, tiTTTOKn. Here the question is what is the rela- 
tion between -ots and -ourt, and what is the relation of both 
these forms to the dat. pi. of the J-deelension. In Sanskrit 
the instrumental plural is dcvdis, the locative dcvesu ; hirois 
then answers to dcvdis and iiriroun to dcvesu. Sanskrit -su, 
Greek -o-i is then the locative plural suffix. The ending -o-t 
in Greek also appears as -cro-t in the dative plural of the 
imparisyllabic declension in Homer (cf. p. 333). The old 
explanation of -en was that it was for -aFi, the original form 
of which, as constructed by Bopp and Schleicher, was -sva. 
But -sva could not regularly in Greek pass to -aFi. Though 
there are instances of original a or e appearing in Greek as 
I, e. g. the unexplained i of XinTos, such changes are the excep- 
tion, not the rule. The i of Greek -en is probably due to the 
analogy of the locat. sing. (M. U. ii. 56). Xoyo)-t, Koyoiaii were 
assimilated to Xoyt^, Xoyoia-i. The i of the endings -o-t, -o-t-crt 
was originally a sign of the plural, and according to J. 
Schmidt, is to be regarded as pronominal {K. Z. xxv. 5). 

Another irregularity in koyoi-ai is the maintenance of o- 
between two vowels. This will be discussed later on (p. 339). 

However distinct in origin, there is no difference of mean- 
ing between iTmoLo-i and ittttois. The longer form appears in 
New Ionic and Old Attic inscriptions, side by side with the 
shorter form. In the Lesbian dialect, as rots v6f/.0Ls did duty 
for the accusative plm-al, the form -olcti was employed in the 
dative, e.g. Sappho has xpva-LOLcnv, di^^e'/xo lo-tii (Ahrens, 1. 113). 
In poetic diction the variation between the longer and shorter 
form is to be regarded as a licence, for in prose the use of 
-otut is limited, and in the Boeotian dialect it does not appear. 

We will consider the relation of the dat. of the 0-declension 
to that of the ^-declension in dealing with the latter. 

The suffix -<l».{v) is a living suffix only in Homer and Epic 
poets. In number it is neutral, e. g. arpaToi^i, ayekri(f>i, tcpi, 
vav<l)i,. In the adverbs Xixpt-^i's, d/i.(|)^y, the suffix has been 
extended by -y. 

The vi-stems show a variation in the stem between d and a, 
corresponding to that between and e in the 0-stems. 


The Nominative sing, is identical with the strong stem, Singular. 
X<ipa, dcvd, equd. 1°^^' 

Attic keeps the long a of the nominative after p or a vowel, 
but after other consonants we have tj (p. 64). 

The nominative in -ta does not well agree with the 
Sanskrit Nom. in -* (p. 293). 

In the nominative of the masc. ^-sterns we have such forms 
as veavCas, TroAEr;jy, and the Homeric ^xriTUra. Masculines 
like veavCas, etc., were originally feminine abstract substantives, 
but following the analogy of the 0-stems, they added -s in 
the nominative. Cf. the Latin nominative, p. 333. The Epic 
fiTjr^era, Iwwo'ra, KvavoxcuTa, etc., are possibly vocatives of 
masc. stems which have subsequently assumed nominatival 
functions. They occur -in formal phrases almost entirely 
before proper names. As Monro {H. G. § 96) says, they are 
part of the archaic and conventional style of Epic poetry. 

Cf. p. 333- 

In the vocative singular of this declension, the accent was Vocative, 
originally drawn back, and the ending short a corresponds to 
e of the 0-declension, vv^<^a, bia-wora answering to oiKe, \6ye. 

The accusative is -j^dipdv, dcvdm, equa-m ; final m has, ac- Accusative, 
cording to Greek rule, changed to v. 

The ending of the genitive is -y, x'^P^-^' ''f- ^'^^ ff^d-s. Genitive. 
It is not possible to pronounce whether there was a vowel 
preceding the -s of the termination, which coalesced with 
the vowel of the stem, and if so, what was the nature of 
this vowel. The masculine ^-stems modelled their genitive 
on that of the 0-stems, e. g. 'Arpeibao compared with ittttoo. 
In Ionic -do appears with metathesis of quantity as -e and 
has contracted into -co in 'Epjxeiu). In the Attic iroXtroi; there 
has been a complete assimilation to the model of the 0-de- 

The Dative. The ending of the dative was originally -ai, Dative. 
X(&pa, cro(f>Cq, compare Sanskrit a(^vay-di. The endmg of the 
Locative was -i. In Greek we have 07j/3at-yev?js, TsoXai-^aTo^ 
and xa/^«'' The stem x'^-V-"-' i^ ^ P^^^ assumption as its equi- 
valent is not to be found in any cognate language ; x^^M^Ce for 












Xafiao-Se may very well be formed in imitation of x«M*^- -A-S 
the a of xa/^a' is short, it corresponds, as throughout the 
^-declension, with the e of otKei. 

The instrumental ending of this declension remains only in 
adverbial forms, afjia, -nebd, cf Sanskrit dcvayd. ireSd is from 
the stem of •novs. We may add FiKa- of FeKa-epyos, evsKa for 
evFeKa and irapa. So also FeKci in eKdri, eK?j-/3o'Aos. 

For the ablative only the 0-declension in Indo-European 
seems to have had a special form. 

Nom. voe. ace. x<^P"- This seems to be a formation upon 
the analogy of the 0-stems. The Sanskrit shows dcve, which 
points to an original ending in -oi. If so, the proper form of 
the nom. dual is to be found in x^po" of the plural. 

The genit. and dat. dual end in -aiv, for which Sanskrit 
shows dcvd-bhydm, dcvayos, neither bearing any relation to 
the Greek ending. 

The nominative x'^P"''-' ^ mentioned above, appears to be 
more properly a nom. dual, while the proper form of the nom. 
plural should rather have been ^i&pa-s (cf. p. ^^6). 

The ace. plural yj^pas is for xi^pa-vs. In Cretan we find 
npiiyiVTavs. The Aeolie termination is -ais, Attic -as. 

The gen. plural has the termination in -uiv, xa>p5>v, Epic 
6ed-u>v. The formation of this case has been modelled on that 
of the pronominal declension, rdaiv for rdcroiv, Sanskrit tdsdm. 
In Ionic -acav appears as -ecov, Doric -dv, as in Theocr.'S. 49, 
Tav kevK-Civ avyav. 

In all consonantal and semivowel stems in t, v, where the i, 
■u, become consonantal before vowel endings, the original of 
the gen. plural must have been -om. In ^i-stems the ending 
has contracted with the vowel of the stem -a-om. The San- 
skrit ending is -nam, e. g. dcvdndm, but the older Vedic shows 
endings in -am, e. g. devidm from devi, a goddess. The long 
vowel of the genitive ending was transferred by analogy to 
declensions in which the stem did not end in a vowel, and 
the genitive ending in all declensions was made uniform. 
Thus beside devidm, yoip&v, l-mruiv, we have pad-am, -noh-Siv 
and not TroS-oy. It should be noticed that in feminine adjec- 



tives and participles in -rj, the ending of the gen. pi. has not 
got the circumflex accent, unless the word happens to be 
oxytone throughout. 

The suffix of the locative plural is -cn{v), e. g. dvpdai, 'kdrivr\(n. Locative. 
'OXu/x'n'iacrt, cf. Sanskrit dcva-m. On old Attic inscriptions 
we have such forms as Tajxida-i, fivpidai, ixva-rqcriv, etc. : in- 
stances of -jjo-t are very rare. In Greek the uses of locative 
and dative plural were not kept distinct, and so we must con- 
sider the terminations of both eases together. In the A- 
declension the forms of the ending are -oo-t, -r\ai, -aicri, -r}cn, 
-7JS, -ais. The 0- and ^i-stems have reacted upon one another. 
Osthoff (M. U. ii. 64) considers that in the 0-stems the ending 
was in Greek originally -ois, e. g. \vkois, and in the ^-sterns 
-aai, e. g. raa-L iwiKpdcri. 

The form in -ots of the 0-stems led to the analogous formation 
of -ats in the -4-stems, e. g. rats vvix(f>ai,s. In Homer there are 
only three instances of this dat. in -ais to be found (M. 384, 
e. 119, X- 47 1 > <'f- Monro, H. G. § loa), and nowhere do we 
find the ending -ato-i. 

Conversely the maintenance in Ionic and Attic of -acrt, -rjo-ir 
led to the formation of the analogous -ottri, e. g. roTo-t kvKoicn. 
In Aeolic the forms -oto-t, -atcrt were used to distinguish the 
dat. and locative from the accusative endings -ot?, -ats of that 
dialect. In Attic the shorter -ots was preferred to -oio-t, and 
along with it the analogous termination in -ats. 

The -r)<7t of Ionic and Old Attic owes its iota to the analogy 
of -otcrt, while -atcTt arose upon the disappearance of -ijcrt as a 
parallel form to -ats. So much then for an account of the 
variation and mutual relation of these endings within the 
limits of the Greek language. 

'li!T!ois has a direct Sanskrit equivalent in dgvdis, but x'^pa'S' 
has none. It is only found in Greek, and is there only 
common in post-Homeric times. 

The suffix -<^t which even in the Homeric poems is an 
archaic ending (Monro, H. G. § 154) appears mainly as an 
instrumental case, e. g. ayekr]<^i, /8tj)(^t, answering to the Latin 
-U in uU, etc., and to the Sanskrit plural endings, instr. -hhis. 







dat. and abl. -hkyas. Greek -(^i should come from an Indo- 
European -bJii, which, to judge from Homeric usage, was 
confined to neither singular nor plural number. 

The nom. sing, in the /-stems ends in -s, cf. ots, TroXty, KoVty. 
In Sanskrit the accent is normally on the ending, e. g. stan-s, 
a rare declension (Whitney, Sk. Gr. § 355). In Aeolic the de- 
clension runs TToXts, iroAtos, woAt, TrokCcov (Ahrens, I. 116). The 
old assumption of a stem iroXet- rests upon the Attic forms 
which have been assimilated to the ei declension (cf. p. 395)- 

The termination of the genit. sing, is -os, kl-6s, iroki-os, cf. 
Sanskrit hTiiy-da of Sanskrit monosyllabic /-declension. 

The dat. ends in t, e. g. ki-L As before said the dat. which 
is a weak case had, as such instances tS-jueiz-ai. show us, 
originally a diphthongal ending. Ki-i answering to Sanskrit 
hhiy-i should rather rank as a locative. In Herodotus we have 
TfoKi, in Homer Tro'Arjt and TrroAei, in Attic iroAet. 

We have stated that the locative is a strong case. Still at 
times in Sanskrit the accent was placed upon the ending and 
the stem was reduced. In Greek the locative shows the same 
reduction as the stem of the genitive, which is undoubtedly a 
weak case. 

We find in Greek oni, kwi, where not only is the stem 
reduced but the final i caraes the accent. The locative which 
was originally strong has been confounded with a weak case 
so intricately as no longer to be distinguishable. It has lent 
its ending to the weak case whilst borrowing that case's 
accentuation. Thus the loeat. *KFivi and the dat. ^kvv^L have 
given birth to the hybrid kvvL 

It is a question what the termination of the dative really 
was. Was it -ei or -at ? The hypothesis of an original ending 
in -et is based on the supposition of a change from -et to t in 
the Homeric datives klavri, Trarepl, Kopvdl and the adverbial 
avTo-wx-ei, TpioToi)(-i, avai^icoT-C. But the phenomena of the 
' ^-declension point to an ending -at, e.g. x^^P? (=X'^/"*"<''0> 
etc., and so too the ending of the infin. tS/^erat, Vedic vidmdne 
and boFevai ( = bovvai) (cf Osthofil M, U. ii. 113). 


The accusative ends in -v, e. g. oX-v, -noki-v. Acciisa- 

Many nouns have an accusative as well as other cases 
showing- a dental in the stem, e. g. Ipt8a, (pvXoiTiba, yXav- 
KCtfwtSa, avdXKt^a as well as epiv, (f>ij\o-KLv, yXavK&Tnv, SivoKkiv in 
Homer and more in Attic. No oxytones, however, form their 
accusative in -lv, e. g. iki;iba not k\.inv. 

The nom. Tro'Aee should properly in Attic contract into Dual. 
■n6'Kii. The form ttoXtj may have come first in the neuter 
plurals Scrrrj, yivr], and then have passed into the dual of this 

Nom. plural Ki-es, iroAt-es, cf. Sanskrit dM-yas. iroXeis is a Plural, 
new formation analogous to ^dcreis. 

The aec. plural ended in -ns, wo'Xt-as, cf. Sanskrit dhiy-as. Aocusa- 
In Homer we find ace. pi. ois, &koCtIs, ^vls. The Attic iroXets 
is a nominative form employed as an accusative, as it is with- 
out the true ending -g«. 

The Genit. plural ttoXi-oov, but Attic TvoXeaiv, on the analogy Genitive. 
of ^6,<re<av. Prbm ots we have oCoiv answering to Latin ovium. 

Dative and Locat. pi., ttoXe-o-i which has been changed to Dative and 
TToXtcrt, while Jhe Attic wo'Xeo-t follows the analogy of jSaaeai. 

The -a-L of the termination has been already dealt with 
under the ^-declension, p. ^2^. 

Sanskrit locat. pi. dK-m with accent shifted, as is the rule 
in the weak cases, from the stem to the ending. 

The wavering between « and « (cf. p. 334) may be instanced 
from the quantities of XTs in the Kne of Callimachus, fr. 339, 
Xies [dv re Xiecrcrt. 

The nom. sing, of £/-stems ends in -s, reKus. Z7-stems. 


Accusat. viKV-v, cf. Sanskrit hhuv-am. 
Genit. veKv-os, cf. Sanskrit iAwv-as. 
Dat. veKV-i, cf. Sanskiit hhuv-e. 

v^Kve, but in Sanskrit the ending is -dw, e. g. hhiv-au, dat. Dual, 
and gen. veKvoiv. 

Nom. veKves, Sanskrit bhwv-as. The contracted nom. in -vs, Hural. 
e. g. apKvs, is in reality an accusat. form with nominatival 

336 STEMS IN EI. [CH. 

Acc. vkKv-a<s{=-ns), but with long we have the forms vUvs, 
yivvs, kXltvs, bpvs, Vjifivs. 

Gen. vfKvcov. 

Loc. and Dat. vUv-a-i, of. Sanskrit bhu-m, but in Greek as 
in the Z-deelension the v has been shortened from analogy of 
other declensions to vskv-o-i. The v is long by position in the 
Homeric yevv-a-cri, veKV-cm. 

JBj-stems. M- and (SM-stems show alternation of t, v, and et, ey in the 

weak and strong cases : — 
Singular. Nom. ^airts Sanskrit ^a^«*. 

Acc. ^a(Ti.v gdtim. 

Gen. ^aa-eios, paa-eos, ^da-ews gates, gdtyds. 

A form like Ion. ^virtos is due to the analogy of woAt-os, 
but <f>va€cos, like iroAecoj, Tr?jxe'»s, is a new formation modelled 
after the example of vojxeais, which has come from vonrjos by 
transference of quantity. 

Dat. jSao-ei-i, /3dcret gatyoA. 

Dual. The Sanskrit gdU of the nom. dual points to the Indo- 

European -i, to which should answer in Greek jStiui, but in 
Attic we have — 

Nom. and Acc. /Sacreie, /3(i(Tee. 
Gen. and Dat. l3aaeL0LV, fiaaioiv. 
Plural. Nom. Plur. j3a(jfi€s, ^acrety gdtayas. 

The Ionic I3d(nes is a formation modelled on the example of 

Acc. I3a<x€),as, l3da-eLS gdtis. 

Gen. paaemv gdtmdm. 

In the Greek ^da-ecov for ^aaionv the accentuation has been 
influenced by the analogy of the gen. sing. 

Dat. ^acnai gdtim. 

The Attic jSda-etn has been assimilated to /Scio-ees, ^dvfis, 
etc., just as Tro'Xtcrt has changed to iroXecri. 

j;^-8tems. Jw-stems show a stem variation ev, eF, v. — 
Singular. Nom. Masc. ^apv-s Sanskrit gums. 

Nom. Neut. /3apv gum. 


The Sanskrit vocat. gur6 points to an original Greek voc. 

Aec. jBap'iv gurum. 

The Homeric ehpia, for ivpiv is a new formation by analogy. 
Gen. l3apfF-os, ^apios ffurds. 

Dat. l3apfF-i, /3apet gurave (dat.). 

riw or, shortened before v, Hs has in Homer a genitive 
kr\oi, perhaps for rieFos, -^ios with transposition of quantity. 

Nom. and Ace. *^apv Sanskrit guru. Dual. 

/3apiJ has been replaced in Greek by jSapeFe jSapee which has 
been assimilated to ^apeFoiv, ^apioiv. 

Nom. fiapeFfs, /3apeTs. Plural. 

fjbeFes, ^Sets svdddv-as. 

Ace. *l3apv-vs gurviS. 

The stem /3apv- in this case has been replaced by the stem 
^apeF-, l3apeFas. The accusatives /Sapeis, fjbeis are nominatives 
with the function of accusatives. 

The neuter nom. and ace. would originally have been ^apv, Neuter. 
■^bv, cf. Latin tri-ginta. In Sanskrit -ni has been added, e. g. 
jdnw-ni ( = Greek yovaTo), but in the older language occur such 
forms as puru (Whitney, Sk. Gr. § 34a). Greek has adopted 
the suffix -a in all neuters alike : ^apeFa, jSapea. 

Gen. ^b€F-a>v, r]biwv guru-nam. 

In place of weak stem ^81;-, ^apv-, Greek has before 
vowels the stems rjbeF-, ^apeF- cf. p. 391. 

Dat. ^6i;-crt, I3apv-cn svddu-su. 

For this case, as in ^da-fcri, Greek has adopted a form 
assimilated to rjbk-cov, etc., viz. fjbe-a-i, ^ape'-o-i. 

Stems in ev such as ^acriXevs, voij,evs, appear dialectically in Other 
-■^s, e.g. Arcad. tepTjs, ypacj^ris. So in Doric proper names ^*°"™^' 
^1jX.r)s, TiJdijs, and in Latin Ulixes, Achilles. To this stem 
also belongs "ApTjy, "Apjjoj, "Aprj'i, "Apija. The vocat. "Apes 
points, however, rather to an «-stem. 

Gen. sing. p0,(n\eLeFos=j3acn\fjos and by transposition of 
quantity /Sao-tX^toy. On the analogy of this form sprang up 
jSao-ewy, iroXecos, etc., in which the accent was maintained on 
the first syllable. 


In the nom. plural ^BaaiXfjes is for paaLXrjFes. The tj here 
differentiates these words from the stems of I3apvs, tttjxvSj etc. 
/3ao-t\^es is the result of contraction, viz. ^aa-iXeeFes, or as 
hiatus was originally not allowed in the interior of a word, 
fia(n\€!.eF€s = l3a(nXrjes, eie being contracted to 77. ^atnkrjs is 
a form more regular than j3aa-L\els, which would more 
naturally be a contraction of ^aaiXfFes as in ^acreiy. These 
nominative forms also serve the function of accusatives; 
the regular accusative is jiacnXids for ^aaiKfjas with trans- 
ference of quantity. 

Dat. j3a(TL\evai( = I3acn\rivai= j3a(Ti,keievcrL) is a regular for- 

zevs. Zeijs Sanskrit dydm Indo-European dieus. 

Zrjvs was shortened according to Greek rule to Zeijs. In 
the ace. sing, the v disappears. 

Zrjv Sanskrit dydtn Latin diem Indo-European diem. 

The weak stem appears in : — 

Gen. AlFos Sanskrit div-ds. 

Dat. AiFC Sanskrit div-'i. 

ACFa, Aia for the aec. is a new formation with the stem of 
the weak cases. 

Zev the vocat. is shortened for Zrjv. 

Zrjva is a form of the ace. with a unnecessarily added, just 
as Iva ( = vim) is instead of Iv. 

Bows. ^ovs Sanskrit ffdus Indo-European gows. 

In Greek the has been shortened before -v. The Doric 
nom. is j3&s. 

Ace. l3ovv Doric ^&v Sanskrit ffdin. 

The weak stem comes in ^oFos, jSoFC, etc., cf. Latin bovi^, 
bovi. The weakest form of the stem in Indo-European gu 
appears in Greek ^u, pF, as perhaps in eKaT0/x-/3?j answering to 
Indian cata-gu. 

Naus. vavi, Epic vr)vs, the stem of which is vaF-, Latin ndv-. 

Ace. miFa, navem ; vavv then is a new formation. 
Gen. vaF6s, vrjFos Sanskrit ndvas. 



Attic j;e(^y with transposition of quantity. 

Dat. vaFC, vr\t Sanskrit ndvi. 

In the sing, neither in Greek nor Sanskrit is there any sign 
of variation of the stem in strong and weak eases. 

Nom. pi. vTjey, Homer also viis, Sanskrit ndvas. 

Ace. vavs, with weak stem, while vrias is formed on the 
model of the nom. 

Dat. vavcri, but on analogy of other cases we find such 
forms as vrjvcrC, irrieain, Sanskrit naum. 

The -o-t of this case when added on to vowel-stems breaks 
the Greek rule that intervocalic o- should disappear. The o- is 
maintained in wdAecf i, viKv-ai, vavcrC, ^ao-iXeCo-i, just as it is in 
yvvai^i, ttocrl, etc. Its maintenance is due to what the Ger- 
mans call systemzwang, the tendency, that is, to bring about 
uniformity in an inflexional system. Here for instance -o-t is 
recognised as the regular termination of the case, and as such 
is kept even where the rules of the language forbid its main- 

In the nominative of liquid stems, if there is no s-termina- Liquid 
tion, the vowel of the stem is lengthened, e. g. ■narrip, xe^j", etc. ^™^' 
Sometimes this lengthened vowel of the nominative is extended 
irrationally to the rest of the cases, as in drjp and to some 
extent x^'P (cf- p. 199)- 

The accusative irarepa shows the strong stem, but avbpa 
has iiTegularly the weak ; the Homeric avepa is more regular. 

TTarpos and Trarpi show the weak stem, warep the vocative 
answers to Sanskrit js/^a?". 

In the plural Greek shows the strong stem in the nomina- 
tive Traripes, Sanskrit pitdras, and also in the accusative 
irarepas. This is probably due to the analogy of the singular, 
as it is only of the strong cases of the singular that we can 
with certainty predicate a strong inflexion; avbpes, avbpas 
would then be the more regular inflexion, as in Sanskrit 
mdtfs, compared with Greek [Ltyrkpas. 

Weak inflexion is to be seen in ■nafpaai, Sanskrit jpitfm. 

In late Greek for the dat. plural we find such forms as 



a(TTfjp-(n, yacTTTjp-cri, on the analogy of Homeric fj,vria-T^pai, 
while such a form as Ovyaripecm has followed the analogy of 
the -eo--declension, e. g. eirea-cn. 

The relation of bor^p, the declension of which finds no 
parallel in Sanskrit, to Surcop, Sanskrit dd(d, has been already 
considered (p. 398). 
Nasal The inflexion of themes in -fJ-ev-, -jxop- (cf. p. 300) is strik- 

ingly parallel to that of themes in -rep-, -Top-, the vocalism 
as well as the perturbations due to analogy being similar. 

The nom. sing, has the long vowel without s, e. g. -noipjiv, 

The nominative of apvos is not found uncompounded, but 
occurs in irokv-ppriv ( = -Fpriv). 

The accusative apva for apvm is not regular, as it should 
showthe strong stem pTji;-. In Hesychius we find para (=pjyi'a) 
which gives the long vowel, as well as pijves for &pves. The 
initial ap is of course the representative of sonant r, e. g. rvos, 
rvL rva. 

o ' o 

The dat. plm-al apvaai is used by Josephus, and in Homer 
we have apveaai, but the proper form of this weak case would 
be *apn<Ti, *apa(n, as can be seen from the parallelism of (ppacri 
in Pindar. 

In the declension of cjjpr/v, cppeva the weak cases have been 
assimilated to the strong, and so, instead of *<f>rv6s {=*<}iapv6s) 
we have 4>pev6s and for *^rj;i {^^cfiapvC) we have <f>pevC and in 
the dat. pi. cfipea-i for (ppaaC. 

So too in -noiixriv the e has been generalized throughout the 
stem, and we have woi/xe'roy beside -uoipAva, instead of *t7oiixv6s, 
(cf. TToi/xz"?), and wotjueo-t instead of *7rot)nM(rt (=*')rot/xao-t). 

The nominative of stems in -ov- had in pre- Grecian times 
no nasal ; not t€ktcciv then but re'/cTco is the regular form. 
Cf. p. ^^^ for Latin. 

From the -vr-stems we have the sigmatic bibovs, nOeCs, and 
obovs for the older obav, Hdt. 6. 107 (cf. p. 307). (^epcoz; 
answers to Sanskrit hlidran. 

As to the declension of neuters in -mn, Greek -[i.a, we have 
already noticed the relation of the nominatives ovo\i,a, etc. to 


the cases with suffix -ro-, as well as the neuters in p, map, 
tboip (p. 303). 

Svoy.a, cf. \t.€y'^=\iAya Sanskrit ndm.a. 

6v6p.a-(n Sanskrit ndma-su. 

6v6iJ.a-Ta Latin cog-nomen-ia. 

ovofia-Tos Sanskrit ndmatas. 

In Greek, mute-stems are uniform throughout, e. g. (pipwv, Mute 
(pipovTos, ^ipovTa, but Sanskrit Mdran, bhdratas, hhdrantam *"'^' 
point to an original reduction of the stem in the weak cases, 
e.g. (pipcav, (pfpovra, but (f>epnTos ( = *(f)epaTos) (p. 305). Xicov, 
BepAircav, as is clear from keaiva(=KfavLa), Oepd-naiva, depdiJirq, 
were once «-stems, but have become assimilated to the declen- 
sion of -nt- stems like y^pwv, yipovr-. So too bpdKwv, bpaKOvros, 
but yet fern. bp6,Kaiva, whereas if bpaKovr- were the original 
stem the feminine would be bpaKovaCa ( — bpaKovr-La) just 
like yepovdla (^yepovr-ia). 

The genit. of aKwv is &kovtos, but side by side with this 
stands clkov-t]. 

In the rest of the cases there is nothing fresh to call for 

We have abeady (p. 307) spoken of the stem variation of S-stems. 
/S-stems, e. g. yivos, yev(e)cros. There is nothing to notice in 
the case-terminations of the singular. 

In the dual, Greek has yfve(<T)e Sk. jdnasi. 

The regular contraction of the Greek would be y^vei, but 
instead of this we have yevn, identical with the nom. plural 
yevT] which comes from y€ve(a)a. 

Where the -ea- of the stem follows another e, one of the 
vowels is dropped, as in the Homeric KXia for Kke-e<r-a, and 
so bva-KXea, virepbea (Monro, ff. G. § 105). 

Prom nouns in -as we have yepa [=^y€pa-a), bind, Kepa, which 
are never long in Homer. 

Of the accusative al& { = alFoa-a), side by side with the 
dative aUC for alFeai, we have already spoken (p. 308). 

From yr]pas Homer has the dative yjjpot for y-qpaa-L (cf. Sk. 
kravisi), while the Attic yqpa has followed the ^-declension. 

332 ^-STEMS. [CH. 

aUv, like boixev, is a locative without a suffix ; it is for 
*aUv-i from alcov. 

In the plural of s-stems we have — 

Norn. bvaiJ,evi{(T)€s -eis Sk. durmanas-as. 

Such Greek nominative forms are also employed with the 
function of accusatives. 

Genit. lT!i{a)(i>v kn&v Sk. vdcasdm. 

Dative cTreo-t, eirecrcn. In ivi-eacri, -ea-- was understood 
to he part of the case-ending, just as in such forms as 
KpaTe(T(^i stem Kpar-. 

In Greek the declension of the perf. part. elhcLs runs — 
elhcas flhoTa eiSoVoy, 

but the Sanskrit weakening of the stem (p. 313) justifies 
the assumption of an original variation 

etSfcaj *ei8fo(ra *€lhvcTos, 

and for the dative plural, in place ef eiSo'trt, an original 
elhvcT-a-i ( = *€t6w-crt), though Sanskrit here has vidvdt-su. 

In the Greek, r has been substituted in inflexion for original 
s. In Sanskrit, vidvdnt- has been influenced by the analogy of 
hhdrant- ; but in Greek the stem of dhdss has not been in- 
fluenced by the declension of (pipoov, st. <f)€povT-, at any rate to 
the extent of introducing a nasal. 

Themes in -aa--, comparatives in -too--, neuters in -ar-, with 
nominatives ending in -p, have been sufficiently dealt with in 
discussing their stems, nor is there anything further to be 
added about their case terminations. Nor need we add any- 
thing more of the words xv^, I^W, fivs, and the words ending 
in -ft) fem., and -cos masc. 

The Latin The Latin noun-system agrees with the Greek in having 
Noun- three genders, but differs in other respects. 

It possesses only two numbers, the singular and the plural. 
The dual only survives in the isolated forms duo, amlio, octo 
(Sk. asta), where -0 may represent -o-e; cf /3o-e, Trarep-e {M. U. 
i. 159), and possibly in cornu, genu (p. 296). 

The cases are nominative, accusative, genitive, dative, loca- 
tive, ablative. 


A vocative survives in O-stems. Some traces of an instru- 
mental are seen in the so-called dat.-abl. plurals of 0- and 
J-stems and elsewhere. 

The dat., abl., loe. and instrumental plural have only one 
form between them, which in the case of 0- and ^-sterns is 
instrumental. The form in -bus is dat. -abl. 

The difference of Ablaut in the various cases of the three 
numbers, which is so chaiacteristie of the original language, 
and of which some considerable traces are left in Greek, is in 
Latin almost entirely unknown. Latin has extended either 
the strong or the weak form of the stem, as the case may be, 
to all cases and numbers, to the complete exclusion of the 
other form. 

The normal termination of the nom. sing. masc. is -s. t!ase Ter- 

But it is probable that in certain cases this final -s was not (Latin). 
from the first suffixed to the nominative sing. Nomiua- 

(i) Primitive ^-stems appear without the -s in Latin and gj^* i^^ 
in the oldest Greek forms, in the Homeric ixrjTteTa Zevs. The 
-s was subsequently added in words of the type ttoXIttjs on the 
analogy of the O-stems ; and even in Latin we get forms like 
hosticapaSyjiaricidas (Paul. West. aiO!,!). Delbriick however {Syn- 
taht. Forsch. iv. 9 sqq.) is of opinion that the ^-stems without the 
-* were originally feminine forms which have become masculine. 
According to him there was an original abstract feminine ; 
e. g. *veavia, ' the young generation,' which could however be 
predicated in some cases of an individual (cf. oixtjXlkCti be fjLoi 
ea-a-i x- 209). The plural veavCai would then mean 'young 
men' collectively, and a new nominative would be formed 
from this, veavlas, in the sense of ' a young man.' Paricida 
cannot well be a vocative which has come to be used as a 
nominative, for the final a of the vocative would be short from 
the first, and pass to Latin e (p. 6a). Yet it is to be noticed 
that the feminines in -a often keep the vowel long to the end 
of the sixth century (cf. Enn. Ann. 148 ; Plant. Trin. 251 ; 
Asin, 76a), whUe in the masculine forms it is shortened from 
the first, which points to an original difference in quantity. 


(ii) Stems in -oi formed their nominative without -s {Arird, 
Sk. sdhJia). But stems in -ei take the -s {reis, Sk. rds). The 
contrast seems to be rather in the length of the stem. Poly- 
syllabies do not take ~s, monosyllabics do (compare in «-stems, 
Sk. dcma, disyllabic, beside rbhii-kms stem ksa, monosyllabic). 

(iii) With regard to the stems in -mont, -vont, -out, we may 
notice the following facts : — 

In Sanskrit the stems in -mant, -vant, -ant (the last only if 
not participial), form their nominative by lengthening the 
last vowel of the stem {dywmdn, bhdgavdn, iydn) ; the participial 
forms do not lengthen the vowel (m», IMran). 

In Greek the stems in -ovr-, where o is not the root-vowel, 
form the nominative by lengthening the vowel without add- 
ing -s ((j)4poi>v). All others suffix -s but do not lengthen the 
vowel, e. g. bovs, Oels, crras, ^apUis, where the lengthening 
is only secondary, i. e. they are for hovT-s, devr-s, not bcovrs, 

It is clear that we have here two distinct types of the 
nominative — one with a long vowel without -s, the other with 
a short vowel and -s. These two types could hardly have 
been employed indiflferently, and the existence of mono- 
syllabic participles with -j and a short vowel (e. g. Sk. sdn, 
Dor. its [ev-s), Lat. prae-sen-s) seems to point to the original 
law that monosyllabic stems had a short vowel with -s, poly- 
syllabic stems a long vowel without -s. We may however 
notice the types aXdirrii aXuTreKos, AeAuKcos XeXuxoVos, where 
the vowel is long in spite of the presence of -s. Corre- 
sponding to these are the Latin aries, paries, alies {ariets 
should have become *ariess and *aries, cf. *segets ■=seges), 
and aede-s {aedt-um, cf. l)(Qvs Ixdv-os). 

Miles in Pkut. is to be taken as representing miless (cf. es=- 
ess). A really long vowel would have remained long in 
classical times. 

What is true of the stems in -nt is true of those in -n, -I, -r, 
-s. (Thus we have ttottjp beside Dor. x^P^. bva-jxevris beside 
*degenes, Sk. durmands beside pinda-grds.) In Latin we have 
homo, usio, sanguen (but this is more probably a neuter, which 



passes to the masc. in sanguis {-ins), of. 8eA.<^ty, be\(j)Cv), sol, 
pater, dator, Ceres, degener, all of which have secondary shorten- 
ing, and the whole of the comparatives. 

On the other hand the corresponding monosyllabic nomina- 
tives took -s with a short vowel. 

In words of the type homd a final nasal is found in the 
nominative in German, Slavonic, Greek, and Lithuanian. 
On the other hand, homo cannot be for homons or homon, nor 
can the Sk. uksd be for *uhsans. It is possible that the 
original nominative was a long o as a nasal vowel (cf. ei/cco, 
a.t\h<ii, which exist as bye-forms, and Topy^, Mopfj.(&). In that 
case the final nasal will be reintroduced in the nominative in 
Greek, etc., from the oblique cases (M. U. i. 2,^6). 

The tjTpe/erens is later, both in its Ablaut and in the final 
-*, than the corresponding Greek (j>ep(av. 

The nominative of stems in -ro was apparently originally 
of the type agro-s {hypos), which became *agro, *agr, and ager. 
The loss of the final -s is common in Old Latia till the time of 
Cicero. It would seem to have originally depended on the 
nature of the following consonant, e. g. as corpuslentus becomes 
corpulentus, so mantis laeva became manu laeva. It would then 
be extended by analogy to those cases where the following 
consonant did not demand the loss of -s (Brugmann, Gnmdriss, 
^. ^o']);*ager would become *agr, as famulo-s, nikilo{m), 
donicu{m), hecsLine famul (Lucr. 3. 1035), niMl, donee. The e 
would then be inserted as the vowel appropriate to the follow- 
ing -r. A trace of the old form is preserved in the Plautine 
vocative puere. 

In polysyllabic -«e-stems, corresponding to Greek -la-, the 
-s is secondaxy. 

The nominative of neuters is the pure stem modified by the Neuters, 
laws of final combinations — genus, cor{d), lac{t). Stems in 
-ali, -ari often lose the final -i {calear{e) beside calcari-a). 
The Plautine duplex {nam duplex \ hodle \ facinws \ feel) 
may point to an older *duplec, but it is to be noticed that it 
is an iambic word, and so liable to shorten the last syllable. 


Neuters like felix have taken -* of masc, as -o is unknown as 
a true final letter in Latin. 

But neuter 0-stems take a final -m, and are possibly origin- 
ally accusatives. 

Pelaffws (a borrowed word) has kept its gender, but changed 
its inflexion. In valgus, virus we may have two stems, in -o 
(masc.) and -os (neuter). 

Nomina- The termination of nom. pi. is -es, preserved in the Plautine 
Plural. pedes (iambic word, StioJi. 311), turbines [Trim. 835), but the 

classical form is -es, which is the result of contamination with 

the -ei- stems; e. g. ovei-es=oves. 

So fructou-es (I.-E. fructeu-) becomes fructues and fmet'Hs 

(cf. IxQvis, TTTjxf's, TTTixeF-es). In Plant. Mil. 325 we have 

manus in an iambic word. So also res {=rei-es), Sk. rdyas. 

diey,-es (Sk. dyau-) becomes dies, perhaps owing to long e, bat cf. diu, 

We may notice the plurals Pisaurese (i. e. Pisaureses, C. I. L. 
I. 123), Ramnes, Tities, Luceres (for Ramneses, etc.). Lucereses 
is found in Paul. Pest. 119. 10 ; but the shorter forms are used 
as plurals in Liv. 10. 6. 7 ; Ov. Fast. 3. 131 [giiin etiam partes 
totidem Titiensibus (from *Titienses) idem quosque vooatit Ramnes 
Luceribusque dedit) ; Prop. 4. i. 31 [hinc Tities Ramnesque 
viri Luceresque coloni), Varro, i/. i. 5- 81. Compare quattuor, 
ricrcrapes, and Osc. censtur [ = censores). 

The nominative plural of 0- and ^-sterns is explained as 
from the pronominal declension (p. 357)- The same formation 
is found in Greek, Celtic, and Lithuanian : contrast Sk. acvds. 
The stages may be marked by the forms pilumnoe poploe (Fest. 
205), III vire (Inscr.), then -i with graphic variant -ei. 

Brugmann {K. Z. xxvii. 199) takes x&pai, eqiiae, as duals ; cf. 
duae (p. 322). The form in -s is preserved in Sk. vfhd-s, 
Osc. scrifta-s, Goth, vulfos. 

The neuter plural must have been originally -a (cf. Sk. 
yitgd), as every original d becomes in Latin e (p. 62). Cf. 
Tpid-KovTa, trigintd. The a would be kept in the numerals, as 


ptrases like triginta viri would soon cause the fact that they 
were neuters to be forgotten. 

The termination of ace. sing, is -m, consonantal after vowels Accusative 
(mema-m, stati-m ; cf. ordo-t-s, stati-o), sonant after consonants ^^^"^ ^^' 
{nav-m-=navem). But practically -e?n appears as the termina- 
tion of the 3rd declension very early, even in /-stems, on the 
analogy of the other eases (e. g. loc. ovei-i, ove). 

The termination of ace. pi. is I.-E. -ms, Lat. -ns ; e. g. Accusative 
equo-ns = equ.os. In U- and 7-stems the Sk. hMy-as, hhr4v-as^^^' 
point to an original type ovii-ns (*ovies, ovls), graduu-ns 
{*gradues, gradus) : in 7-stems we also get the termination -es, 
on the analogy of the nominative and of the consonantal 
stems [leon-ns =^*leon-ens, leon-es), where the termination -Is 
is not found. The Oscan viass (=via-ns) points to an accu- 
sative of ^-sterns equa-ns, not (as Schmidt thinks, K. Z. xxvi. 
338) equd-s. 

The termination of gen. sing, is -os, found in Inscr. senatu-os, Genitive 
Cerer-us. But from 150 b. c. the type senatuis (through 
senatuus, senatwus) prevails ; though the form in -mm- probably 
does not actually exist, as the double u of inscriptions is only a 
method of marking the long vowel. The ordinary genitive 
senatus cannot come directly from senatuis, as ui does not pasa 
to ic. Usui and usH are different cases. 

But it is difficult to suppose that the numerous genitives in 
-is [judicis) are entirely due either to this form of the fourth 
declension or to the analogy of /-stems. The Baltic-Slavonic 
languages point to an original form in -es, and Sk. -as may 
correspond equally to I.-E. -os or -es. It is possible that 
the two forms -os and -es may from the first have existed side 
by side, the variation being in some way regulated by accen- 
tuation (Brugmann, HdbcL p. 58 n.). There is the same 
difficulty in reconciling -\xei (Doric) of ist pi. with Latin 
-mus (-mos). Havet (Mem. Sac. Ling. v. 445) and Heniy (ib. 




vi. 102) are of opinion that every final Indo-European -es had 
a doublet -os^. 

J-stems. In 7-stems we should expect ovei-is, *oves, hut the -is is from 

the consonantal declension {judic-is). 

0-stema. In 0-stems the gen. in the oldest inscriptions is -i, of which 
-ei is a graphic variety; but the F.aliscan Zextoi shows 
another form (p. 343). AH explanations of the form fail, 
though phonetically it may be a locative, as Bopp saw. The 
same type appears in Celtic. The ' deictic ' -I of ovToa-t has 
been compared with it. It is at least certain that it cannot 
be identical with the Greek -crto, Sk. -sya, in *t7nro-(rto, 'L-mroio, 
iTTTroo, t-n-nov. 

^■sterns. The true European genitive of ^-sterns is -as (as against 
the Sk. -di/ds in sendyas : Whitney, 8k. Gr. § 364), cf x^^P^^j 
which, as the accent shows, cannot be for yuipdids. The old 
genitive survives in familias, etc. The form in -a* (which, 
through -a*, becomes -ae) is on the analogy of the 0-stems. 

J-stems. In the so-called j&-stems, the genitives in -el are the result 

of a confusion with the J. -stems [mensdi : diel) ; but the form 
dies goes back to dieu-is. Die is properly a dative. Bii, 
pernicii (Gell. 9. 14) are a graphic variety for diel, perniciei. 


Osthofi" {M. U. i. 207 sqq.) has shown that the original ter- 
mination of gen. pi. was -om, and against this there is nothing 
in Latin ; cf. voc-om, voc-um. Currum is a contraction for 

' As to the gen. of tlie e-stems, the following facts are of some interest : — 

A gen. in -es is found in Enn. Ann. 401, Cio. fro Sest. 12. 28, Tirg. Qeorg. i. 
208 (all vouched for by Gell. 9. 14), Luer. 4. 1075; in Pro Rose. Am. 131 
Gell. re&i pernicii, Charisiua pernicies. 

-H, Enn. Ann. 342, Lucr. 5. 102. 

-U, the regular gen. except where I preceded it. 

-ei (-i), TO becoming rei, as pulcrdi pulcrae, cf. tnbunus plebei, plebi-scitum. 

-e, in Lucil., Sail., Virg., Hor., Ov. Charisius, 40. 11, says ' quidam, famis, 
quidamfame dixerunt genetivo.^ Serv. ad Georg. I. 208 quotes hujus die, 
specie from Caesar. 

-I, quoted by Gell. 1. o. from Cato, Pacuvius, C. Gracchus, Virgil (' Munera 
laetitiamqtie dii,' Aen. I. 636). 

But most words wore without a gen. (Quint, i. 6. 26). 


currmtm ; cf. Sk. joguv-dm (.Aen. 6. 65^ ; of. passum, Plaut. 

«. 178; Most. a. 5. 3). 

There is frequent confusion between the /-stems and con- 
sonantal stems, many stems which end in a consonant making 
their genitive plural in -ium, e. g. civitatmm (cf. Gk. -T-qr-oiv), 
and always in participles, e. g.ferentmm. 

No definite rule can be laid down, but the tendency seems 
always to have been to keep the accent on the same place in 
the genitive as in the nominative plural. We do not find, 
e.g. ^nomininm (v. Biicheler, p. 81). 

The true genitive of the 0-declension is preserved in de-um, 
Eoman-um (Inscr.), du-um-vir-um, numm-um, atire-um, PhiUjip- 
um,, nwmerat-um, praefectus fabr-um, oppid-um (^Jd Fatfi. 4. 
5. 4), and invariably in prose with names of measures, 
etc. (sesterti-um). 

The genitive in -som (-rum) is borrowed from the pronominal 
declension, and was originally attached to the .4-stems (is-td- 
rwm; mensd-rum, cf. T(icoi'=ra(cr)-a)ii), and then extended to the 
0-stems, with an analogous lengthening of the vowel (domino- 
rum), possibly from a desire to distinguish it from accusative 
singular (Henry, Andlogie grecque, p. 353). 

The termination of the dat. sing, is generally taken to Dative 
be -ai. So -0 [a) -\- at passes into -oi (-««) ; populoi Momanoi ^ 
is quoted (Neue, i. 95). These last ought to give -0, -d (as 
amdis = amds). In ^-sterns the locative -a-i (-ae), supplies the 
place of the true dative in -d. But Henry (Analogie grecque, 
p. 347) gives reason for supposing the termination of the 
dative to have been ei. 

In /-stems the oldest dative is -e (Quint, i. 4. 17 ; Neue, 
i. 193), which was written successively -ei and -i. But it is 
possible that ove (for ovei, cf iroATji) may be locative. Rei (the 
original scansion, Lucr. I. 688) = reiei; senatu is an instru- 
mental used as a dative. 

Loc. sing, termination -i. This case is best seen in 0-stems. locative 
The oldest form is the Oscan mumikei terei [in commvni'"^^^^' 

z a 


terra). The termination is -i with the final vowel of the 
stem -e ; cf. o^Ke-i, TravhrjiJie-C, ana^e-i, Dor. reiSe, roi^rei 
(De Sauss. p. 61 ; K. Z. xxv. 95) ; contrast Oscan dative 
hortm. The forms diequinti, diequinte (Gell. 10. '2,4.^) point 
to the form die-i, quinie-i (but cf. cottidie, postridie). But in 
classical times the form becomes identical with the genitive, 
and domo-i (gen.), dome-i (loc.) meet in domi. 

In ^-stems the locative is -ai = -ae (-di, as Osthoff, Z. G. d. 
P. 195, thinks, would give -a). 

The consonantal and /-stems have locatives in -I or -e (e. g. 
peregri, peregre ( \/peregri-), ruri, rure ; Neue, i. 343 ; ii. 660) ^- 
These two forms cannot be identical, as long « does not 
become e in Latin, but is at most shortened to -« in iambic 
words (uhi). But the Sanskrit and other languages show 
that the locative in /-stems originally ended in -e (cf. agna 
from agni, Whitney, 8Jc. Gr. § 340 ; and Epic dat. ttoAtji), so that 
mare, e.g. (Lucret. i. 161) would come from *mare, with the 
final vowel shortened, as so frequently in Latin. In the case 
of consonantal stems, rur-e would come from *rur-i, just as the 
nominative mare comes from *mari (mari-a). 

The locative in -I must have originally belonged only to the 
/-stems, and have originated either from the weak root, e. g. 
peregrii-i (cf. Cyprian, irroXij-i), or from the strong root pere- 
grei-i (cf. auriga for aurei-iga). The locative in -I in con- 
sonantal stems will then have come by analogy [K. Z. xxvii. 

In the J7-stems the so-called 'datives' in -ui are more 
properly locatives. 

Ablative The term, of abl. sing, is -d ; but as a long vowel always 
siEguar. appga^j.g before it, it perhaps also contained a vowel whose 

' Gell. 1. u. quotes diiquinte, diequinti (as one word) as used in the time of 
Cicero and by Augustus, dienoni from the praetor's formula, diequarte from 
Pomponiiis, diequinti from Cato ; for the alternation of i and e he compares 
praefiscine, praefiscini, procUve, procUvi. He adds 'hoc igitnr iniererif, ut 
die quarto quidem de praeterito dicamus, die qiiarte autem defitturo.' 

^ Cf. temperi, lieri or Tiere (Quint, i. 4. 8.), mane, arhoH SMspendito (Liv. 1. 
26), vesperi, vespere, etc. 


character is not yet determined. J'orms like airid, praidad, 
Beneventod are therefore true ablatives ; as also possibly man{dy 

The ' ablatives ' in -e cannot, as we saw above, come from a 
form in -i, but are more probably instrumentals. The termin- 
ation of the insti'umental is -a, (cf. &jx-a, lah-i., etc.), which 
would regularly become -e in Latin [evda : inde), and the 
syntactic functions of the two cases are identical in Latin. 
But after the final -d is lost, the preceding vowel is not 
shortened, even in iambic words, in Latin. Thus ablatives in 
-od become -0 : modo, did are therefore instrumentals (modo-e, 
cito-e). So praiddd becomes praedd, and frustm (in Plautus) 
must be an instrumental. Similarly the imperatives in -toi^d) 
do not shorten the final vowel. Supeme, pom, inferne are 
rather locatives. 

Hence in the so-called ' ablatives ' in Latin we have — 

(i) True ablatives in -*(r/), -e{d'). 

(ii) Instrumentals in -i, from /-stems [qui for qui-e). 

(iii) Instrumentals in -e (or locatives in -?, becoming -e, 
Havet, 3Iem. Soc. Ling. vi. 105) from consonantal stems (aere ; 
the true ablative is airid; so *manu-e=manu). 

In the 0-stems the combination + e becomes (i) e in 
Sanskrit, j5«cca ; ■nrj, Gothic, hve; (ii) in *modo = modo, with 
the vowel shortened in an iambic word. 

The adverbs in -e were originally locatives, ending in -e-i, 
where e is the thematic vowel. The ending -ei being written 
-e (p. 87) got the final -d of the ablative (facilumed), from the 
close syntactical analogy between the two cases. 

Some forms in -e which are used like datives are really old 
instrumentals or locatives (limine formosos iniulit ulla pedes 
Propert. i. 18. la ; nee fades impar nobilitate fuit Ov. Fast. 
4. 306). 

In 0- and ^-stems we have the instrumental form used for Dative and 
dat.-abl. plur., e. g. equis from equois (dcvdis, fowois), mensis ; ^i^gi^ 
of. ab oloes, privicloes (Paul. Fest. 19. 305), which show an 
intermediate form. 

In all other stems we find -ios, -bus (for -boms) ; but the 




tions con- 
taining d. 

analogy of the /-stems has often introduced a vowel in con- 
sonant stems, e. g. voc-i-bm, Sk. vag-hliyas. 

Dedbus, equdbus ai'e survivals, rather than new forms, pre- 
served from the necessity of forming a dative of e. g. di deaeque ; 
hut ambobus, duobus are new, as these would rather take the 
dual termination (^Z. G. d. P. 198) ; cf. Sk. dvd-hhydm. 

It is doubtful, however, whether the true dative has taken 
an instrumental meaning in Sk. dcvdis (dat. dcvebhyas), or 
whether the instrumental has been substituted for the dative 
in other languages (Meyer, G. G. § 375)- 

The most satisfactory explanation hitherto given of the case 
terminations which show a i5 in Latin is that of Victor Henry 
in Mem. Soo. Ling. vi. 103. sq. There were four Indo-European 
terminations containing bh. (i) -bhis of instr. plur. of nouns 
and pronouns, Sanskrit dcvehhis, asmdbhis. (ii) -IJiies or -bhios 
of dat. abl. plur. of nouns, Sanskrit dcvebJiyas. (iii) bhwm of 
instr. dat. abl. dual of nouns and pronouns, Sanskrit dcvabhydm. 
(iv) -bhiem, or -bhiom dat. sing, and plur. of personal pronouns, 
Sanskrit tubhyam, asmdbhyam. We may neglect the instr, sing, 
in -bhi, Greek -<j>i. 

From the similarity of meaning in e. g. *avi-bis (instr.) and 
*aoi-bios (dat. abl.) has arisen the mongrel form avi-bws ; -bus 
cannot come directly from -bios, as -ios does not pass into -os, 
patrius does not become *patrus. When the dual had dis- 
appeared in the nominal declension, the termination -biom 
of the isolated duals duo, ambo was assimilated to the new 
dat. abl. instr. of nouns, and dudbiom avibus became duobm 
avibus. The termination -bi of tibi and sibi cannot come from 
-biom, but must owe its i to the analogy of the datives of nouns. 
Finally, -bis in nobis, vobis may either be from an original 
-hiom assimilated to the termination of the 0- and ^-declensions 
{nobiomfilizs becoming nobis filils), or more simply maybe an 
instrumental, with the long vowel of the nominal forms. 

We may now proceed to give instances of the supposed 


inflexion, primitive inflexion of Latin nouns. But in so doing we are 
treading on the most insecure ground of Latin philology, and 



our results are in most cases purely conjectural. Our instances 
are mostly taken from Victor Henry's work on VAnalogie 
grecque (Paris, 1883). 

Parisyllabic stems as paroxytone keep the accent on the stem, Pariaylla- 
and therefore, though there may be an alternation in the final *'^° °*®™'- 
vowel, it is never lost (De Sauss. p. 303). 

The chief thing to notice here is the alternation of and Stems in 

e in the final vowel of the stem. The question is a diflScuIt " 

one, but it is most probable that the nom., ace, dat. and abl. 

sing, and all the dual and plural show -5, the vocative, loc, 

gen. and instr. sing, show -e. 

Singular. Plural. 

Nom. equo-s, jugo-m equo-es,juge-d. 

Voc. eque, jugo-m (wanting). 

Ace. equo-m equo-ms, juge-d. 

Loc. eque-i equo-sue. 

Gen. eque-sio equo-om. 

Dat. equo-ai (?) equo-eis. 

Instr. eque-a ) , , . 

, , , , ,., >• equo-bliidms. 

Abl. equo-ed{>) j ^ 

The singular presents no difiiculty till we come to the Locative. 
locative. Born-i points to an ending -ei rather than -oi 
(cf. alternei(?) Carm. Arv. as a loc), in which case in Greek 
the truer type will be Ttavbrifxe-i, while 0^x0-1, etc., get o from 
the other cases. 

The true gen. is missing in Latin in the 0-declension. The Genitire. 
form found is phonetically identical with the locative, and 
may possibly be an extension of the usage of this case. 

The dative in -o-ai (?), -o-i, -0 is found in Old Latin as -oi Dative. 
(populoi Romanoi quoted by Marius Victorinus). The final -i dis- 
appears in Latin, but survives as i mhscriptum in Greek (Ztttto)). 

The instrumental may appear in iliac (ille-a-ce), etc., which Instru- 
in this case will not be feminine. That the a was originally 
short is proved by Greek aii.-a, ire6-a, etc. 

The ablative equo-{e)d becomes eqico-(d The -d is found Ablative, 
constant in the oldest inscriptions (e. g. that of Duilius and 
the Sc. de Bacch. where ' in agro Teurano ' ad fin. is a later addi- 




tive plural 


tion). It disappears about the sixth century, but was preserved 
in legal forms, and as an archaism in Ennius and Plautus (but 
cf. e.g. absente te Most. 1139). In the MSS. of Plautus it 
is only preserved in med, ted. (sed), and many of the places 
where it was supposed to be found have been altered by 
Fleckeisen, Brix, etc. (cf Trin. 10, 540, 726, M. G. 4, Stick. 
316, Bacch. 428, 941). It also survives in antid-ea, podid-ea, 
anted-Jiac, prod-amhulare, prod-est, se-d, red-itus. But it is 
only seen in A-, 0- and ?7-stems, not in ^-stems. Facilumed 
in Sc. de Bacch. is the only instance of an adverb. 

It would seem probable that there was originally a vowel 
before the -d, as otherwise the long final syllable is hard to 
account for, though it has been supposed to be on the analogy 
of the ^-sterns {M. U. ii. 208). If the vowel existed, its 
nature is quite uncertain. 

The termination -i of the nom. plural of this declension in 
Greek and Latin comes from the pronominal system, possibly 
on the analogy of the neuters, the relation is-ta : jug-a produc- 
ing ix-tl : eq-iii (Henry, Anal, grecque, p. 232). On the original 
-a of the neuters see p. 62. 

On the gen. in -rum, which has supplanted the true gen. in 
-om [de-um,fahr-tim, etc.), v. p. 339. 

The loc. plur. does not appear in Latin. The form eqmsiequeis) 
may be dative ; eqiweis would give equois, equois (cf *tTr7rcots, 
Xttttois), which by a later change becomes *equeis and eqms. 
An older form survives in ah oloes (Paul. Fest. 19). Osthoff 
says that oi (oe) in unaccented syllables regularly becomes i, 
which will explain the nom. and dat. {Z. G. d. P. 198). The 
abl.-instr. does not appear in 0-stems. 

jl-stems. Nom. mensa 

Voc. mensa. 

Ace. mensdm 

Loc. mensai (?) 

Dat. mensdrai (?) 

Gen. mensa-9S 

Abl. mensa-{9)d 








Very little in the above scheme can be considered certain. 
One law seems to run through it, that where the 0-deelension 
has as the final vowel, this has a ; where that has e, this has 
a (De Sauss. pp. 93, 135, 317, Brug. Stud. ix. 371) ^. 

With regard to this declension, it seems probable that ai in 
an unaccented syllable becomes ^ (cf. caedo beside cdHcido), 
di under the same conditions becomes ae (Z. G. d. P. 199)' 
hence dat. sing, mensd-ai, mensdi, mensae. In this case mensis 
can only come from mensd-is through mensais, d being 
shortened on the analogy of equo-is {eqms). But in the nom. 
plural the form must have been mensd-i (not shortened to 
mensa-i, *mensl) according to the proportion equo-m : equo-i^ 
mensd-m : mensd-i. But further, -ai accented becomes -ae, 
and so lid-i=.]iae, and the analogy of such forms may have 
been extended to polysyllabic pronouns and eventually to sub- 
stantives. However the nom. plural may be dual in origin 
{K. Z. xxvii. 199). 

As to the gen. of .4-stems, the oldest form is -as [Latonas, vias, 
etc. in Liv. Andr., Enn., Naev. ; Alcumenas, Plant. (?) Amph. 
arg. 1; always va. pater-, mater-familias. It may also survive 
in adverbial gen. alias, alternas (Fest.), utrasque, etc. (ef. 
intervias Awl. 377, etc.) We also find -ais, ai, the last of 
which is common in Oscan in masc. stems, though feminines 
have -as. The termination -di early went out of use, and even 
in Plant, is an archaism ; e. g. M. G. 103, a caricature of the 
style of public documents. According to Nigidius (Gell. 13. 
26), the gen. is ierrai, the dative terrae, but this was merely a 
graphic distinction (cf. Quint, i. 7. 18). 

A gen. in -aes only appears in plebeian inscriptions, mostly 
in women's names (Pesceniaes, Laudicaes). 

The other cases have been discussed above. 

In the imparisyllabic infiexion the primitive forms vidth Impari- 
the Ablaut in declension leave traces only in Greek and some j^exion. 
of them have been discussed above. Latin has extended either 
the strong or the weak form throughout. 

' Cf . in compounds ?iriro-5a/ios beside viKa-(p6pos and too. tirire beside vv/upd. 


Nom. ieiig-s (strong inflexion) con-jux. 

Ace. iewg-m con-jiig-em. 

Log. ieuff-i. 
" Dat. iuff-ai con-jiig-i. 

Gen. iug-9s con-jug-is. 

Latin has universalised here the weak stem. 
Themes containing an o that cannot be lost change o io e 
originally in the weak cases (K. Z. xxv. 14) : — 
jiod-s (strong inflexion) pes. 

pdd-m pedem. 

_pdd-i or ped-i. 

ped-di or pd-di {bd-dij pedi. 

ped-9s or pd-6s (bd-6s) pedis. 

Latin has universalised the vowel of the weak cases, Greek 
that of the strong. The form of the dat. and gen. may have 
been originally j9^-ai (bd-di), pd-ds (bd-6s), cf. Zend fra-bda, 
Greek eiri-ISbai [K. Z. xxv. 59), and if this is so, the locative 
alone, in which the accent is doubtful (p. 324), would have 
originally exhibited e. 

Whether there was the same Ablaut in the case of uoq^-s, that 
is, whether w\/f, ottos, vox, vocis represent an earlier 'udqs, ueq-ss 
can only be decided by analogy, as Indo-European uo, ue both 
become ordinarily Latin m- (p. 189, K.Z. xxv. 15). Sanskrit 
in this word perpetuates the strong form {vdk, vdcam, vdcd, 
vdce, vdcds, vdci, as against pad, pddam, pdda, pdde, pddds,paM), 
but this may be by analogy. The short vowel appears in 
Latin in voco. 

Dux, ducis seems more regular, as it has an Ablaut of quan- 
tity, though not, at any rate ostensibly, of quality ; still dUx 
may be for doux, deux (cf. douco). 

For the lengthening of the vowel in the nominative singular 
of these monosyllabic roots cf. p. 334. 
Diph- Of the monosyllabic themes in eu, the most remarkable 

sterns^ is that which gives Sanskrit dydus, Greek Zevs, Latin 

Vdi«^-. Nom. Bieus, Sanskrit dydm, Greek Zei;s for *Z?ji;y. The 

Latin representative would apparently be ^jous *jus, where di 


becomes y, a change which only tates place in this word : here 
too, where it is not used as a proper name, we get dies ( = dieus) 
cf. Bies-piter. 

It seems doubtful whether a termination -eum ever existed. 
In verbal inflexion Sanskrit has dbhus, dbhut but dbhuvam, 
avoiding *ablmm. Greek allows ii\)vv, but no word ends in 
-ivv except Ionic forms like ItsoUvv. So we should perhaps 
expect an aec. Dieum, the m becoming sonant. But even of 
this there is no trace in Sanskrit or Greek, which have dyam, 
Z,rjv-{a), (Zrjv). This would represent Indo-European Diem, 
which may survive in Latin diem. In Sanskrit the oblique 
cases have a double stem, dtfo- and dyu- (before vowels div-). 
Thus we get dwam= ACFa and dydm = Zriv. Dieum is not 
represented in Greek (it would become *Zeva), but exactly 
corresponds to Latin Jovem (jou-tn) (p. 87). The Latin inflexion 
is based on this strong stemyoi;-, so that we even find a new 
nom. Jovis formed as from an /- stem (ef. ndvis : vavs, p. 348). 
For comparison, we may put side by side the Indo-European, 
Sanskrit, and Greek forms of the other cases : — 
Loc. Dieu-i, Sanskrit divi, dydvi Au. 

Dat. di-u-ai dive, dydve. 

Gen. di-u-ffs divds, dy6s Aios. 

diu is perhaps an instrumental, and may be compared 
with the Sk. instr. diva, as diutinus answers to the Sk. diva,- 
tanas (K. Z. xxv. 59). Dis possibly stands for Dius, and 
liduum for bidiwum. 

Nundinae perhaps is not to be connected with this stem 
dieu, div, but goes back to an original nom. deion, gen. dinSs, 
with which we may compare the Sk. dmam [K. Z. xxv. 33). 

Take again the root gOM. "v^g" 

In Sanskrit we have strong stem ffdv, weak ffav. 
Sanskrit nom. ffdm, Greek *^atvi, j3ovs. 
ace. ffdm ^(ov (H. 338). 

gen. abl. ffds /3oos. 

instr. ffdvd, 
dat. ffdve, 
loc. ffdvi fioi. 




In Latin we have los for Horn, otherwise the weak stem is 
extended to all cases with the exception of lo-lus (iou-bus), 
botim {bouom). Before vowels we should have expected ou un- 
accented to have become « (cf. demw=de nouo), but the 
analogy of the other cases has prevailed. Bov-i-bus is on the 
analogy of the J-stems. Ndvis, as remarked above, has become 
an J-stem, but with the strong stem throughout, correspond- 
ing to Greek vqvs vrjos. 

Themes in 
ei, weak 

', cf. /3a<ns 
Voe. oi^ei. 





Nom. Plur. 











jSatrft-os, ;8o(recos. 
/3ao-et-es, j3a(Tiis 

om-ms jiacn-vs ovis. 

ouei-om /Sacret-coy ovium. 

otd-Mipms ovibus. 

The aceus. sing, ovem is on the analogy of the consonantal 
stems, but cf. jjartitn (beside partem, with differentiation of 
usage), turrim (Aen. a. 234 vouched for by Gell. 13. ai, as 
more euphonious), stati-m (cf. stati-o), etc. In many cases the 
MSS. vary between -im and -em. 

On the abl. and instr. of this type v. p. 341. The gen. ovis 
seems formed on the analogy of consonantal stems, the stem 
being taken to be ov- (contrast dto's). 

The nom. plural was sometimes written -m on the analogy 
of the ace, but this is rare in the oldest inscriptions. 

The ace. plural in -is (for -i-ns) is the correct form in /-stems, 
in which alone it is found, except in plebeian inscriptions. 
The grammarians lay down that the ace. plural in -es may be 
used both in consonantal and in /-stems, that in -is in /- 
stems only. But the question of usage was much disputed 
by the ancients themselves ; Varro, Probus, Pliny, Charisius, 
Priscian, all have different theories. The philological question 
is clear ; as to the usage we may say with Probus (Gell. 13. ao), 


Noli laborare utrum istorum debeas dicere, urbis an urbes : — nam 
nihil perdes utrum dixeris. 

The inflexion of e«-stems seems weak, but there can hardly Themea 
be any difference between the strong and weak inflexion '" ^'^' 
of this type in Latin : — 

Sing, gradu-s Plural gradeu-s. 


gradu-m gradu-ms. 

gradeu-i gradeu-om, 

gradeu-ai gradm-bJiwrns. 

eu became ou in Latin, and then u in an unaccented syllable, 
so that the type at once simplifies itself. The dat. and loc. 
sing, both become gradui. 

The oldest form of the gen. is senatuos in Sc. de Bacch. 
The next step was a form -uis, which GeUius (4. 16) says was 
always used by Varro and Nigidius in senatuis, domuis,fluctuis. 
He also quotes anuis from Ter. Haut. 2,. 3. 46 (cf. quaestuis, 
Hec. 735)- This becomes -us, apparently by i changing to ii. 
But from Ennius to Lucretius we get almost regularly a 
gen. in -i from the analogy of the 0-stems [quaesti, Most. 1 107, 
sumjiti, Trin. %^o, fructi, AdelpJi. 5. 4. 16, adventi, Phorm. 
I. 3. a) : senati occurs in Cic. Biv. in Caecil. 5. 19, cf. Quint. 
I. 6. 37. 

Gradu-i would seem to be a locative ; gradu-{d) is the true 
abl. ; the form gradu sometimes used as a dative may be an 
instr. [gradu-e) which has come to be indistinguishable in form 
from an abl. 

The plural presents no special difiiculty. On curriim for 
curruum v. p. 338. 

Themes in -on, -en (corresponding to those in -tor, -ter) : — Nasal and 























35° STEMS IN -OS. [CH. 

A. These have produced on the one hand termo termonis with 
the strong termination carried throughout, on the other hand 
term-i-nus, with a svaraihdkti vowel from the weakest stem. 
The weakest stem is also seen in the neuter termen, Greek 
rip^a {ter-mn). But as a declension with cases of varying 
length is strange to Latin, except in the monosyllabic stems, 
an original hemo, hemonem, hemeni, homrtis has been assimilated 
to homo /lominis, etc., either by the analogy of the loc, or the 
introduction of a svarabMMi vowel. A trace of the original 
Ablaut is however seen in kemones quoted from Ennius (Paul. 
Fesi. lOo, Enn. Ann. 141 Vahl.). 

B. The result in Latin in these stems has been given 
above (p. 297 sqq.). 

Themes in Themes in -OS (-es) (strong inflexion). 

Oxytones of the type alb(6s cannot lose o, so as a substitute 
it is changed to e (cf. ttms *iTeb6s) :— 
albds cf. labos. 

*at8oo-a lahosm. 


*ai8€cro's (aiSoCs) labesis. 

Greek has universaHsed 0, Latin mostly 5, but cf. arlos, 

Oxytones of the type dratSif j cannot, from the nature of the 

case, lose the last vowel. Accordingly we get — 

avaihr]s cf. clegenes (cf. evyevrii). 

*avaLhi(ja [avaibrj) degenesm. 

*avaiZia6i (^avaihovs) degenesis. 

*avaLhi<res [avaihus) degeneses. 

Oxytone Oxytones in -nt (strong inflexion) : — - 

themes in ■,_/ ^„'j/\ 

_^f MTT-ovT-s CI. s-otit-s (sons). 

Xi-KovT-a s-6nt-m (sontem). 

*AtTT-a-roj s-nt-is (prae-sentis). 

*A.i7r-ey-rt (?) s-en-ti (prae-senti). 

Cf Sanskrit addn, adatds. Greek generalises the strong stem 
in knrdtv Xmovros, Siv ovtos, Latin the weak in prae-sens, ahsens, 

and all other pres. parts. ; the strong in sons sontis. 


Paroxytones in -os — Paroxy- 

I.-E. u^q-os eTT-os cf. opos. *°^^^^ 

ueq-es-os €7r-eo--os, eirous operis. in -os. 

ueq-es-i e7r-€o--t, ewet operi. 

ueq-es-d cTr-ecr-a, Itttj opera. 

The nom. plural may have been ueq-os-a, but no trace is left 
of this form. 

Themes in -ios (comparatives) paroxytone. Compa- 

In Greek and Sanskrit these stems are complicated by the '^'"^^■ 
introduction of an n, which does not however appear in 
Latin : — 

I.-E. neu-io{n)g Sk.ndvjdn, cf. Gk. jxey-iovs Lat. mel-ios. 
Ace. neu-ios-m ndvjdnsam [ify-iocra mel-iosm. 

Loc. neu-ies-i ndvjasi ^ey-ucri mel-iesi. 

Dat. neu-ies-ai ndvjme /xey-teo-at mel-ieaai. 

Gen. neu-ies-os ndvjasas fji,fy-ie(Tos mel-iesis. 

Latin and Greek have both universalised the strong stem, the 
former with the long vowel of the nom., the latter with a 
short vowel and the addition of v. As a paroxytone stem the 
root is never reduced. 

Paroxytones in -nt : — Paroxy- 

(j)epo-vT{s) Sk. hhdran *feront-s. themes 

*(f)€p-aT-os bMratas ferentis. in -»<• 

Latin has universalised the weak stem. The Sanskrit gen. 
bMratas (^=.bMrnias') is irregular, as in a paroxytone stem the 
vowel ought not to disappear entirely. 

There are two types of Heteroclite Neuters (De Sauss. Hetero- 

. elite 

p. 223) : neuters. 

(i) With strong root accented (Ablaut I or II), sometimes 
with the addition of r or i, e. g. Mrd, ieq-r, dqs-i (Sanskrit 
d^si, Greek dual ocrcre for oqa-L-e). 

(ii) Weak root unaccented with the addition of the suffix 
-m, which is in its turn reduced in the weak eases, e. g. krd-en, 
hrd-n (Gothic hairt-ins), ieqen, ieqn. 

The first type forms the nom. ace. sing., and those cases 


where the termination begins with a consonant. In the nom. 
ace. it is accompanied by a -t. 

The second type forms those cases where the termination 
begins with a vowel. Here the Greek, but no other language, 
introduces a -t. 

Thus theoretically we have originally — 
Sing. nom. ieqrt Gk. rjirap^r) jecr(t). 

loc. ieq-en-i (?) leTT-ev-i (?) jecini. 

gen. ieq-n-os ie'jr-a-(r)-os jecinis. 

Plur. nom. ieq-n-d te-ff-a-(r)-a *jecina. 

gen. ieq-n-om uTT-a-{r)-ov jecinum. 

Latin has generalised the nominative form, but with the root 
vowel of the weaker cases, and thus has produced jecoris, and 
by a double contamination jecinoris. Similarly feminis has 
^vodLnc&difemen, femur has produced /eMwrw (v. p. 304).- 


Peonominal Inflexion. 

The Pronouns {avT(avviJ.[aL) were so called from the &et of Deictic 
theii- being able to stand in the place of nouns. They also phorit"°^' 
distinguish persons in discourse. We have already distin- pronouns, 
guished roots into Predicative and Pronominal. The latter 
were few in number and deictic in meaning, and this was 
probably the original meaning of all pronouns. The Greek 
grammarians distinguished the pronouns into beiKTiKaC and 
ava(j>opiKaL Our own terms Demonstrative and Relative come 
through the Latin, and have lost their original meaning. A 
Deictic pronoun denotes the different persons and objects in 
speech by their position to the speaker, e. g. fAis {here), that 
[there), etc., while an Anaphoric pronoun picks up what is 
already known or has been previously spoken of. Our own 
term Demonstrative, then, includes much that the Greeks 
termed Anaphoric, while the term Relative has become re- 
stricted to that class of pronouns which combine the pronoun 
with the function of a conjunction and sei-ve to bind sentences 

As far as Greek inflexion is concerned we may divide the 
pronouns into those which mark the distinctions of gender 
and those which do not. 

The personal pronouns do not mark distinctions of gender. Greek 
The 1st and 2nd person and the singular reflexive e may be pr^^^g 
regarded as inherited from the original language. The plural 
of the personal pronouns was originally distinguished from 
the singular by a difference of stem, and not by a difference 
of inflexion. 

Thus beside e/x^ we have the Epic plural ci/x/xe, 

beside Doric e/niy we have d/xtV, 

A a 








where the inflexions are those of the singular number. How- 
ever, as the pronouns were frequently used in apposition to, or 
as predicates with plural nouns, they in time adopted similar 
inflexions. Thus instead of Aeolic a/^joie, Doric d/^e, we have 
the Ionic rjixias, Attic fifxas- 

The original stems, then, nsme-, iusme- (Sk. asma-, yusma-), 
were singular in form and collective in meaning, like English 
host, folk, crew, etc. 

Just as in Attic- ?j/xas has replaced an original ?7fi€, so y\[i.5>v 
has replaced an original ^/xeto, answering to e/xeio ( = 6/xe(rto), 
and v\i.Siv an original v/neto, answering to o-eio ( = rFea-Lo). 
The datives rjfuv and vijuv have not pluralised their ending, 
but in the 3rd person beside Ionic and poetic o-^t(j') we have 
the prose form (T<pisn(v). 

Taking the diflerent eases in detail, we find the nomina- 
tive of the 1st personal pronoun 

eyd Sk. ahdm 

side by side with the stems ixe-, }xo-, Sk. ma-. In Homer 
before a vowel we have ky^v. The origin of the termination 
is unknown. In Boeotian^ y was dropped and e became i 
before o, according to the rule of the dialect. Hence Id, 
Ar. Acharn. 898. 

Dual. — -For the stem vo- of the dual nominative vd we may 
compare Lat. nos, Sk. nas. 

Plural. — The aspirate of the nom. pi. ^juets. Dor. djixe'y, is 
due to the analogy of vjxils, where the rough breathing is 
regular. In Aeolic, & The plural ending of ^jiieis is a 
new formation, after the model of o-a^ety, etc. 

JYom. Sing. — The nom. rv, crv, stem rFe, tFo, Sk. tva, and reFe-, 
reFo-, Lat. tovo-, from teuo-. 

Homeric rwrj. The Doric form as given in Aristophanes 
is TV. The a- of o-y has come in from other cases where r and 
(T stand for original tv. 

Nom. Plural. — The plural stem is va-}xe-, Sk. yusma-, I.-E. 
j/u-sme-. The Greek aspirate of i5/xeTs is a regular representa- 
tive of Sk. y. Aeolic v^fie, like V/^f j shows no aspirate. 

Ace. Sing. — jue, kfii rFe a-i .Doric re. 


The form 71:2; (Theocr. la. 55, etc. is Karebvv ttotI riv) 
answers to the fxiv and viv of the 3rd personal pronoun. 

Ace. Plural. — Aeolic ^i/Lijue, vju/ie, Doric afxe, vij-l The 
ending has been pluralised in Ionic fnxia^, vfj^eas, Attic rnxas, 

Dative Sing. jioi, fjxol Sk. me. Dative. 

tFoi Dor. Toi Att. <Toi Sk. le. 
Tlural. — Aeolic A\i.\i.iv, i\x.\».w, Att. ^\u.v and r\[).iv, as well 
as v\iA.v and S/.iti». For the ending cf. Dor. l\i.iv, tIv, Ep. 

The epic ct/^/i^t, {Jjujoii, without z^, perhaps follow the analogy 
of <r<^i. 

Dual. — In the dual va-w, <t^&-iv, Att. v^v, crcpSv, the 
termination -iv is added to the nominative and accusative 
forms ; cf. Lat. ambo-lus. 

All the forms of the genitive are genitives of possessive Genitive, 
stems with suffix -rrio : — - 

efjLe-aio efj-eio kfiio ejuoC. 

rFe-crio ano aeo croS. 

Sk. me and ie do duty for genitive as well as dative. 
Plural. — In the plural the original acrixe-a-Lo, ivcrixe-aio 
were pluralised into epic fjixeCoov, vjieiuiv, and Attic fnx.Stv, 

The stem of the 3rd pers. pronoun is aFe-, (tFo-, Sk. sva, Third 
and the faller form o-eFe-, o-eFo-, Lat. sovo-, from seuo-. reflexive 

Ace. Fe, €, and in Homer also ii. pronoun. 

Dat. Foi, ol, like e/xot, and in Homer also loi. 
Gen. Few, eto, eo, ov, from crfe-crto, like IjueTo. 
Apart from comparison with Latin and Sanskrit, the loss of 
the spirants can be proved in Greek from the metre of Homer. 
Not only is a preceding short syllable lengthened by position, 
but a short vowel is lengthened in arsis before the cases of 
this stem (Monro, IT. G. § 39). 

The forms beginning with o-^- arose in all probability out 
of (T<^i, (r(l>iv. Thus we have the plural forms a-tpels, ^(peiaiv, 
(r(f)&v, crc^teri, o-cj)eas, cr(f)ds, and the dual forms a-(f)a>e, (r(j)a)Cv, 
made out of <T({>e, (r(\>iv by the intrusion of m. In Aeolic, o-^e 

A a 3 


appears as aacjse. The word (r(j)e is not, like e, to be identified 
with Sk. sva. The origin of the stem remains unexplained. 
In Ionic there is a neuter plural crcj)ea. 

No other Indo-European language has a plural for this 
pronoun, and the substantival use of the pronoun is in the 
Arian languages rare (Delbriick, S. F. iv. ch. x). 

We ma,y here notice other forms of the reflexive pronouns 
in Greek. 

For the 1st person we have ace. sing, iixavrov, but for the 
and person, beside aavTov, we have creavrov, and for the 3rd, 
kavTov, as well as avrov. The forms cnavTov, kavTov cannot well 
be explained as compounded of the monosyllabic o-e- and k- 
with avTov. Under such circumstances elision or crasis of the 
vowels would ensue in Greek. 

In Homer we have the possessive ijxos and also, beside aos 
and OS, the forms reo's and kos : we also find iixoC beside piot, 
and retv and lot beside o-o^ and ol : and again ejue, le, as well 
as /xe and L 

Now the stem of reo's is reFo-, reFe-, and the stem of lo's is 
creFo-, (TeFe-, of. Lat. snus. The reduced forms of these stems 
will be tFo-, rFe-, and aFo-, a-Fe-, 

avTov then stands for aF€-avTOv = (rFavTov = FavTov=^avT6v. 

eavTov stands for (r€Fe-avTov^creFavTov=eFavTov=^kavT6v. 

In the same way cravrov (for rFavrov) comes from the 
reduced stem rFe-, while creavrov (for nFavTov) comes from 
the fuller stem reFe-, with the change of r to cr, as in ru to a-v 
(K. Z. xxvii. 379). 

Possessive The stems of the personal pronouns were used adjectivally 
Pronouns. ^^^^ declined as 0-stems. 

Thus e/xo'-s for juo-s, (roi for rfo-s, Sk. tva-. Homeric reo'y 
firom stem r(.Fo-. 

Aeolic has aij-ixos, v/x/xoy, and Doric d/no's, vixoi. The com- 
parative formations fuj-erepos, i/xerepoy, Lat. noster, vester, are 
not primitive. 
Third Fos, OS Sk. sva- Epic eo's Lat. sovo-. 

Under the head of this stem perhaps comes the Homeric aSs, 



as seen, for instance, in such phrases as dibv Fm, and the neuter 
Fob m oT-Ti, Sn — ott-wo)?, ovoys — where the double tt, tttt was 
simplified in order to correspond with t[, irws, etc. 

cr^o's and a-cftirtpos are new formations on the analog-y of S? 
and ^ixirepos, while from the dual stem come the Homeric 
vwtTfpos, (T^cotrepos. 

We now pass on to those pronouns, whether demonstra- Second 
tive or relative, in which the distinctions of gender are Pronouns. 

marked. Pronouns 

The pronoun 6, ^, to ans-n era to the Sanskrit sds, sd, Md. ^^^^"5 
The pronominal origin of this word is clear from the usage of tions of 
Homer. There it is used as an anaphoric pronoun, and subse- ^^^ ^^' 
quently came to be employed as the definite article (Monro, 
ff. 6. § 357). Such is the history of our own definite article, 
while all the Romance languages have turned the Latin ille 
to the same purpose. 

In Greek the inflexion of 6, y, to has been assimilated 
to that of the A- and 0-declensions. Remains of an originally 
distinct inflexion are to be discerned in the nom. and ace. 
neut. sing, to, which has not the regular neuter ending -v. 
The final consonant, which is to be seen in Latin id, quid, 
Sanskrit tdd, has disappeared in Greek, but remains in the 
compounds dAAoS-airo's, TroS-aTro'y. 

The noms. plural 01, at, for original t-oC, T-al as in Doric, 
with which we may compare Sk. te, have become the model 
for the plural of A and nominal declensions. The two de- 
clensions reacted on one another. ThuSj while the Sanskrit 
has dat. sing, td-sm-di, Greek has rm, like 'LuiKa : in the masc. 
gen. pi. Greek has t&v, like hiroDv, but Sanskrit te-sam. The 
fern. gen. pi. toco;; corresponds to Sanskrit tdmm, and is similar 
to the gen. pi. of the ^-declension, e. g. dedo^v, de&v. Doric 
has gen. plural tovt&v, Trjv&v, aW&v (Ahrens, 3. 31), as though 
from *TovT6-crcoi', etc. 

09. — The Greek os in such phrases as ^ 8' os answers to 
Sanskrit sd-s. 

58e.— The Homeric roT(r8eo-((r)t is an instance of double 





inflexion, both of the demonstrative and the suffix -be: o-8e 
cannot be regarded as primitive, for we are unable to find a 
parallel in Latin or Sanskrit. 

To the same stem belong the adverbs cSSe and &s (so). 

TovTO for t6-v-t6 results from a doubling of the demonstra- 
tive connected by v, the reduced form of aS answering to the 
enclitic Sanskrit n, a particle meaning ' further,' ' and,' etc. 
Sanskrit u often goes immediately with pronouns, e. g. sd u 
(written s6). (Delbriick, S. F. iv. lo.) 

In the inflexion of Attic kKeivos, epic and poetic Kelvos, 
Aeolic KijJ'os, there is nothing to notice. The diphthong 
-et- is not original, and before the arehonship of Eueleides was 
represented on Attic inscriptions by -e-. 

The origin of the oxytone avros is unknown ; its declension 
resembles that of o, ^, ro. As to the absence of -v in the nom. 
and ace. neut. sing, it may be remai-ked that this -v was early 
added to some words, as for instance in Homer we have only 


There is a gloss of Hesychius, air avros, KprJTes /cat 
A^Kwres. This axis, which appears on inscriptions, is explained 
as a reduction of avros, occurring especially where another 
case of the same word follows, e. g. avros avras passed to 

The relative os, Sk. ^ds, I.-E. ios, has nothing noticeable in 
its inflexion. 

The I.-E. stem qo- appears as tto- in ttoI, ttov, tt&s, norepos, 

The I.-E. qe-, Sanskrit M-, Latin quo-d, appears as re- in 
Ionic reo, reo), rimv, reotcrt, Attic roS, r<o, rolcri. In Hesychius 
Ave find reiov' rtolov. KpTjres. 

In the Ionic dialect no- is represented by ko- (c£ p. 126). 

The e of riaiv, rioiai, etc., has not sprung from ri-, as can be 
seen by comparing &o-(Ta, S-rra (where aa; rr, represents -71-) 
with the forms orreo, oreo, etc. 

With re'o we can compare the forms e/xeto, eixio. To Gk. re- 
answers Lat. que- ; to Gk. tto- answers Lat. quo ; while to Gk. 
nrj, rrfj answers Lat. qua- of the fem. 


The composite 6-tto- and 6-ko- are to be foand-only in isolated iwo- 
forms, e. g. o-nov, Sttcoj. If these are derived from os-tto-s the 
first component is undeclined. 

The demonstrative beiva, used hy Plato, Demosthenes, and sdva. 
the later Attic writers generally, is to be connected either 
with the -6e of 6-8e, etc. or the be- which appears, in SeCpo, 

Gk. rtff, interrogative as well as indefinite (cf. p. 2,64), Lat. n't. 
qiiis, has in the Greek inflexion a nasal which does not appear 
elsewhere. The stem rt- is to be found in Ion. a<r<ra, Att. 
&TTa. Original rta, passed to cra-a, ttu, and the prefixed a is 
due to the fact that a-cra, rra occur only after neuter plurals 
ending in o, e. g. Ar. San. 173 ttoV arra ; for TroVa rra ; 

The stem rt- also appears in the dat. pi. ticti. The v of the 
other cases was probably extended from the ace. sing. two. 
The regular accusative would be tiv, but just as Zrjva with a 
doubled accusative ending rose out of Zrjv and led to a new 
formation Zrjvos, so out of riv came riva, and led to the in- 
flexions nvos, Tivi, etc. 

The adjectival roVos, ttoVos, and oeros answer to indeclinable t6(tos, etc. 
words in Sanskrit and in Latin. Thus toctos, Lat. tot, Sk. 
tdti ; TTocros, Lat. qwot, Sk. Mti ; 6<tos, Sk. ^dti. They have pro- 
bably been formed from indeclinable words, which have now 
disappeared in Greek, by the addition of the suffix -to. 

As pronominal in origin we must regard the adverbial Suffixes. 
suffixes -dev, -61, -9a, -ki. To -6fv, as in aivodev alv&s, and 
-di, as in ri&dt. irpo, we can find no parallel in the cognate 
languages. With -ki, as in ovkl, ttoWAki, we can compare 
A.-S. Ait, the neuter of Ae. 

The stems of the Latin personal pronouns are me-, tue-, sue-, Pronoini- 
no(s)-, voh)-. "*^ °*- 

1st Person, ego, orig. ego for *egdn; cf. ky<!)V, Sk. aham. in Latin. 

and Person, tu. The long vowel, which also appears in Personal 
, Hom. Tv-vr], represents the accented form of the reduced root, ^^^ g.^ ' 
or else is due to its being monosyllabic (p. 146). 

The Gen. Sing,, tis, {m) are enclitic forms (Neue, ii. 178), Gen. Sing. 


as compared with en-ov, which contains the original root 
vowel. They are apparently later formations with the -s of 
the gen. of the substantival declension, and to be compared 
with the forms e/xeos, ejuieCy, efxavs, beside ejaeo (K. Z. xxvii. 
414). The ordinary gen. mei, tui, mi, like nostri, vestri, are 
genitives of the possessive adjectives, a substitution which also 
appears in Old Irish and Lithuanian ; cf. also reoto (©. 37. 
468, etc.). 

Dative Dat. Sing, mi (me in Ennius, according to Fest. 161 ; l)ut 

Smg. y Neue, ii. i8o, sq.) seems to be an enclitic form, Sk. me, 

Gk. jxoi, but may as well be a contraction for miAi as nil for 
nihil. On the ordinary forms miM, tibi, sibi (also written 
miliei, miJie, sihei, sihe, etc.), cf. p. 343. 

Ace. Sing. Acc. Sing, me, te, Sk. md, tvd, lengthened as monosyllables ; 
me is enclitic (cf. jue) as contrasted with e/.i-e. The termination 
-d found in the accusative in Old Latin is due to a confusion 
with the ablative [Z. G. d. P. 128). The form mehe, quoted by 
Quint. I. 5. 31, is noticeable. 

Abl. Sing. Abl. Sing. me-(d), te-[d), Sk. mdt, tvdt. Se-d has become a 
preposition (sed fraude in Inscr., sed-iiio, etc.) or conjunction. 
Sine may be for *sedne. It is true we should have expected 
*sene (as cacmnen = Sk. kakudmant), but as a preposition it 
would be unaccented (p. 379) and the vowel shortened. 

Norn, and Nom. Acc. Plur. nos, vos, Sk. nas, vas ; e-nos {Garni. Arv.) 

Aco. Plur. j^g^y Y,Q explained as e-quidem, e-nim (nam), or even as l-jue, if e 
is not radical but on the analogy of k-yd. 

Gen. Plur. Gen. Plur. nostrum, vestmm are used partitively, otherwise 
nostri, vestri. Nostrum, etc.j shows the gen. in -om ; the fuller 
form is seen in maxima pars vostronim (Plaut. Most. 380) ; 
neutram vostrarum (Stick. 141), etc. (K. Z. xxvii. 403 ; Neue, 
ii. 185 ; Biicheler, p. 89) ; cf. di quorum est potestas nostrorum, 
in a formula of prayer in Liv. 8. 9. 6. In classical times 
nostrum, vestrum became substantival, nostrorum, vestrorum 
adjectival, but suorum remained substantival owing to the 
ambiguity of suum. 

Dat. Abl. Plur. — For ndbis, volis cf. p. 343. Paul. Fest. 47. 
quotes a form nis (for *no-is, cf. v&i). 


Mens, twus, suus, for meios, teuos, seuos, correspond to €)xio, Possessive 
reo's, eo's. But it is probable that there originally existed two Pronouns, 
distinct forms : an accented form teuos, seuos, whence reo j, eo'y, 
tuus (older tovos), suus (older sovos) : and an enclitic form tuos, 
sues, whence o-o'y, Ss. Old Lat. has sos, sag, sis (Lucr. 3. 1035, 
Neue, ii. 189), also sa-psa, sua-d (=sjc, Pest. 351), ; si, nisi, sic 
(=sei-ce) are locatives or datives. Si (Oscan svat) represents 
the unaccented form of a proclitic ; under the acceiit it would 
become sva or sa (p. 79). 

For the termination in nos-ter, ves-ter cf. rjiii-rep-os, 


The stem to- appears in ta-m (older tame, Fest. 360), turn, Demon- 
for ta-sme, tu-sme ; cf. Umbr. pu-sme : also in to2oper (*tod-per), st^ative 
is-tus, is-ta, is-tud, to-t, tan-tus, ta-lis, etc. 

The stem i- appears in i-s, i-d, old ace. im, i-um, emem 
(Paul. Fest. 76), ipse for is-pte (cf. meo-pte), is-te, is-ta, 
is-tud, i-bi, i-ta, i-tem, i-terum. The strong stem is ei in 
e{i)a, etc., Sk. aya ; the dat. eiei may be formed on the 
analogy of emem : it also appears as iei, eei, ei, ei (Neue, 
ii. 19a). 

The last syllable in em-em (Sk. imam) may represent an old 
enclitic -em or -om, appearing in Sk. id-am, Lat. ul-em, quid-em, 
donic'-um, ecc'-um, ned-um. Then as ned-um was divided 
ne-dum, and gave rise to vix-dum, age-dum, etc., so id-em 
was the origin of l-dem, is-dem [K. Z. xxvii. 175). Cf. -am 
in i-am, perper-am. 

Stem ho- appears in ho-i-ce (hie), ho-rsum, ho-die, hi-bus 
(on the model of quibus, ibus), ha-o, ho-c, hu-c, etc. 

We have the stem olo- in olo-es (Paul. Fest. 19), id-tra, 
ul-s. Old Lat. ollus, olla, olim. Later we get illo, with a nom. 
ille, on analogy of iste, ipse, etc. 

We may add alio- (aXkos), with a simple root al- in al-ter> 
and also a root es- in nec-erim ( = eM»«, Fest. 163), which is also 
found in Oscan and Umbrian. 

Stem qi- in qui-s, qui-d, qui-bus, qni-a (instr., cf. Sk. hdyd). xnterroga, 
Osc. vis, Gk. tIs, rt(r). Quis is also fem. in Old Lat. (Neue, ti'fe and 

' ^ ' - Indefinite 

ii. 319, 223). Pronouns. 


Stem q^i- in qwes (plur. nom., Neue, ii. 23a) ; also seen in 
cottidie, cujiis for *quettidie, *quems [quoitis) with -ue- dianging 
to -uo- ; of. Gk. re'o. 

Stem qo- in quo-m, qua-m (for qua-sme, v. turn, supra), quel 
or qui (loc), quot, quotus (Sk. kdti, katithd), qualis. 

It is difRenlt to separate uter from irorepos, Osc. jjuiums ; 
but the loss of the guttural is very strange. Compare 
however, ne-cubi, ali-cubi, ne-cunde, si-cwhi, beside unde, ubi 


Inflexionof The principal terminations in pronominal inflexion seem to 
Pronouns, j^e as foUows :— 

Maso. Fem. Neut. 

Sing. Nom. -i -i -d. 

Gen. -ins. 

Dat. -ei. 

Loc. -i. 

Plur. Nom. -i -i. 

Gen. -sum. 

The characteristic endings, as distinct from the nominal 
declension, are — - 

Nom. sing, masc, and fem. in -i ho-i-ce {hie), qu-i, qna-i 

Nom. neut. in -d qui-d, quo-d, *ho-d-ce 

Gen. Sing, in -ius, which seems to be a combination of 
i of nom. with -us of gen. in Cererus. 

In the case of polysyllabic stems this termination contracts 
with the last vowel of the stem to -liis {*illo-i-us = illius). 
But this long i is shortened in hiatus, almost always in alterius, 
utnus, is doubtful in UKiis, ipsuis, i-stius, nuUius, totius, unlus, 
though always long in alius (as here the nom, would otherwise 
be identical). soUus perhaps occurs in Ter. Haut. i. i. 77 
(Neue, ii. 214). 

Nom. Plur. in -i (like 0- and ^-declension), hi {ho-i), quae, etc. 
Forms like eeis, ieig, heis are analogical. 

Gen. Plur. in -sum, horum, harum, with a preceding long 
vowelj possibly on analogy of fem. {horum, not *horum from 


hd-rum). But -um for -orwm is found in eum (Paul. Fest. 77), 
quiwm. (Cato, in Serv. ad Aen. i. 95), cuium. 

The dative plurals klhus, thus seem to be analogical forma- 
tions for his, on the analogy of quibus. 

Ctii is a loc. = quoi ; cf. hu-i-c i^ho-i-ce). 

In the case of quoius, quoiei (C. I. L. i. 34), the ordinary- 
terminations of gen. and dat. -us, -ei seem to be added to the 
nominative stem. 

On the analogy of the 0- and ^-declension we find geni- 
tives isti, all, illi, ioti, neutri, utrae, unae, ullae, totae (Biicheler, 
p. 78), and datives toto, illo, ido, ipso, alio, illae, solae, alterae 
(ib. p. 1 14 ; Neue, ii. o.^'^ sq.). 


The Comparison of Adjectives. — The Numerals. 

The Com- Of the primary suffixes -lov-, -la-ro-, we have already seen 
pansonof ^p_ ^lo) that the suffix -bov- is properly to be classed among 

in Greek, the S-stemS. 

There veas originally a variation of the root vowel between 
stems with the termination -lov- and those with the termina- 
tion -icrro-, e. g. KpecTcroiv (Attic KpelrTcov) Kpkna-Tos, dAet{a)j/ 
dA.iytcrro?. But in Sanskrit the accent remains on the root 
both in the comparative and superlative, and the root appears 
in both cases in the full degree, e. g. ur4- (broad), vdrlyas, 
vdrutha. Nor in Greek do we find any trace of the shifting 
of the accent from the root syllable to the suffix, such as we 
should have expected to accompany a variation in the root 

In the majority of cases the strong stem has disappeared 
from the comparative under the influence of the analogy of 
the positive and superlative, but we often find a quantitative 
in place of the original qualitative Ablaut. 
E. g. eAox^M eAacro-coj; for *eA.€y)(t(oz', Wa.yj.uro'i. 

Tayjii Odcrcrcov [*9ayxj.CL>v for deyxk'^v) Ta)(ioToy. 

fjtaXa ixaWov (for *iJi,€Xiov) [lakia-ra. 

The strong root is seen in ju,e'Aei, ixeXofjiai, Lat. melius. 
Abstract Substantives in -ecr- mostly have the same vocali- 
sation in the root as the comparative and the superlative 
when of the full degree, e. g. — 

jxrJKos : jiriKiaTos, but jxaKpos. 

nipTos (for */cperos ?) : Kpeaauiv, but Kparvs. 

dipaos (Aeol), 'A\idepcrr]s, &epcr[TT]s, but Opaavs. 

VYj-jxepTris, but a}xaprAvu>. 

(v-bekexV^) ^^^ bo\i)(os- 

PevOos : ^adiutv (poet, for ^jievdiaiv), but ^advs. 
In Greek the 6 of the comparative suffix is both long {-loiv, 


-UMv) and short (-Xoav) (cf. p. 96) ; thus afcrxtoy, exdiav, but 
rjarcriov {riK-Xcav), and Old Attic oXeCCoov (oA.eiyicoi'). Instances 
of -L<i)v are KaK-Luiv, K^pb-iov, piy-iov, k6XK-iov, &ky-iov, (jiiX-Cwv, 
fii\T-iov : of -mv TTda-crcav (irax-), j3pd(Tcroiv, xiipdyv, xipdatv, (cf. 
\eprji), ape-loiv (cf. dpe-TTj), etc. 

Secondary suffixes of comparison are -repo-, Sk. -tara-, and Secondary 


The suffixes -to, -aro are found in the ordinals, e.g. rpC-ros, 
with a superlative meaning in irup.-aros, ijir-aros, Icrx-aros, 
and combined with the ordinal suffix in rpt-r-aros, f^So/x-aros. 
Of these the suffix -aro- is explained by Ascoli (Cart. Stud. 
ix. 339 sqq.) as due to the analogy of the ordinals rerpa-Tos, 
eva-Tos, heKa-Tos, where the a (in the last two cases =»?) is 
part of the stem. The superlative suffix -Tan- is a Greek 
formation and is a combination of the two suffixes -ro- and 
-aro- (Monro, H. G. § lai). 

An accumulation of the suffixes of comparison is to be seen 
in iv-ep-Tep-os, vir-ep-Tep-os, x^p-^i^o-Tep-os (cf. Lat. inf-er-ior). 

In eKacTTos the termination may be -aro-, as in tto-o-tos, 
just as eKci-repos is parallel to Tro-repos : or else the word is to 
be divided e/catr-roy, like e(cao--repft) (17. 321), which is related 
to fK.6,-Tepos as fKTocr-Qev to eKTo-Oev. The origin of eKaoros is 
then to be seen in ends, Lat. secug, for a-Fe-Kas, and hence 
eKacTTos means ' each for himself.' The suffix -Kas is to be 
found in dvbpa-nds (v. 14), iy-Kds, an adverb used by Galen 
and Hippocrates (the plural is seen in Hom. eyxara), and also 
in ay-Kas (from avd, av) and dyKaOev (Aesch. Aff. 3), which 
popular etymology connected with ayndv. In Aesch. CAo. 
427 we find dv-iKa-Oev. 

The suffixes -repo-, -tuto- are added either to the stem, as 
in w/xo-Tepos, d\.r]6ea--TaTos, or to case forms, as in iraAat-repoy, 
lj,v)(oC-TaTos, a-ocjxa-TaTos. The difierence between -corepos, 
-caTaTos, and -orepoy, -oraros, though perhaps eventually de- 
pending merely on rhythmical considerations, is regarded by 
Brugmann (M. U. iii. 78) as original, those with a long 
vowel coming from the cases (abl. or instr.) in -co, e. g. Trpocrco- 
Tepw, KaTOi-TdT(a. Other instances of the addition of the com- 


parative suffixes to case forms are jxea-ai-Tepos, rjavxai-Tepo?, 
^, irepat-repos, the latter being parallel to Lat. 

Other suffixes of comparison are to be seen in ev-epoL (ef. 
Lat. inf-ents, sup-erus), and T!p6-p,os (ct.pri-mws, uUi-mus). 

Compari- The formation of the Latin comparative in -ior has been dis- 
jed;ivef hi cussed above (p. 3 n ). The form minor, minus does not properly- 
Latin, belong here, as minor cannot stand for *minior. Eather we 
Compara- j^^g^ accept Stolz's suggestion [Hcliuch. p. 219) that there was 
an old substantive minus, *mineris, which survives in minis-ter, 
miner-rimus (Paul. Fest. 12a). The form minimus points to a 
comparative *minior, the original genitive of which (*minieris) 
would become *mineris, and so be identical with the gen. of 
minus, which therefore came to be regarded as the neuter of a 
comparative, and from this again was formed a masc. minor. 

The suffix -tero, which is common in Greek, does not 
appear as a comparative suffix in Latin, but is seen in ex-terus, 
posterns, al-ter, vester, noster (cf. rnxi-repos, etc.), and apparently 
in magis-ter, minis-ter ^- 

In inferior, superior we have a double suffix ; the true com- 
paratives are inferus, supertis (cf. Sk. upara, etc.), of which the 
superlatives are {infi-mus), summus (*sup-mus). 
Superla- Suffix -mo in, mini-mus, {infimus ?), l-mus, pri-wus, 

puri-me [=purissim.e, Paul. Fest. 35* ; Neue, ii. io6), extremus 
(formed from *ext{e)re, adv. of extens), postre-mus, supre-mus, 
bru-ma {breid-md), etc. 

The formation oipessimus is doubtful. 

Phrimus seems formed from the comparative stem. We 
find the various forms ploerime, plusima and plisima (Neue, 
ii. 115, from Varro and J^estus). 
Suffixes -timo, -tumo'va. ex-timus, ci-timus, pos-tumus^, ul-ti?nus 

• Henry {Mim. Soc. Zing. vi. 93) has remarked fhat the comparative suiBx is 
appropriate where there are only two correlative terms {noster, vester, ^filrepos, 
v/iirepos), but inappropriate to a third term aiphfpoi. This word has however 
nothing corresponding to it in Latin, and probably the stem er^e- was not 
originally pronominal in Greek {K. Z. xxviii. 140). 

^ There was apparently an old word pos, which has its correlatives in 



(cf. uh). Compare also op-timus, soUis-timus, sinis-timus, 
dex-timus, the adjectives fini-timus, legl-timus, etc., and the 
ordinals like vicesimus {viknt-timus). 

A suffix -simus also appears in maximus, proximus, medioxi- 
mus, facillimus {for *facil-simus), veterrimus (for vetersimus), etc. 
This suffix can hardly be derived, with Stolz, from the one 
instance of plusimus before the « became r, the suffix being 
taken as -simus, but is apparently a primitive Italian form, 
standing side by side with -mus and -timus. The ordinary 
explanation given — e. g. M. U. iii. 135, Z. G. d. P. 530 — is that 
the termination is extended by analogy from the ordinals, 
where e.g. viknt-timus=vice?isimus, vicesimus (cf. p. 307). In 
any case the -««- cannot come from -st- (cf. p. 207), and all 
direct comparison with Greek -icrros is out of the question. 
But both in Greek and Latin the -lo--, -is- of the superlative 
(naK-KT-Tos, cert-is-simus) represent the reduced form of the 
comparative suffix -too--, -ceo--. 

In the numerals we naturally expect to find the influence The 
of association and analogy very powerful. It is true that, as 
the numerals are mostly indeclinable, the influence of a system 
of inflexion cannot be felt ; but nevertheless the various 
numbers in a series stand in such close relationship to one 
another and to the corresponding numbers in parallel series, 
that each word almost necessarily affects the related forms. 
The subject has been treated by Baunack in K. Z. xxv. 325. 
A few of his instances are given here. 

In Greek oktclkis, e^axis, "nevT&Kis, etKOo-axty are modelled on 
eTTTaKts, kvams, where the a is radical, and hence come woAA.- 
oKts, 6a-o--aKis, etc. iirra-xa produces -nivT-axa, ei-axfi, and 
then aX\-axod, sKaaT-axov, etc. In Latin, octussis (Hor. Sat. 
a,. 3. 156) for octo-assis produces quadrussis, centussis ; vig~ 
essis produces tri-gessis ; duplex, du-plus give quadru-plex, 

Sanskrit and Zend, and appears in pos columnam, etc., on inscriptions, also in 
posmeridianas, pomerium, etc. (Neue, ii. 736, 805.) Tliia will be related to 
po~ in po-liOf etc., as els {^vs) to kvj dfKpis to a^<^t, €^ to Itf, abs to ah, *subs {sas- 
que deque, sus-cipio, etc.), to suh, *ohs {os-fendo) to ob. Post, old Latin ^oi^e, 
wiU be formed on tie analogy of its opposite ante. 


centu-plus, decu-plus, whence in late Latin noncuplas. In the 
distributives se-ni (for ses-ni, cf. ses-centi) is the origin of se- 
in se-vir, se-digitus, se-mestris, se-decim, se-jugis, and in its own 
series of sept-eni, nov-eni, and even perhaps of deni (which can 
hardly be for dec-ni) ; so viceni, nonageni, duceni [ducenteni is 
later). So too dec-unx gave the model for ses-cunx ; quadri- 
ennium, quadri-duum are due to tri-duum, and ilga (biiiga) gave 
rise to quadriga. Festus, 177, quotes ningulus, which is evi- 
dently formed from singuli, as nullus from uUus 1. 
Cardinal One. Stem som-, sem-, sm-, sm-. 

Numbers. Greek 6\x-6s, o/x-oios, ofji-aXos and els,, tv for *(re/iis, 
*(T)x-ia, *creix. For the change from jjl to v cf. x^^^v : x^ajix- 
akos, x'-^T '■ hiems (p. 305). The weak stem appears in fi-ira^, 
a-7r\oCs, %.[>.a {smm-a), &-Xoxos, etc. Latin sem-el, sim-ul [semol, 
sml), sim-plex, sin-guli. 

Stem oino-, Greek oh-q, Lat. oino(m), oinvorsei (Inscr.) ; oi 
then regularly passes to oe and u in utms, but noenum (=tie- 
oinom) contracts to non. 

The Homeric ta and im are of doubtful origin, and are usu- 
ally nearly synonymous with Tcro?, ojuotoy or 6 a-yros, e. g. A. 
437 o/x,os ^po'os oiS' fa yTjpvy. I. 319 Iv 8e t^ ri/xr; ^/xev KaKos 
ijde Kot ecrSXos. 

The Latin perendie cannot contain either omo- or sew?-, 
and the old derivation 'per unum diem' must be given up. 
Possibly peren-=pern, cf. Greek irapa [prn-). 

Two. Indo-European mase. duo (before consonants), dunu 
(before vowels), fem. and neut. duoi [K. Z. xxviii. 234), Greek 
hvu>, Attic hvo, Latin duo. In the Veda we have duva, in 
class. Sanskrit dvd (cf. 6a8eKa=6f(»-8eKa). 

' In the Komance languages the principle of analogy in the numerals is 
carried still further. Cf. Ital. ottuagesimo {octuaginta, Columella, Vitruv., 
Plin.) from septuagesimns, qidtiterno, sesterno from terno; Old French 
octemhre from septemhre, etc. So French dizainp,, douzaine, quinzaine point 
to a fem. sing. *decena (of. terdeno hove Sil. Ital. 15. 259) and huitaine to 
*octena. So in the Heraclean tables we find oktoi, ivvia, where the aspirate 
is due to ef , lirrd. Similar instances of the reciprocal attraction of pairs of 
words are seen in late Latin meridionalis (due to septentrionalis) senexter 
(cf. dexter), Ital. greve, pointing to *grevis for gravis, like levis. 


Homer uses bvoo and bvo, Attic and the koiv^ only 8^0, but 
the relation between the two is unexplained. In Homer the 
word is indeclinable, and can be so also in Attic. When de- 
clined the Attic genitive and dative is bvoiv, but in later 
Attic and the KOLvrj also bvdv (cf. oXkol : oiKet, p. 318). Hero- 
dotus has the plural forms bv&v, bvoia-i, and dialectieally we 
find bve, bv<TL, bvas. 

Three. Indo-European trei- tri- Sanskrit trAyas, Homeric 
and Attic rpeis, Aeolic rpr\s (from rpetes), Latin tres (treies), 
tri-a. The form rpeis was also used for the accusative in 
place of the more regular *rpii's, (*rpty). The neuter rpla 
(Sanskrit trlni) appears with the last vowel long in Tptdnovra 
(cf. biaKocrioi) see p. 372. 

Four. Indo-European qetuores, qtur- Sanskrit catvdras, 
Greek rirropfs and reropes (Doric), early Attic Tecrcrapes, 
Ionic Tecrcrepes, Homeric Ticrcrapes and mavpis. The stem 
TfTpa- appears in Homeric rerpa-Tos, Attic rerap-Tos. The 
weakest form of the stem is seen in Sanskrit iur-lyas (for 
*htur-lyas), which, as the k is velar, must appear in Greek as 
TTTpv- or TTTvp- in Tpv-<f>d\eLa for T!Tpv-<^aK€ia, cf. Tpd-iteQa for 

In Latin the a of quatuor is a difiiculty, as we should 
expect *quetuor, but it may come from qwartus [qtuftSs, of. 
Sanskrit {k)tur'i,ya). quadr- seems to correspond to the Greek 
Terpa-, Sanskrit eatur-, Indo-European qtur-, with the first 
syllable restored in Greek on the analogy of the strong form. 
But the d in Latin- is unexplained. 

Mve. Indo-European joenqe, Sanskrit pdnca, Greek mvre, 
Latin quinque (for *penque, p. 23i) ; tt^ixtttos, quin[c)tus (cf 
Quinctius) are regular. The Lesbian ■nep-'ne is for -nivre on the 
analogy of i:ep.-nTos, ef. -neixTras {-ns), ■nep.'n&Qo (8. 4-^2). Trevrrj- 
Kovra, but irevTaKoaLOL. 

Six. Indo-European siieks, Sanskrit ms, Doric Fe$, Attic 
^^, Latin sex. The Cymr. ehwecli and Doric f e'£ point to an 
original initial su. 

Seven. Indo-European septm, Sanskrit sapta, Gi-eek lirra, 
Latin septem. The Hindu grammarians give the base as 




saptan-, as in navan, dacan-, but we have already seen (p. no) 
ttat the base should rather end in the labial nasal. 

BigU. Indo-Eui-opean okto{u), Sanskrit asta, astdi, Greek 
oKTdi, Latin odo. These forms are dual (cf. bv-u>, aml-o, 

Nine. Indo-European neum^ Sanskrit nava, Greek Ivvka., 
with ordinal evaros, and in Homer also evvaros, kvvqKOVTa 
(r. 1 74), but also evev^KovTa, as in Attic. The Sanskrit ndva, 
Latin novem, point rather to a Greek *fvFa, .which we find in 
the €vF-, evv- of ewaKis, kvvriKovra (cf. ^evFos, Ionic ^dvos, Att. 
^eVos, p. 184). evvia, with the vv of ev/^-, seems to stand for 
kveFm, becoming evveFm, evvea. 

Ten. Indo-European dekm, Sanskrit ddca, Greek Se'/ca, 
Latin decern ; Latin undecim for 4no-decem, unidecem ; cf. «»- 
de-viginti ; so with the other numerals to ' twenty.' 

Twenty. Sanskrit vincati, Greek etKotrt (Attic and Ionic), 
FIkuti (Doric). FlKari = FiKruTi cf. Boeot. ordinal FiKaa-rrj, 
Latin viceshrms {viknt-timws). The of elKoa-i seems to come 
from eiKoo-ro's, which in its turn is on the analogy of rpta/cooro's 
for *TpiaKov(TTOi (cf. sKarov : StaKoViot). The el- of Greek, vi- 
of Latin, are unexplained. 

The Latin viginti is for vi-hnt-i, k becoming g before n 
(p. 216). In form it may be a dual, answering to the plural 
termination of triginta. In any ease it has formed the model 
of the following multiples of ten ; cf. triginta, but TpiaKovTa. 
Higher Octoginta. The older form may be octuaginta (Vitruv., 

Numerals. Colum., Plin.) for *octovaginta, which corresponds to dySoij- 
KovTo,, in which ease octoginta will be a later form and septua- 
ginta a formation by analogy. 

Nonaginta ( = *novenaginta, neuenaginta) cf. €v{y)evr]KovTa. All 
these forms are probably originally neuter plurals, and keep 
the original long a of that form (p. 319), owing perhaps to the 
fact that such phrases as triginta viri soon caused their gender 
to be forgotten. 

Hundred. Indo-Eui'opean knt6-m, Sanskrit catdm, Greek 
e-KaroV, Latin centum. The I- in Greek is unexplained. As 
k becomes g between two sonants in Latin, septingenti is for 



sejitmknti, and this gives rise to the forms quingenti, quadrin- 
genti, and even octingenti, noningenti (Columella). Beside 
the Greek StaKoVtoi, etc., the Sk. termination is -gatj/a, best 
represented by Doric -xanot, Arcad. -KtJo-iot. The o of the 
Attic -Koa-ioi is due to the analogy of -Kovra, 

Gk. xikioi, cf. Homeric evveA-xp^oi, 6eKa-xtXot. The original Thousand, 
stem was xfo'^o- (Doric xif^'o')' Sanskrit sa-hdsra, Indo- 
European ghesro-. 

MiUe, milia is obscure : perhaps it may be the same as 
fxijpioi, with u becoming i before li (cf. p. 71, and compare 
aXr] : silva). 

Greek Trpwros, Doric Trparos, is either for *Trpo-aros', a super- Ordinals, 
lative of Ttporepos, or a superlative of -npoiF-os (f), answering to tives'etc. 
Sanskrit purvas, as rpCraTos is a superlative of tplros. irpiorjK in Greek, 
will then be for *iTpa>Fi,av [-nfFidv), Doric itpav. 

bfijTepos, if for bFerepos, we should expect to be *8ere/)os (cf. 
bFdbeKo). In Homer we have bevraros in the sense not of 
' second ' but ' last ' of a number, e. g. bevraros ^\dev ava^ 
avbp&v 'Ayaij,^[j,v(ov(T. 51), cf. o'i ksv ejueto bfvrepoi ev vrj^craL — 
XCTrrjcrde (^. 248), where bevrepoi. means ' after me.' The old 
grammarians derived the word, probably rightly, from the 
root of bevo[j,ai, the notion of separation passing into that of 
sequence (K. Z. xxv. 398). Similarly necundm is from the 
root seq in sequor. 

In compounds bv- appears as 8t- (bFi-), Sanskrit dvi-, as in 
bidKocTLOi (formed like Tpi5.K6<noi), cf. bis. 

eKTos compared with sexfus, Anglo-Saxon sixta, points to an 
original crFeKcrros. 

In l/38ojiios, oyboFos we have an unexplained change from the 
tenues to the mediae. oyboFos compared with octdvus stands 
for oybatFos with the long vowel shortened in the hiatus 
(p. 183). The stem is ohtou- before the following vowel 
(p. 368). 

beKaros is formed like rpCros, as compared with Sanskrit 
dagamd, Latin decimus. 

Latin singulis sm-klo-, h becoming g between sonants (p. In Latin. 

B b a 


bim = dminoi (Old High German zwein-zug, Old Saxon 
zwene, English twain), so Ms = duis, cf. bimws beside dimus 
(p. 31 1). 

All other distributives are formed with the termination -no, 
but with assimilation to one another, e. g. trini (also terni), 
quini on the analogy of hini ; septeni, and generally the suc- 
ceeding forms in -eni on the analogy of seni. Undeceni ' 99 at 
a time ' (Plin. ^6. 8. 14) is noticeable. 

jprimus=*prismus (p. 213), oi. pris-cus, pris-tinus, -wpi-v. In 
form it is a superlative ; cf. ■npojios. 

tertms-^triUios, Sanskrit trUya, with ri becoming er in 
an unaccented syllable (p. 19a). 

quartiis for qturtds, cf. p. 369. 

septim-ws, decim-us have a termination -os, not -mus (p. no, 
De Sauss. p. 30). 

octdvus is similarly formed from oMou-, with Indo-European 
ou becoming Latin du (p. 187). 

nonus (for noum-us) may owe its second n to assimilation to 
the first. 

All other ordinals are formed with the sufiix -timus (San- 
skrit -tamd), -ensimus ( = ent-timus, p. 307). Thus vigesimus, 
vicesimws=vihnt-timws, and the termination -e[n)simus is then 
extended, e. g. to ducentesimus. Priseian mentions a form 
duoesimus, which would be more regular. 

In the multiphcatives, *mK^ (older semol)=sm2; the fuller 
form appears in semel. Us = duis [duis is quoted Paul. Fest. 66), 
cf. Sanskrit dvis, Greek 8FCs. ter is the unaccented form of 
*tris, Greek rpCs (cf. p. 193), perhaps originating in phrases 
like Ms et ter with only one accent, quater for *quatur, qtr, 
Sanskrit catur, is on the analogy of ter. The rest are formed 
with a termination -iens { = ins), Greek -tas in rpi&s, cf. triens 
(K. Z. XXV. 137). vic-iens, tric-iens are on the analogy of 

Forms like ii-fariam may be compared with the Greek 
8t-(|)a(noy. du-bius perhaps =<;?aJ-5/«2«'o* from the root bhu in 


The Verl. 

The Verb proper is distinguished from other parts of speech The Verb, 
by the union in one and the same word of subject and predi- 
cate, which are severally expressed in the ending and the stem 
of the verbal form. As the endings can all be expressed by 
Personal Pronouns, they are called Person endings, and are 
either primary, secondaiy, or those belonging to the Impera- 
tive Mood. 

For the sake of practical convenience two main divisions of Knits and 
the verb are made, into forms Finite and forms Infinite. The 
Verb Finite alone can express a complete sentence, and its 
forms contain elements signifying differences of person, 
number, time, and modality. The Verb Infinite in the In- 
finitives, Participles, and Verbal nouns belongs properly to the 
nominal class. The Infinitive in Greek for instance was, as 
we shall see, originally the dative of an abstract noun. 
Subsequently there grew up such idioms as the use of the 
Infinitive with cases, and the introduction of different tenses 
into the Infinitive mood, which bring it nearer in ehai-acter to 
the Verb Finite. 

In Inflexional languages Hke Greek and Latin there is a inflexional 
great variety of grammatical forms. The Greek approximates *"'™^' 
most closely to the Sanskrit, and from a comparison of these 
two languages we can obtain an idea of the structure of the 
Indo-European Verb. Greek and Latin mark by changes of 
form the character of the afiirmation, and the mental attitude 
of the speaker. This is what we understand by difference of 
Moods (eyKXfo-ety). Differences of time are marked by dif- 
ferences of Tense (xpovoi), which again are expressed by change 
of form. So too with differences of Person {vpoaut-nov) in the 









subject of the proposition ; of number (aptS/xos) ; of the state 
of the subject (Sittfleo-ty), which we call Voice. All the fore- 
going differences of form are embraced under the general term 
of conjugation ((rvCvyta). 

The Greek Verb in its different Moods and Tenses shows a 
greater variety of Stem formation than the Noun. 

The first distinction to be noted is that between Thematic 
and Non-thematic Stems. 

Thematic Stems are those in which the termination is pre- 
ceded by the vowels e and o, of which o appears before nasals 
and £ before other letters, e. g. Xv-o-fj,€v, kv-e-Te, Xv-o-vtl 
( = Xi;oii(n), 

In the Subjunctive Mood this thematic vowel is lengthened 
and we have ku-ia-^xev, kv-ri-Te, Kv-ia-ai. 

Non-thematic stems do not show this variable e and o, but 
the ending is added directly to the stem, which ends either 
in a consonant as in ea-jxiv, "ib-^Lev, or in a as in the Perfect 
and Sigmatic Aorist, e. g. keXvua-fjifv, ikvaa-jMev. 

In the third singular of these tenses, however, we must 
notice that the a is changed to e, kikvKi-v. The a of such 
tense-stems must be distinguished from the a of the verbal 
root in such a verb as ta-ra-fiai, -/ora. 

In the Perfect the a was not originally carried through all 
numbers and persons. Thus 'niitoida-s but Epic k'niTriO-fi.ev, 
ioiKa-s but Epic eiK-Trjv. 

This a is to be distinguished from the thematic e and o, 
and we may find an analogous distinction in nominal In- 
flexion. As in the consonantal declension we have ace. iro'8-a, 
but in the 0-deelension ace. \6yo-v, so in the verb we find 
iOr\Ka but also ekvo-v, eOrjKa-s but also eXve-s. 

The name Thematic Vowel implies that the addition of this 
vowel makes the verbal stem into a new theme, and that it is 
not to be regarded as a mere euphonic addition serving as a 
connecting link between stem and ending. We may draw a 
comparison between the stem Xeyo- of Xey-o-jxev and the stem 
Koyo- of koy-o-s. What has been said of the verb applies also 
to the noun. 


The origin of tke personal endings cannot be demon- Nature of 
strated with certainty. We have already distinguished be- S^'jf?''' 
tween roots Predicative and roots Pronominal. It is in the 
Pronominal roots that we must seek the origin of the Per- 
sonal endings. But it is not possible in all alike to trace 
with precision the history of their development from the 
original form. 

It is not difficult to discern in the -m,i of Uhu^-ju a resem- 
blance to the stem of the first personal pronoun, or to see a 
demonstrative stem in the ending of 6t6o)-rt ( = 8i6a)o-t), but it 
is more difficult to identify the suffix -si of the and pers. sing, 
with tva ( = thou). 

The theory of pronominal affixion, when pressed furthest, 
assumes that the stems ma and tva were used to form person- 
endings in the sing, and compounded with one another to 
form the person-endings of the dual and plural. 

Thus we are called upon to suppose that the ending -re of 
the 2nd plural, must have sprung from an original tva-tva, for 
which some foundation may conceivably be found in the 
fuller Latin ending -tis. But when we are asked to go further 
and say that the ending -jae^a is compounded of ma-tva-tva, 
and -crds of tva-tva-tva, we no longer seem to tread on solid 

Supposing that we do assume a pronominal origin for the 
person endings, there is no need to refer any of them back to 
such reduplications as we have quoted. There may have been 
different pronominal stems, just as we find a difference be- 
tween the stems of singular and plural in the personal pro- 
nouns. At the time of the separation of the different races 
the person endings must already have had a long past history, 
and no one can say with confidence how or of what elements 
these terminations were composed (cf. p. 33, and Max Miiller, 
Science of Thought, p. 233). G^g^t 


The primary ending of the first sing. act. has two different pl^^"^'- 
forms. Thematic verbs have -co, e.g. (/)^pw, non-thematic have ^ng. act. 
-y.1, e.g. l(TTT]ii.i. The Sanskrit ending is -mi in both. endSig7 


On the ground of such forms as edikMixi (A. 549) Curtius 
assumes that -fxi was the original ending in all Greek verbs. 
Thus iforrj-t/x, <^ipo-ix.i, eOiXu^-jxi. (subj.). In Sappho and Pindar 
we find such forms as KiMlJ-h a^rr^fxi, etc., and in Homer besides 
eSe'Xaj/xi are to be found et-Trcojiit, tSco/xt, rux^M'- So too in the 
Optative which in the other persons shows secondary endings, 
the 1st pers. sing, ends in -ixi, e.g. (jtepoiixL. 

Another explanabion has been suggested {M. IT. i. 146, ji. 1 21), namely, that 
the long -w is the result of contraction, between the short thematic of (pepo-, 
and a vowel termination (of. p. 441). 

Secondary The secondary ending of the ist sing, is -v, Indo-European 
"^^^''^- -m, and-a:— 

t(f)fpov Sanskrit ahJiara-m. 

ih\v Latin siem Sanskrit syam. 

After consonants the m becomes sonant and appears as -a, 
as in r](y-m, r\a. So also with exeFa, ebei^a, etc. 

This a has been extended by analogy beyond its proper 
limits. Thus it takes the place of -ov in the forms etwa, 
yveyKa, and also appears after a vowel in a non-thematic verb, 
as invTrepeTLdea (Hdt. 3. 155). 

The ending of the 1st pers. sing, of the perf. is -o. We do 
not find any trace of a final nasal in this termination in 
Greek or Sanskrit, and in all probability a was the original 

Curtius on the evidence of Aeolic ot8?y/xt ( = oT5a) assumed 
that -fit was the original ending of the perfect, but this form is 
rather due to a false analogy, as is the case with lo-a/^i, which 
is quoted in Hesychius, formed on the model of ttrao-t. 

Second The Primary ending is -cri, Sanskrit iMra-si. In Greek . 

smg. act. ^]^jg ending only appears in the Substantive verb, viz. 
Homeric ea-cri. 

The form ei, which is post-Homeric, arose from ecri, ef. 
Sanskrit dsi. From this et by the addition of y after the 
model of (^rj's, etc., came ets (also accented ets), which is an 
Ionic form. 

The ordinary ending of this person in Thematic Verbs is 


-€ts, e. g. 4>ep€ts. This form cannot arise simply from (^epe-vi, 
for if the intervocalic cr, according to the Greek rule, fell out 
we should have ^e'pei. Perhaps this s, which appears in all 
dialects, was an extension of (pipu ( = (j)fpfcn) borrowed from 
the secondary ending e<^epe-s. 

The same explanation will also apply to the subj. <j>epr]s. 

In the non-thematic conjugation, -crt has been replaced by 
the secondary ending -s, e.g. bCbcas, la-Trjs, which we may 
compare with the -s of kHQei-s, ecpfpe-s. 

Many forms have been introduced into this conjugation upon the analogy of 
the contracted verbs, of. p. 399. 

The ending of the and sing, of the perfect was -6a. 

-9a answers to the Sanskiit termination -tka ; olcr-da 
( = olb-6a), Sk. vet-tlia. Not only oXu-Qa but all second per- 
sons sing, of the perf. of stems ending in t, 8, 5, or o- have 
the termination -<r-6a, but the o- belongs to the stem and not 
to the termination. 

The form j\<jQa of the imperf. of d\ii points back to an old 
perfect r\a, 7jo-6a, ?\iv inflected like oi6a, which afterwards 
coalesced ^ with the imperfect of the same verb (cf. K. Z. 
^vii. 315). 

On the model of r\<j6a we also have the Attic forms ^(pr]<T6a, 
■pbrjcrOa (cf. Rutherford, New Tliryn. p. 325)- 

In Homer the same ending appears in idikyo-Oa, etc., and 
the optatives ^aXoicrOa, Kkaioia-Qa, where the s forms no 
part of the verbal stem, but belongs to the termination. The 
form of the termination -ada in place of -da is due to the 
analogy of otcrOa, rjtrda, where cr is a part of the stem. 

The primary ending of the 3rd sing, is -ti. Third sing. 

eV-rt, Sanskrit ds-ti, 
Doric 8i8a)-Tt, Attic StSco-cn Sanskrit dddd-ti. 
This is the ending in Greek of the third sing, of the -/ni 
conjugation generally. It also appears in the Epic edekriai, 

' Schmidt and Brugmann suppose that as the forms ^o, ^arov, ^/lev were 
common both to the perfect and imperfect of el/ii, the two tenses came to be 
regarded as one, and the form TJaSa of the perfect replaced the proper imperfect 
form ^i. 


&yriai, XdOrjo-i, etc. But here as in idiXjia-da we need not sup- 
pose the ending to be original. The iota subscript points 
rather to an extension of the proper ending by an external 
addition. The ending is almost entirely confined to the 
Homeric poems and exists side by side with the normal -jj. 

In the thematic conjugation we have the ending -ei, e. g. 
^epet, Sanskrit iJidra-ti. The corresponding form to the 
Sanskrit would in Greek be (peperi, and this according to rule 
would pass to (pepea-i. Like the second pers. the third has 
probably been influenced by the secondary ending : — 

e. g. (pepeis <pepei follow Repots (pipoi, e^epes e<pepi. 

The Secondary ending was originally r : — 
e^epe(r), Sanskrit abliarat. 
^epot(r), Sanskrit bhdret. 

The t remains in Latin (e. g. erat), but according to rule has 
disappeared in Greek. Latin has -t in the perfect cecidit 
where Greek has -e, as in oi8e, Sanskrit veda. 

The ending of the third sing, of the sigmatic aorist is -e, 
just as in the third sing, of the perfect. Thus eSeiK-o-e (e8et£e), 
is like the perfect otS-e, and has not the same vowel as 
eSeiK-o-ay (e5eifas). 

First The Doric termination is -f^ey, as found in inscriptions 

plural act. ^^^ j^ ^j^^^ imitations of Doric in Aristophanes. In the other 

dialects we find -p^ev for both primary and secondary tenses, 

but where this form appears in Doric it is probably due to 

the influence of other dialects. 

In Sanskrit we have old primary ending -masi, later -mas, 
while the secondary ending is rma. 

The Sanskrit -mas and the Latin -mus appear to point to a 
primary ending in -s, so that we may assume the Doric -fze? 
to stand for the original primary ending, while the -jj-ev of 
the other dialects may represent the secondary ending. 

But in both Greek and Latin alike there is but one ending 
for all tenses. 

Second The person ending of the and plural is always -re. 

plm-al act. 


The Sanskrit ihdra-tha leads us rather to expect a primary 
ending' -5e, while -re corresponds to the Sanskrit secondary 
ending dbkara-ta. 

Of this person there are three primary forms : — Third 

(i) -vTi for original Indo-European -nti which appears in 
the Doric (fiepovTi (= Attic (pipovai.), Sanskrit bMra-nii. 

(2) -oiTt, -Sa-L, Indo-European -Mi as in edcri, bebiScri, tda-i 
answering to the Sanskrit s-dnti, y-dnti. There are many 
such forms in Homer, e.g. ^e^d-dcri, yeyd-da-i, iieixd-dcrL. 

Monro, S. G. p. 6, regards the Hiatus of these forms as proving that the 
ending was originally -cracn answering to the secondary -aav. 

Thus iffaffi is for IS-aacri, and f^aai the Attic 3rd pi. of Eoi«a, is for eiic-aaffi. 

Attic also shows ndi-dcn, bibo-dai, whereas in Homer we have 
TideiuL ( = Tt,de-im), bibova-i ( = 5t8o-z;rt), which, in spite of the 
accent, cannot for phonetic reasons be regarded as contractions 
of Tidi-da-i and 8i8o-d<n. 

(3) -an, -da-L, Indo-European -nti unaccented. There are 
the Doric perfect eddKari. (Hesych.) and the Homeric \e\6y- 
Xa.(Ti, ire^i^Kao-t in which we have the short -an with the long 
stem. Herodian speaks of many other instances in Ionic and 
quotes jxeixaOriKda-L and nap'qvda-i from Xenophanes (Curt. 
J^erb. ii. 166). However in ■n^'KoLddai, ea-TrjKdcn, where the 
stem is full, we have the ending -dcri. 

Osthoff, M. U. i. 100, explains -an as an alteration in Greek for -avri, 
upon the model of the ending -orai of the 3rd pi. perf. midd. Thus on the 
model of TiTtxixwru (N. 22) and similar forms, iricpvKavTi passed into 

Secondary endings, (i) -v{t), I.-E. -nt. 

tfpipov, \t&t. ferehant, erant, but Sk. dsan. 
(3) -av, I.-E. -nt, eXvffav. 
The original ekvcrnr should pass to kkva-aij), the final con- 
sonant of which would, according to Greek rule, drop out. 
ekva-a, however, would be indistinguishable from the 1st 
pers. sing., so on the analogy of ecjxpov we have eX-vcrav. 
Otherwise we must assume that the accent originally rested 


on the final -nt, which would according to rule pass in Greek 
into -av{T). We have the ending -v after the final vowel of 
stems of non-thematic verbs, as in the Homeric earav, ij3av, 
e((>av, etc. 

In the optative we have the ending -ev in (j)ipoi-ev, et-ev, but 
Elean airoTivoiav, crvv-iav point to a primitive (j)epoi-av, ei-av, 
representing an original ending -nt. -av appears in the 3rd 
pi. opt. of the so-called Aeolic aorist, e. g. Tiaei-av. This 
ending is represented by v alone in Bekker's reading 'A,k<poi,v, 
V. 382 (Monro, H. G. § 83). 

The exact explanation of the -ev of eiev is tmeertain. The 
quality of the vowel may have been assimilated to the tj of 
e"i,-7]v, et-ris, etc., or perhaps modelled upon the aor. pass, so- 
called, e. g. e(pdv-riv, 3rd pi. e^av-ev. 

The ending -aav appears in eOeaav, 'iyvuxrav, etricrav, and in 
inscriptions of the second century B.C. we find such forms as eA.a- 
j3o(rav, iltraa-av. It was probably extended from the sigmatic 
aorist. We find it extended to the strong aorist in such cases 
as e^ija-av — side by side with vTTepjSacrav — to the pluperfect, 
the aor. pass., and lastly to the optat., as in the form aTairja-av 

(P- 735)- 

Dual For the 1st pers. dual Greek has no separate form. 

en ing . j,^^ ^^^ second and third we have primary -tov, -tov, 

secondary -tov, -rdv {-TTqv). 

The primary endings of the Sanskrit -thas, -tas have no re- 
semblance to the Greek, but the secondary icfi^pe-rov, ecpepi-T-qv 
answer to abhara-tam, ahhara-tdm. Of. Monro, H. G.%S note. 
In Homer there are three instances of the 3rd dual 
imperf. in -tov, where the metre does not admit of -t-(\v. 
K. '^6'^ hiiiiKerov, N. 345 Invy^t-rov, 2. 583 Aa^vcrcreroy, while, 
on the other hand, there are three eases where the termination 
-Tr\v is used for the and pers. Kajxe-rriv, Xa^i-Trjv, ■^6eX4-Tr]V, 
which is a very common usage in later Greek. 

endings of Middle endings are to be found in Sanskrit, Greek, and 

voice. Gothic, with some traces in Latin (cf. p. 468). 


It is not possible to say -what is their etymological relation 
to the endings of the active. Few of the active endings show- 
clear traces of their origin ; the endings of the middle voice 
are even more obscure. 

1st sing, termination, primary -fxai, secondary -jxav {-iJ.r)v). First sing. 

In the case of the primary ending of the Middle, just as of 
the Active Voice, there may have been an original difference 
between the thematic and non-thematic conjugations. 

In Greek the ending -juat represents the original middle 
ending of non-thematic verbs, but has also become the ending 
of the thematic verbs. 

The Sanskrit bMre, on the other hand, shows the original 
middle ending of the thematic verbs, but this ending has 
also become the ending of the non-thematic verbs, viz. Mbhre, 
from the same '■/hhr. 

Primary termination -crat — (pepe-aaL, <pipe-ai, 4>epji, Sanskrit Second 
Ihdrase ; -crat remains in r\a-ai, yeyp&'^ai (-Tr-o-ai), etc. '^' 

In the case of jSovkei, ofet, etc., where -ei cannot come from 
-eat, the form may be active, and have been transferred to the 
middle (-ei = -e<n). 

In the verbs in -jxi, a- remains between two vowels, con- 
trary to the ordinary phonetic rule of the Greek language. 
So also in the perfect. In Homer we have bvva-a-ai, vvohAixva- 
crai, irapCa-Ta-craL, fxiii.vri(rai, but also fxiiwqai. 

Secondary termination -<to — (<j)ipe-(To, icfiepeo, e<j)epov. -a-o 
remains in rjcro, kyiypay\ro (-ir-cro), etc. 

After a vowel the o- of -o-at and -(to ought phonetically to 
disappear. It does so disappear in the thematic conjugation 
and in the sigmatic aorist middle, e. g. Ikvcrao, eKva-oy. But 
Greek usage is not consistent in its treatment of this intervo- 
calic a-. Thus in Homer we find biCnai, irapCarao, ixdpvao, and 
in the perfect ixi^v-qai, ySe^SXjjat, pluperfect ecro-vo, side by side 
with the forms hvvaa-ai, ixtixvrjo-ai, etc. So in Aristoph. 
Achan. 870 occurs the Boeotian irpCaao, but in Ban, 1227 
aTTOTTpl<a, Fesp. 1440 eirpift). 

The retention of the a- of -a-ai, -a-o, after a vowel, is due to 


a restoration based on the analogy of the consonantal stems, 
such as yiypafai. Accordingly -o-at appears in the perfect 
and pres. of the -ii.i conjugation, and -(ro in the impf. and 
plupf. The later tendency to make -crai the uniform ending 
is shown in the sentence of the grammarian Moeris— A/cpoS 
'AttikoI, aKpoaaai "EX\r]Vis (cf. Osthoff, M. U. ii. 38). 

Third eing. Primary termination -rai, Sanskrit -te : — 
'^^^^- (jiepe-TM, Sanskrit IMra-te. 

Secondary termination -ro, Sanskrit -ia : — • 
e4iep€To, Sanskrit abharata. 

Pirst plur. Termination -p.iQa, for which Sanskrit shows -make. There 

'""^'^- is also in Greek the form -necrda, which appeairs in Epic Iko- 

lj,ea-6a, yev6p.ea-6a, and in the Iambic and Trochaic metres of 

the Tragedians and Aristophanes. The cr of -p,ea-6a may be 

due to the analogy of the endings -crdov and -crSe. 

Second Termination -0e, e. g. rjcr-Qe, ■7re(f)av-6e, ■ni'uvcr-de. -Be seems 

plur. 101 d. ^^ j^g £^j, Q^:^^ with which we may compare Sanskrit -dkve for 

primary, -dhvam for secondary ending. There is a difference 

between the final vowel in Greek and Sanskrit, of which 

there is no certain explanation. 

The o- of -o-^e, as in (pepe-a-6e, is not original. Originally 

appearing only in stems ending in a- or a dental, it has passed 

by analogy into all other stems for the sake of uniformity. 

Thus in rjcr-Oe, Xekqcr-Oe the a is regular, but not so in keye- 

ir-6e, <l)ipe-cr-6i. 

Third plur, The Primary endings of the third plur. mid. are -vrai, -arai 
^^^- i-nra.):- 

<j)€povTai, Sanskrit bMrante. 
etarai, Sanskrit dsate. 
In Homer we have Kiarai, side by side with KfCarai, and in 
Attic r€r(ixai'at, e<j>6dpaTai, TeTpAtpaTM, from the perfect stems 
ending in a consonant. For others outside Attic cf. p. 1 1 3. 
The endings -arat and the secondary -aro have been also 


added to vowel stems, as for instance in Homer to stems in 
I and V and long vowels ; e. g. KeKXl-arai, Kei-arai (/c^arai), ^ 
elpvaraL, jSejikriaTai. In Herodotus we have fiyiarai, K€K\e'orai, 
witli shortening of r; before -arai, and also in the present TL6e- 
orat, ^/c6t8o-arat, bvv4-araL, 

The rule is that -arat, -aro should appear after consonants 
and ( and v, but -vrai, -vto after vowels. 

Side by side with these forms we may set the Attic TiBk-aai, SM-aai of the 

The Doric Ktarat, yeypa^arai from the Heraelean tables 
show that -arai was not confined to Ionic and Attic, yeypa- 
■v/farai shows an ending -erarat, which may be compared with 
the active ending -cracrL of tcracn and etfao-t (cf. p. 379). 

Secondary ending, -vto, -aro (-nro). 
Thus i^ipovTo, Sanskrit dbharanta, 
etaro (Tjaro), Sanskrit dsata. 

Other instances are to be found in Kearo, dpvaro, herdxaro. 
Apart from the Indicative, -aro appears as an ending of the 
Optative Mood, e. g. yevoiaro, cmoXoiaro. This ending is regular 
in Homer. The only exception is the reading jxayioivTo (A. 
344), which can be altered to p-axfoiar' 'AxaioL 

Before -arat, -aro gutturals and labials were aspirated, e. g. 
iTfrAx-aTO, reddcfi-aTai, but not dentals, as in K^xoipCbaTai, ayoa- 

The Termination -p,e6ov of the first pers. dual, is only First pers. 
sparingly used; *. 485 -nepiUp.ieov, Soph. El. 950; Phil.^'''-^'^^^- 

The form bears no resemblance to the Sanskrit -vake, -vaM, 
but approximates to the ist pers. plural -p.eda. 

Primary terminations -a-6ov, -a-dov. Secondary terminations 2nd and 
-a-Bov, -a-Qdv {-crd-qv). 

These do not resemble the Sanskrit. We cannot therefore 
reconstruct the original form, nor can we with any certainty 
determine the analogy upon which these forms arose in 


Augment. The name Augment is a translation of the av^r]tns of the 
later grammarians \ The Augment appears in Sanskrit, 
Iranian, and Greek, with some traces in Latin (p. 457) ; it is 
prefixed to verbal forms only in the indicative mood. Both in 
the Vedas and in Homer it can be omitted, as also in those 
parts of Tragedy most closely allied to Epic poetry — the 
speeches of the Messengers. 

Early theories of its origin were Buttmann's, who regarded 
it as a curtailed reduplication, and Bopp's, who regarded it 
as a privative (cf. p. 8). 

It is true that in some verbs the augment of the preterite 
assumes the same form as the reduplication of the perfect, 
e- g. e^jirijo-a beside IfrjTijKa. But, on the other hand, the 
vowel of reduplication varies according to the tense in which 
it occurs, and according to the nature of the verb-stem. 
Again, if augment is reduplication, what has become of the 
initial consonant, and why is the augment restricted to the 
indicative mood while reduplication extends to all moods 

As to the theory that the augment is a privative, apart 
from the fact that the augment is e not a, this a privative 
before a vowel becomes av: — e.g. a-ddvaroi but av-aiij.09, 
while the augment shows no sign of a nasal before vowels. 
Then as to meaning ; Bopp's explanation makes a dichotomy 
of tenses into present and not-present. But what reason is 
there for supposing that this negation should affect only the 
notion of time and not negative the whole verbal notion ? 

We must rather look upon the augment as originally an 
independent prepositional word expressing priority. Thus 
lA.etT7oi'= Indo-European e leiqom. Subsequently it coalesced 
with the verb form into a single word. This union began 
in Indo-Em-opean times, but was not completely carried out 
in all cases. Thus ^v, Doric ^s ( = emt), and in the Veda 

' The term is not used till after Herodian. Up to that time the prefix of 
the augment was better described as «, xKiffts or dvrjais of the verb. In the 
Etymologicon Magnnm, on ivSvvi there occurs the note — 01 'loivis aif^o-eis ov 


as, comes from an original S-est. As a contraction this 
must be referred to Indo-European time, for the Greek con- 
traction of ee is et. On 'the other hand we find traces of 
the period when e was still an independent sound in the 
arbitrary omission of the augment in Homer, e. g. ^877 for 
I^Tj, etc. This omission happens both in the case of the 
syllabic and the temporal augments. Herodotus only drops 
the syllabic augment in the pluperfect of compounds and 
in iteratives, e.g. Karakikemro, k&^iCTKov: but the temporal 
augment is often omitted, especially before two consonants, 
e.g. appcibeov, epbov, ep^av, etc. In xpfjv ( = XPV w) ^^^ 
omission of the augment is only apparent ; exprjv is a later 

The augment was not only an independent element, it was 
also accented. 

According to Waokernagel (K. Z. xxiii. 470), in the I.-B. language the 
accent rested on the augment in principal sentenoeB, while in subordinate 
clauses it rested on a following syllable. The omission of the augment then 
should be confined to dependent sentences; d-bhut = itpv, a-hhut = (pv. 

A proof of the accentuation of the augment is the rule of 
Greek compounds by which the accent never passes back 
beyond the augment, as e. g. in -napia-xov. In this particular, 
Greek has been more conservative than Sanskrit (cf. p. 271). 

When the verb-stem begins with a vowel the augment Temporal 
coalesces with this vowel, and we get e. g. ayov {riyov), wpro. "S™™ ■ 
We can hardly regard this as the result of contraction in 
Greek. Regular contraction of e-ayov, e-opro would give 
^yov, ovpTO. We must rather assume that a simple length- 
ening of the initial vowel was regarded as characteristic of 
the preterite. Doric ^s, Vedic as, may point to original con- 
traction, and afterwards upon such an analogy, a quantitative 
lengthening of the initial vowel stood for the Temporal Aug- 
ment. In LKeTevcra, vp.ivaiov, as in ifyoz/, the long vowels are the 
result of quantitative lengthening, and do not stand for e-t-, 
e-v-. laxov in Homer stands for eFiFaxov ( = elaxov) (cf. 
Monro, E. G. § 396). 

The apparently unaugmented forms in Herodotus, viz. 



alreoV) alveov, alpeov, etc., and eiJfaro, av^ero of Attic may very 
well stand as the regular representatives of original Greek 
forms with di, eu, df, shortened as in Zet;y, vavs (p. 183). The 
long vowel of i^rovv, iji^a/xjjz^ is a lengthening parallel to that 
which has taken place in ^yov, aipTo. 

Until the Ionic alphabet was adopted in Attica at the end 
of the fifth century there was only one sign for e and tj, but 
from that date onwards till the middle of the fourth century, 
stone records justify us in assuming trSpia-Kov, rjvpov, ■r]v-)(6p.r\v, 
fJKaCov as Attic forms (Rutherford, New Fhryn. p. 344). 

Where a vowel followed the initial diphthong, it was length- 
ened and the preceding diphthong unaltered, e. g. -qvpidKov 
but eii-TjpyeTovv. 

In many stems where an originally initial consonant has 
fallen away, we find a Syllabic and not a Temporal Aug- 

The F has fallen out, e.g. in l-iiyjj, e-afe, i-a\rj, e-enre, eibov 
for eFLbov, ilpvcra for eFepvaa. An a has fallen out in eiTrero 
V creTT, ila-a Vcreb, €lx,ov Vcrex- In the aspirated e'iTTero, 
dcra, elpirov VcrepTT, the o- has passed into the rough breathing, 
which has then been thrown back on to the augment. In the 
ease of ei^oj; the smooth breathing has remained because of 
the following aspirate x (cf. p. 174). 

An exception to this shifting back of the rough breathing on to the 
augment is to be found in the form a\To from i-aKro, cf. oAXo/Joi { = sal-io). 
The smooth breathing has been extended in this tense beyond the indicative, 
as we find d\fjLevos, ixer-6Xy.ivos. 

In other cases the original initial consonant is forgotten, 
as m oiKEco, ft)Kjj(ra. 
T) as Aug- In Greek we find r}- as augment side by side with i-, e. g. 
fi^o\>\6p.rjv, 7]hvvafj.riv, ■^fxeXXov, and Homeric ijetS?}. Similarly 
in the Veda, the augment is iu a few instances long d. 

Besides these cases, an augment 77- has also been assumed in 
other verbs in which an original spirant has been lost 
(Waekernagel, K. Z. xxvii. 37 a). 

Thus in the Attic k-dpoiv, av-i-at^a, e-dyriv there was a 
metathesis of quantity for original riFopwv, rjFayyjv, just as in 



fiaiTLXrja, Attic /3a(rt\ea. Homer has idyr]v, but (A. 559) Isyjj, 
unless we read idyri, the perf. subj. (Monro, K G. § 4a). 

As the imperfect of otywiu. Homer has atyvvvro, which is 
for eFoiCyvvvTo and this for -qFoiyvvvTo. Without metathesis 
of quantity we may assume an original augment tj- in 
r}pyaC6tur\v for riFepyaQoii,riv, and in — 

rtkiti^ov for riFe}\.T!L(ov. 
jifSij for riFeibr). 

^Kov for r\Fei.KOv. 
fJKaCov for riFeiKaQov. 
ec&pTa(ov for rjFeFopTaCov. 
A comparison with the perfect justifies this hypothesis in 
the case of eopaKa beside k<ipu>v, and kakuiKa beside kakmy, 
where the perfect shows no trace of the augment 77-. ^pya- 
C6p.r]v was the Attic form up to the time of Demosthenes, 
and though in Demosthenes there is a wavering between 
r}pyaC6p.r]v and dpyaCo\J.r]v, the perfect is always (Xpya<rp,ai. In 
Aristophanes, Eq. 1076, we have ^Koo-ei', but ^». 807 dK6,(Tp.€(yda. 
A rule of Attic augmentation, which may here be noticed,. 
is that whether a verb is compounded with a preposition or 
only appears to be so, yet it takes the augment after the first 
part of the compound (E-utherford, New Phryn, p. 79.). 
Thus irpoc^Tjrijs, irpov^riTeva'ev. 
ema-TCLTrjs, e-irecTTaTovv. 
ivavTLos, evrfVTiciixfOa. 
The doublets Kadr]ij,r]v, enadrjix-qv — a(f>L6i, ijf^iei — KadZ^ov, l(cd- 
^tfoz; are to be explained by the fact that the verb was some- 
times regarded as compound, sometimes as simple.- 

In some cases double augmentation arose, e. g. r\viix6p,r)v, 
■r]p.i!eix6p.r]v, and was extended by analogy to such words as 
rjVTefiokovv, ■^p.(j)ea-l3T^Tovv, ebirjTcev, etc. 

After the person-endings and the augment we can pass on Tense- 
to the consideration of the forms of the Greek verb in its 
various tense-stems. It is the stem which is the constant 
element in a group of related forms. The termination indi- 
cates difierences of person and number, and also the distinc- 

c c a 




tions of voice which express the relation borne by the subject 
to the action, the difference, that is, between Active, Passive, 
and Middle. Differences of Tense (xpovoi) are expressed by 
varieties of Tense-stem, while to express Modality a suffix 
is added to the Tense-stem. 
Present The first group of Tense-stems consists of the Present and 

Aorist™"^ Strong Aorist stems. Between these stems there is in some 
cases no formal but only a syntactic difference — a difference, 
that is, of function. e<pr]v, for example, is an imperfect, while 
ear-qv, which is similar in formation, is a strong aorist. Again, 
€ypa<pov, fyeixov, iviirroixriv are imperfects, but the similar 
iTpanov, €l3\aaTov, eyev6ij,rjv are aorists. On the other hand 
the tenses which contain the present stem, viz. the present 
and imperfect, denote action which is progressive, as opposed 
to the aorist, which denotes a single act or event.. A tense 
which singled out a definite point in what is now going on 
would be an aorist present. There is no tense with such a 
function in Greek, though, as we have seen (p. 231), such verbs 
as ciyo), ypacjxa, in form are of the strong aorist type. In 
English such a tense may be found in the ' T ffo, Sir, and went 
not', of St. Matt. xxi. 30. As distinguished from the aorist, 
the imperfect expresses an action or state which was con- 
temporaneous with something else. The difference may be 
illustrated by the Homeric line — 


e\K€To 8' €K KoXeolo jxiya ii<pos, ^A.5e 8' 'Adrjvr]. 

The language which comes nearest to Greek in its wealth 
of verbal forms is Sanskrit. The Hindu grammarians dis- 
tinguished ten different Conjugation-Classes. The basis of 
their classification was the formation of the present stem, 
■which they regarded as the characteristic part of the verb. 
Their conjugations may be distinguished into two main divi- 
sions, marked by a difference which has an important bearing 
upon the theory of the Greek verb. The first division com- 
prises those verbs which show a shifting of the accent, which 
falls now upon the root or class sign, now upon the ending. 
Along with this shifting of the accent goes a variation in the 


form of the stem, which is full when the accent rests upon the 
root, weak when it rests upon the ending (Whitney, Sk. Gr. 
§ 604). The second main division of the Sanskrit conjugations 
consists of those verbs in which the accent is never shifted 
from the stem to the ending, and whose present stem always 
ends in a. Answering to these two main divisions we have 
in Greek the distinction into non-thematic and thematic 

In non-thematic verbs there are four classes of present and Classifi- 
aorist stems :— °^f^]^ "^ 

I. The Root class, in which the present stem is identical Present- 
with the verbal root. In some of these there is a variation 
of the stem in different inflexions. 

a. The Reduplicated class, with or without stem variation. 

3. The stem consists of the weak root with suffixes -vv, -vv. 

4. The stem consists of the weak root with sufiixes -vd, -va. 
Of the thematic conjugation we may distinguish five 

classes : — 

5. The stem consists of the root, strong, weak, or redupli- 
cated with the thematic vowel sufiixed. 

6. The stem consists of the root, strong, weak or redupli- 
cated with the sufiixes -to, -le. To this class belong the 
denominative verbs and the causatives where the stem is made 
up of a full degree of the root with suffixes -f to, -ete. 

7. The stem consists of the root with suffixes -to, -re. 

8. The stem consists of the verbal stem with suffixes 
-a-KO, -cTKe. 

9. The Nasal class. 

To take now these different classes of present stems in 

The first class consists of those verbs in which the verbal First class. 
stem is identical with the root. This class answers to the 
Hindu second conjugation or root-class. 

(a) Most of these verbs show an alternation of the stem (a) With 
between a full and a weak form. The full form is found in ^i™"^"*" 
the singular indicative and subjunctive active, as for instance 
ei-^t Sk. e-mi t-ara-jut. 


The weak form is found in tte dual and plural of the indi- 
cative and subjunctive active, as for instance 

i-fj.ev Sk. im-ds 'i-a-ra-iJifv. 

And throughout the middle, e. g-. So in the sing, of 
the aor, act. exeFa (=exeMa), but in the middle exvro. 

In Sanskrit the variation of stem is accompanied by a 
shifting of the accent, but in Greek this original shifting 
of the accent has been usually replaced by the system of 
accentuation peculiar to that language, and the accent is 
uniform throughout. 

e?^,. In the present of elfxi, ito, we have 

Sing. et-/^i et, but K. 450 et-crda eitrt. 

Plur. "i-y-ev "i-Te l-aa-i. 

laa-i is from i-avri for am, Sk. y-anti, with prefix of the i of 

V V 

1-IJ.ev, i-re. 

The conjunctive is too, instead of eico, Sk. dy-dni. 
The optative is toi;xt, which is formed upon the analogy of 
the thematic verbs in -a>. Answering to Sk. iydm the proper 
form would be li.riv=lr]v. The form le-irj, which is read in T. 
309, seems to be formed like elbeCrj and the SeStei'rjr of Plato, 
PAaedr. 251 A (cf. Monro, H. G. § 83). 

The participle idv shows the original fem. form in the 
name of Demeter, 'E-n-Caa-a-a. In Hesych. we have the gloss 
tea-aa' ^abCCovaa, where Ucrcra perhaps stands for taa-aa. In 
Sanskrit the stem of the masc. is ydnt, but the nom. fem. is 

The imperfect indie, in Att. was 77 a, ■pticrda, rjeiv, or 77^1. 
r The plural _2f^^j like Sk. dtma, has the same stem form as 

the singular. The ist pers. sing, was originally ■^la. The 
semivowel between two vowels should disappear, as e.g. 
jSacreies becomes fSAa-ees, I3aa-eis So 171a becomes rja, but the 
iota has been retained in the singular as in the plural. 

In Homer we have rjia, ^eis, ^et, 3rd pi. ij'ia-av and taav, 
also the dual tTrjv unaugmented. 

flfii. d-\xl, sum, has the strong stem eo--, the weak a- : — 

dfxl, Sk. dsmi ei, ets (f"s)) eo-cr^ Sk. dsi iarC, Sk. dsii. 


Plural e(T-yi.iv, after the model of ecr-re beside the more 
regular Ionic eiiiiv, Sk. smds. Both lo-^e'v [dixiv) and lore 
have the strong root on the analogy of the singular, 
3rd pi. k^, Doric ivH, Att. €10-1, Sk. sdnti. 

The proper Greek equivalent answering to sdnti would be 
avri, but the e which appears in the other persons has been 
kept in this as well— eao-i { = k(!avTi), I.-E. a-nti. 

The originally weak stem of the feminine participle remains^ 
in the Doric fem. eatro-a, for original crarta, s-nt-i-a, to which 
the e of the strong stem has been prefixed. The strong stem 
answering to crar- would be creir-, but in Greek we have katv^ 
&v, stem ovT-, after the analogy of the verbs in -to. To the 
influence of the same analogy we may refer the Homeric 
form of the imperfect, iov, and the opt. eot. 

The imperfect in Homer, rja, answers to Sk. daam, while - 
Epic. eTjv and ^rji* are anomalous formations ; asam is repre^ 
sented by ^a, just as d^am by ^la, in Homer rjia. 

The correct Attic form of the ist sing, is ^ (icf. Rutherford, 
N. P. 34a), e. g. Aesch. Choeph. ^2,^ 018' S. t€kvov, irapfj yap, 
where iraprj was restored by Porson for irApei. The form ^v, so 
frequent in the MSS., is not required by the metre in the 
dramatists. The form ^/J.rji' is post-classical. 

The and and 3rd pers. ^a-fia and ^ev, Att. ^v, belong in 
character, as already noticed, to the Perfect tense system 

(P- 377). 

In the dual and plural we have the tj of the singular. The 
1st plur. is ^juez/, where the o- has, according to rule, dis- 
appeared. The and pers. is ^cr-re, but side by side with this 
form we find ^-re, probably on the analogy of ■^-fj.ev, 

^<T-av maintains the intervocalic 0-, after the example of 
^(T-re, and has the long stem of the singular. A Boeotian 
form, irap-elav, represents the regular rjav- 

Conjunctive eco ( = ia-u>), Att. S, cf. Lat. ero. 

Optative ei-qv { = ecr-Lri-v), Old Lat. siem, Sk. si(am. As in 
the plural of the indicative, Greek has the e of the strong 

The stem appropriate io the and sing, imperative is the 

393 FIRST CLASS. [cH. 

weak stem, as can be seen from the Sanskiit e-mi (ei/xt), 
imperat. i-M (Wt). The short stem appears in Greek e-ora-flt, 
ri-Tka-Qi, o)j,vvQl It is true, however, that rXfj-di, k\.v-Qi, 
firj-Oi, are exceptions. The termination -di points back to an 
original -dAi, 

From the Ves, then, the Indo-European imperative would 
be s-dAi, which is actually to be found in the Zend z-dM. 
In Greek, a--6i would be the proper equivalent, but instead 
of this we have XcrOi. Initial crd- in Greek only appears in 
the group adiva, aOhos, etc. However, if I.-E. s-dhi was 
pronounced z-dhi, and the o- of <t6i in Greek was pronounced 
as the medial or sonant spirant, then la- may be a graphic 
representation of the sonant spirant for which the Greek 
alphabet had no distinctive chaiacter. There is no good 
ground for assuming a change of e into i in Greek, although ' 
there are such scattered instances as t-rntos beside equus. 

An instance of i as a prothetic vowel may be seen in t-xris 
beside ktCs (Hesych.) and Epic ktMtj (K. ^^^). 

ipiffLi. In (prmL the strong stem was ^a, the weak 0a. 

Osthoff, Z. (?. d. P. (p. 353) makes an attempt to connect ^7?/ii with the root 
of (paivai, and gets the meaning ' say' out of ' I declare myself.' Just as beside 
Sanskrit bhami stands hha-na-mi, so beside <l>r)iu th^e was originally a tfrnvdm 
which afterwards passed to tfyaivcu as baixvrjfii to Safxvda). 

The only support in Greek of such a supposition is the Tre-Kp^-aerai of P. 155. 

The weak stem appears in (pai^iv, <f>aT€, and in the imperf. 
efpajxev, e(f>are, fc^aaav. 

Tifti. rjiil, (Arist. San. 37; Hub. 1 145). 170-1, Sapph. Fr. 97, but 

also rjTl in Alcman. The preterite ^v occurs in the phrase 
^v 8' fyd, and the 3rd sing. ^ in the phrase ^ 6' os. The 
verb may be compared with Sanskrit perfect d^a, I.-E. 
\/effk. rj is perhaps for tjk-t, cf. &va for avaKT (p. aoo). 

This 3rd sing. ■^ is the most frequent and oldest form of 
the word, and rtij,!,, rjo-C, rjH are post- Homeric. 

iparai. Iparat. — The root of this word appears to be rem.. The 



Greek e is therefore prothetic. There is a by-form ipi.oii,ai,_ 
and in Homer we find r]p&.a-aTo, ijpao-craro, and fpAacrOe, just as 
beside S,yaixaL Homer has ayaaaOe. Attic writers in prose 
have only Ipdw. 

The Sk. '/ram means 'to enjoy oneself ' only in the middle, 
e. g-. Sk. rdmate. This sense may come in I. 65 os TroA.e'/xov 
iparai. To this root we can refer the adv. r\pip,a. 

In Homeric Ip-os we do not find the full root, but we may 
compare tor-oy, l<rT-iov, from the root of iarrj-ixi, for a similar 
mutilation of the root in the derived word. With ^poos beside 
epAca we may compare yeAcoy and yeXaco. 

In we have the strong stem throughout. So in ««>ii. 
Sanskrit the Vcl has the guna strengthening throughout, e. g. 
gdye, cdya/na. 

■^juat is to be regarded as a perfect {Z. G. d. P. 171 fF.); and ^/«xi. 
sing, ■^crat, 3rd ^orat, Sk. ds-te. Plur. rJixeOa, TJcrde, ijarai 
but in the MSS. darai. 

Kad-Tj-raL and rjvTai are forms upon the model of rjixai, rjixeda, 
where the o- has disappeared regularly. In Homer and Hero- 
dotus we find earat for the 3rd pi., I.-E. es-ntai. 

The participle rjixevos has not got the perfect accentuation. 

To the first class of verbs whose verbal stem is identical with ?ffT;;i'. 
the strong aorist stem, belongs the aor. ecyfriv, Sk. dstMm. 

In T[Or]p.i, 8t6a)/ii, 'iripi.L, we find a weak aor. in -na. But in 
ia-TTjut, we have no aor. in -xa of the form *ecrTdKa, because 
of the resemblance such a form would have borne to the 
perfect. In the same way we have ij3r]v and not *el3dKa, eipvv 
and not *ecj)VKa, ebvv and not *e8uKa. 

In the inflexion of ea-rrjv the long stem remains in the 
plural. The ist pi. eoTJj/iei' is a new formation for ea-rafiev, as 
can be seen by a comparison with the weak stems of fbop,€v, 
eOefJ-ev, elfxev. In e^r^v we find stem variation in the Homeric 
dual ^drrjv and the plural inreplSaa-av, side by side with the 
long jSriT-qv. 


The stems Be- (in e-Oe-nev, e-de-ro, Sk. ddki-ta) — e- (in elfxev 
from lo-e/xer) and 80- (in ebo-^iev, ebo-To, Sk. ddi-ta), are in reality 
for da-, a-, 8a-, as we have seen in the chapter on Ablaut (p. 236). 
The formation of the aors. in -/ca will be dealt with under the 
head of the perfects in -ko. 

iiperiv. In €(p9T]-v '/<j)6d, the long vowel is persistent throughout 

the indicative, except in the 3rd pi. <f>ddv (A. 51), which is like 
fj3av, ea-rav. Still in the midd. we have <l>6dji.evos (N. 387). 
Attic keeps the long vowel throughout the indie, active, e. g. 
^(jiOrj-jxev, f(l)dr]-(Tav, while the short vowel appears in the Attic 
sigmatic aorist ecpOacra. 

Vnrev. The root urev, Sk. han, occurs in the weak form in eKTafiev 

(eKTnuev), cnT-iicra-To, Sk. dhata. The 3rd sing. sKTci, airiKTa. 
is a new formation, with the weak stem of the plural, for 
eKTev{T). In the 3rd pi. we have Iktuv, and in the subj. 
KricofjLev, which follow the analogy of roots in a, cf. ecrrav 
and o-Tfcoixev. From the Sanskrit we see that the ending of 
the 3rd pi. is -av. This added to the weak stem of eKreva 
would give kKTvav, but this form has been assimilated to ea-rav, 
and so we have eKrav. • 

Like the 3rd sing, eura we have the Homeric ovra, just as 
ovriixevai, o^raju.ei'os resemble KrajxevaL and KrAjxevos. 

e'xco, etc. The aorists e^eva, e^ea, ecrcreva, et'na, ^veiKa (Att. ^veyKa), 
are inflected like the cr-aorist. In the plural we ought to find 
the weak stem, viz. exy-fxev, but instead of this we have the 
stem of the singular. The weak stem appears in the Homeric 
(7?5ro, x^'''°> ^^ ill x'^M^^os (Aesch. CAoepk. 401, etc.). A 3rd 
pi. ix^-av is found in Homer (S. 347 ; i2. 799). The tense as 
originally inflected ran e^ea, ex^vs, exev^r), Ixnjuei' : compare the 
Sanskxii dqravam,dcrds,dcrot, etc. (cf. Monro, S G.App. A. 5). 
In these aorists, as well as in the perfect, the sigmatic 
aorist, the aorists in -Ka, the pluperfect in -ea, and the imper- 
fect 170, rj'Ca or 170, the a is not an original part of the tense- 
stem, but belongs to the ending of the ist pers. sing. From 


this it has been extended throughout the tense, and we find 
it in all persons as a connecting vowel between the stem and 
the termination. Originally these tenses were formed in the 
same way as other non-thematic tenses : the ending was 
added directly to the stem. The process of the extension of a 
may be exemplified in the ^as, ^are (for ^a-da, ^re) of Herodo- 
tus, where ea- is treated as the stem. The a of the first pers. 
sing, is to be identified with the -v (originally -m) of f<t>r]-v, 
e^r]-v, i(f)v-v, etc. 

I/3jji', Sk. dffdm ; ^(f>vv, Sk. dbMv-am. The m of the ending l^v"- 
in Sanskrit becomes -am when it follows the semivowels j or 
u (which are then represented by j' and v) or after a consonant. 
In Greek under such conditions m becomes a. 

The aor. eiTTrjv, Dor. eTrrdv, and ■Kpoa-iisTa (Aeseh. Pr. SSS)! ^■"-r-qv. 
shows no mark of stem variation in the indicative. It 
is usually put under a pres. iiiTr^iM, but the root is ver of 
irirofjiai, particip. Trrciy. 

e(f)vv shows the weak (f^v of Ablaut III throughout : icjivv, (<pw. 
e<j>v-iJ.ev. So in Sanskrit in the same way we find dhhuvam 
in the singular, as well as dbhUvan in the plural. 

(^) A verbal stem consisting of the root + 3, the inde- (/3) Verb 
terminate vowel, is to be found in and ovo-iiai, unless g^j^^a. 
we are rather to regard the root as disyllabic and ending in 

The verb kixioo is probably a later formation for the more 
original *FeiJ.e-fxi, Sk. vdmi-mi, just as beside the older ayajxai 
we find ayaoftat, and beside rt0Tjju,i rideoi, and kindred forms. 

Hesychius has Kebaraf a-KebdvvvTai. This /ceSdojuat, just like 
the present Kepdco, beside K^pa-jxai, Kepdvvvp.i, has left the -fxi 
inflexion and followed the analogy of verbs in -co. 

Other instances of this transference from the -jut to the -m 
conjugation may be seen in — 

Ipdo/iiat : 'ipap,ai. 
heiKvvu) : heiKvvpii. 
tco, loi}i.i, l(ov : eifit. 


kpvui : tpvaOai. 
oixvvovai : o^vvdui. 
Kipva : KLpvrjuL. 

(7) Long (yj "We have a verbal stem in a long vowel without 
without stem variation in arjjxi for &Frip,L, afrjcrt, &FriTo — eyvcav, 
Ablaut. ^yyoi-ixev. 

The shortening- of the vowel in ^ettrt, Doric aevri, in 
yv6vT-fs, yvoi-qv, etc. is a change peculiar to Greek (p. 183). 

Other instances of long stems without variation are f^5t, 
'Kw, Xpyi<^Qo., ($vp,)^\r]To, ttKtjto, the Homeric Kara-Trrri-Trjv 
(0. 136), perfect part. TreTrr?j5rey, and with the secondary- 
weak degree of the root, fppvrjv, eixAvrjv, edkoov. 

Under the first class of verbs we must consider certain 
aorist formations, which from the nature of the stem belong 
to this head. 
Aorists in The strong aor. pass, in -rjv is formed by affixing -rj to the 
''"' short form of the verb stem. As we find nothing resembling 

these formations in other European languages, we are driven 
to suppose that they are formations by analogy within the 
limits of the Greek language (App. p. 488). 

Brugmann (M. U. i. 71) regards the aorists pass, in -rjv as 
new formations in Greek framed upon the model of active 
preterites such as '4ji\r\v (Epic. ^p.^\riTr]v <f). 15) and fa-p-qv. 
Thus the paradigm ecl)Avr]-iJ,fv, cpavei-qv, ^avfjvai, (j)aveis, answers 
to that of ea-^rj-ixev, crjSeiTqv, a-^iivai, cr^eCs. The stem in most 
eases shows the weak form, e. g. eKCTrrjv, kppvr]v. The rj vowel is 
not limited to the aorist but appears in the future, e.g. pvr]<Top,ai, 

The personal endings of the aorists in -rjv are active, but 
their meaning is intransitive or else passive. Thus the intran- 
sitive meaning is to be found in pvrjvai, craTTrjvaL, TaKrjvai, 
ixavrjvai. The passive meaning according to Monro {II. G. 
§ 44) was an adaptation of the intransitive meaning ; e. g. 
eKOTTT) VTT avTOv IS no more passive than airodavelv inr avTov. 
The change of meaning may be illustrated from the perfect. 
Thus the Homeric f(p9opa, rerpo^a are intransitive, but in 


Attic transitive (Soph. M. 306) ; the Homeric reriTjciJ?, kcko- 
Tijcos, which are active in form, are almost passive in meaning. 
What for instance is the distinction of meaning between 
TertTjort Qv^j,^ and TeTiijixivos ^rop ? So too we may instance 
ecr/3j]i; ( = was quenched) and the use in Attic of the actives 
SKirl-nTO) and ttcJctxco as passives, also of yCyvoixat as the pass, of 
TToteo), and Keijuat as perf. pass, of tlOtjixi. 

Answering to the aorists in -r)v we have certain other 
aorists diflFering from them only in the character of the 
vowel of the suffix. 

Thus like aor. e<f)dvr]v fat. ^avifcro/iyiat we have e^itov fut. 
/StoJao/Liat — kdXoiv fut. aXc&—eyripdv fut. yrjpdaonai, aor. 
eyr]pda-av (Aesch. Suppl. 894) — em-it\cas, part. liri-wXcds (Z. 29 1 ). 

With these we can rank the ebpdv of the comedians, and 
^rXdv (eTkrjv). 

We can explain k^Cusv, eyrjpdv by assuming old presents in -oca 
and -am, hut cannot assume a pres. in -em for all the aorists in -riv. 
Similarly 77 appears in the futures ^ov\,, p,a6ricrop,ai, 
aXe^T^cru) without there being any corresponding present in 
-eoo. We must rather suppose that there were a few forms 
such as ea-^rjv, efSXriv, upon which model other formations 
were afterwards made. 

In Homer the ending of the 3rd pi. is -ev for -rjvr, as well as 

Attic -rjo-av (cf. p. 183). 

-Tjv appears on inscriptions as the 3rd pi. ending, but the fuavBrjv of A. 146 
is best explained as a dual. 

Of aorists in -r}v found only in Homer we have the following 
forms, eakt], irp-ay-qv, Tepcrrnievai, Tdpirrjiiev, dva^po)(iv, biarpvcpiv. 

Homeric and Attic are eayrjv, k-ndy-qv, eppdyqv, icfidvr^v, 
exdprjv, lirXTjyTji', eppvrjv, and others. 

Attic alone are among others eypd(j)riv, ejxdvr]v, ecrcpdyrjv, 
eraKTiv, erdcjjriv, etc. 

The aorist in -drjv is a formation modelled upon that of the Aorists in 
aorist in -rjv. As from ypdcpoo we have eypdfjiriv, so from " '''■ 
*axida>, icrxedriv. To explain the 6 we must turn to the nu- 
merous presents in -doi (cf. Curt. Ferb. p. 500), such as ppido), 


6.xdoixai, yrideoi, etc. The formation was afterwards extended 
by analogy, and from Homer onwards became very common. 
Thus even in Homer the proportion of aorists in -drjv to 
aorists in -rjv is that of six to one. 

In some instances the two forms stand side by side, e.g.: — 

bdj^ev : bixr/diVTa. 

jjiiyrjvaL : iJ.i)(^driiJ.evai, and some others. 
The aor. in -drjv usually has the present stem in Attic, but 
the weak form of the root is to be found in Epic TpafjidrjvaL, 
Tap<f)6fv, rddrj, etc. In Homer beside eKkiOrj we find also 
enkivdr], beside hUnpidev, Kpivdivres : in later Greek the forms 
with the nasal dropped out of use. Similarly in the k\ajx^dr]v 
of Herodotus (Attic eX-qcpBriv), the nasal of the present stem has 
-aeijv. The ending -crdr]v properly belongs to s and dental stems, but 

has been extended to other verbs as well. This phenomenon 
must be considered along with the perfect pass. (cf. Rutherford, 
If. P. p. 99). The general rule is that 'if the aorist passive has 
not the sigma the perfect also is without it.' It was a feature 
of late Greek to introduce sigma improperly, as for instance 
in the late forms Trapa/3e/3acr/j,eiios, f^acrQ-qv for ^f^afxivos and 

Kediipli- II. We can now pass on to the second class of verbs, which 
gjg^gg have a reduplicated verbal stem. The vowel of the redupli- 

cation is I. This is the third class of the Sanskrit gram- 
marians : — 

'iaTr\yi,i Sanskrit ti-sthdmi Latin si-sto. 

TTi/xTrAjjo-t piparti. 

fiifids jiffdii. 

i(€i sidaii sidit. 

•pihaii libit. 

Sanskrit disagrees with Greek in having a as the vowel of 
reduplication in — 

hihcaiii daddmi. 

rlOrjixL dddlidmi. 

A reduplicated stem is shown in the Homeric 8^8)7 beside 8^«o. 


Greek shows the t vowel of the reduplication further in fjiC- 

(^fax), UAQ>( = Af\a) VFek). 

An exception in Greek appears in kyeipw, Sanskrit jdffarmi. 

We find stem variation in — (a) With 

taTd-jxi '[(TTa-fj.ev taTa-Tai, ri^jjjui TCdefj,€V, 8^8(b/xi bibojxev. variation 

Corresponding to Sanskrit dadk-mds, dad-mds, we should 
rather expect TtO-jiev, bib-fxiv. rWefiev, biboiiev have heen 
assimilated to the forms edeixev, ^bofxev. 

In the same way with trjixi, Xejj,iv, the short e of the plural 
is not original. 

In Homer we have trim, ' send,' fc^ai, ' deBJre.' We have the passive of 
XrjiJU, 'to send,' in A. 77 amvB^pa tevrat and x. 304. 

Teimi, meaning ' desire,' hag the i always long, e. g. in olxaSi Itfiivwv, where 
it also shows traces of an initial consonant now lost. The two verbs are 
probably from different roots, iij/« V' se, but %i>.ai V W. 

The third plural answering to Sanskrit dddh-ati, ddd-ati 
should be tlO-citi, bih-an. In Doric the forms are T0.ej>rt, 
bCbovTL with the same short vowels as rCdefj^ev, biboixev. 

On the model of ayvv-a<n are the Attic TiOi-acn, bi.b6-a(n 
and lora-ao-i, torSo-i. The Ionic Tideia-i, bibovin are to be 
explained by the Doric riOfvri, bCbovri. The properispomenon 
accent is irregular. 

The conjugation of rt^rjjui and bibtoiM has been influenced 
by the analogy of the contracted verbs. Thus beside StSoCcrt, 
as though from *6t8<3, we have eblbovv, ebCbovs, ebibov in the 
imperf. and bCbov in the imperative; beside riOeicn are riSeis, 
irCdeis, erCdei and imperat. rCOei as if from Tid&. These are 
the Attic forms (Ruth, JSf. P. p. 316). Porson on Uwr. Or. 
141 condemned ^wteiy, rt^eis of the present indicative on the 
ground that if these forms were correct we ought also to have 
TidZ, Tidel, Tidoviiev, etc. But this verb affords an instance of 
partial and incomplete analogy ; it has not been wholly assimi- 
lated to the conjugation of the verbs in -ea>, but only in- 
fluenced in a few of its forms. In the same way with 
Ub<afxi, and the verbs in -oca. Cf. also Cobet, Misc. Crit. p. a8a. 


Other instances of points of contact between the verbs in 
-[J.L and the contracted verbs may be seen in the imperfect 
fbdjxva, eKipva, -nirva, kix^Cs : in the present indicat. avieXs, 
jue^tfty, /xe^tei, riOd (the MSS. have usually avUis, etc.), bibols : 
in the partic. ^i^5>vTa and in the fem. ^ijiSxra (cf. Monro, H. G. 

(0) With- (^) Reduplicated verbs which show no stem variation :■ — 
variation. St'C'JM"', bi,Crifi€vos (dpi-Ci)Aoy, ^Tj-re'co), and also in Theocritus 
and late poets, bi(, which has followed the analogy of the 
thematic conjugation. 

K(,yr]y,i, Ki-X7]-Trjv, Ki-xfi-j^^vos. In Kixeis and Ki\eCri the 
vowel has been shortened according to rule. 

■ni^-npriy.1 is a present unknown to Homer who has (I. ^%^) 
fvi-JTprjdov. We have enTTLirpacn (Thuc. 3. 74)) Tnp.Trpaari (Eur. 
Troad. 299). The verb stands parallel to TrCixiTkiqiJLi. 

mcftprip.i is only found in Aristotle's kcrin^pavai, but common 
in Attic are eK-(j)pes, eir-eicr-cppS, bLa-cpp-q-crovcn. These point 
to a variation of the stem and therefore the verb should 
rather rank in the same class as Tidrip.i, etc. The Vippr) is 
connected with -v/cjbep of (pepui. With irC-ippri-pLi we may com- 
pare Sanskrit hi-bhar-mi (cf. p. 100). 

irLp.irkrjiji.i, is from Homer onwards parallel to Trk-^qOai. 

We find irkadovai in Aesch. {Clioeph. 589), but the e appears 
to be original ; cf. ttA^^os, plenus, etc. A variation of the 
stem appears in •nCp.TrXd-iJ.ev, Sanskrit plpr-, where Greek Xa- 
answers to Sanskrit r, (cf. p. 100). But the 1st pers. sing, 
answering to ■nip.'nkd-, Sanskrit pijir, should be ■7!i{jx)'nekp,i, 
Sanskrit piparmi. Instead of this ■ni{p)-nf.k\i.i, we have -nip.- 
irkrj-ixL as in eTrk-q-jxriv, which we are justified in ranking under 
the head of reduplicated stems without stem variation. The 
nasal has dropped out in the Homeric e/xTrtTrAij^i (<I>, 311); 
cf. IjuirtTrpao-t (Thuc. 3. 74 above). 

The Epic forms Ti6r}p,evos, Ti.6rip.ivat as well as bib<i>di [y. 
380) are new formations ranking under- this head. 

Third iji_ ijHig third class of verbs consists of those whose verb- 



stem is made up of the weak root + vv. This is the Sanskrit 
fifth class : — 

&y-vu-ixi, S,y-vi>'ij,€v, 

corresponding to Sanskrit -nd-, -nu-, e.g. -/««, (to press out) : — 
sw-no-mi su-nu-mds. 

A comparison of Sanskrit -n6- and Greek -vv- of the strong 
form points to original Indo-European -neu. This should in 
Greek be represented by -viv- and so originally we should 
have -vev-ixL, conj. -veFoo, impf. -veFa ( = veFm). 

In this way we may explain kCvvtm beside Kiveco for KwiFca 
(De Sauss., p. 187), Answering to Sanskrit dcinavam, we 
should have in Greek eKCveFa, but through the analogy of the 
thematic conjugation, we have kKiveFov^iKivovv. 

The 3rd pi. ayvv-acTi is for Fay-vv-cwTi, cf. Sanskrit gak-tiu- 
vdnti. The vv in Greek has remained and has not passed into 
the consonantal vF, in which case ayvv-avri would have 
become ayvFavri = ayvavri = ayvda-i. The Ionic ayvvcri is a new 
formation which for form as well as accent may be compared 
with Tidficri. ayvvvTM is likewise a new formation in place of 
Fay-vu-arai, cf. Sanskrit ap-nuv-dte. 

Other instances of the weak root with suffix -vv- appear 
in TX-vijfji.evaL (Em'. Or. ^ns), lu-vv-Oo) (with an additional 
suffix), rd-vv-Tai., Sanskrit ta-nu-te, cf. with strong stem reivca 

beiK-vvixi, (evy-vvixi, irriy-vvixi are exceptions to the rule, as 
they show the strong form of the root. These are not to be 
regarded as original formations. Some of the presents of this 
class, e. g. Qe6yvvy.i, oAAd/xi (for 6X-vv-y.i.), ojjivvfxi., beiKvvix.i are 
common to all periods of Greek, but the class is mainly 
Homeric and poetic, e. g. opvvOi, haivv, &,yvvTov, a-Topvvaa, 
aTtojiopyvv, eepyvv, prjyvvai, ydvvrai, Tavvrai, ■IjvvTo, kivvvto, etc. 

The forms in -avvvpa, -evvvpu are post- Homeric, e.g. Kopev- 
vvp,i, a-ropevvvixi, KepdvvviJ,i, etc. 

Upon the model of (covvvixl (for ^axr-w/^t, cf. C<^(r-T'qp), djuc^t- 
evvvixi (for Fea-wjxi, cf. i(T-dris) we have the new formations 
pdvyvpiL, (j-rp(ivvv[j.i, (evvvfu, Kopivwp.i, ■neTo.vvvp.i. In the Les- 
bian dialect, as we have already seen (p. 184), double vv is 



frequently tte result of the assimilation of fx, v and o-, e. g. 
ixfjvvos for ixT)v-a-os. 

In the other dialects the double consonant was simplified 
and a preceding short vowel was lengthened by compensation 
(cfp. 185). 

Other instances are to be found in akyeivos, stem aXyecr- : 
i'ivvju vFes, cf. k(T-9ris, and ^livri v fois, cf. ^uxr-rrip. 

If these forms are regular, why do we find (dvvviju, Kopivm^i, 
etc., where the double vv apparently points to original o-y? In 
Homer such forms might be explained as Aeolic, for we there 
find, beside the Ionic (paewos, the Aeolic apyevvos and epe- 
^evvos, and so in the same way evvvp.i can be regarded as an 
Aeolic form existing beside the regular Ionic Karaeivvcrav (4'. 
135, according to the reading of Aristarehus). 

Such an explanation will not hold for Attic and Ionic prose, 
as we do not expect to find Aeolisms there as in Homer. In 
Herodotus we find a^ivvvjj,i and (avwixi, but none of the four- 
syllabled presents in -avvvpu, -evwp.L. 

De Saussure has explained the doubling of v as purely 
rhythmical. Thus a-Keha-vv-jxkv was altered to aKeb6.vvvij.ev to 
avoid four successive short syllables. But where else shall we 
find instances of such a rhythmical doubling of consonants in 
Greek ? Besides this, such an explanation only touches forms 
like KopevvvpLi, a-Topivvvpu, which are late, and neglects the 
early ^(ovvvp,i and a^ivvvp-i. 

Brugmann's explanation [K. Z. xxvii. 589) is better. The 
regular forms were dvvp.i and a/SeivvpLi, for which last we can 
compare the gloss of Hesychius, (flvvpi.€V (T^ivvvp.ev. But on 
the analogy of forms where the o- of the root regularly re- 
mained, e. g. ecr-a-U), ecr-o-ai, etr-rat, cr^ia-crai, e(T^e<T-dr]v, aa/Sea- 
Tos, (uicr-rrip, the forms dvyp-L, (Tfidvvp.i, (dwixi became ^cr-vvp-i, 
(j^i<T-vvjxi, (dcr-vvpi. So with a-jj.. Beside dp.aL, dpievos, where 
the <T has according to rule disappeared, we find fjix^U(, 
rin(j)if(r-pevos, ecrfie(, e(aia--pi.aL, i(T-p,iv, where the u has 
again come in before the nasal on the analogy of other 
forms where it is regular, as e.g. in ?5jn^ieo--rot and eore. 
But while this revived trp. remained unaltered, the revived 


<rv was assimilated to vv, and so we have evvviu, (T^ivvvjj.i., 

Upon the model of ((Lvvvy-i were formed the later pdvwixi 
and (TTpdivvvixL. Upon the model of evvvixi, aix(j)iivw[j,i, and 
(T^ivvvjxi were formed the later Kopevwixi, -niT&vvvjxi. 
Thus riiJ,(pU(ra (tr. 361) jj^^iecr/^at (Attic). 

sKopea-a (Post-Homeric and poet.) KCKopeo-^at (late Attic). 
eveTaa-a (e. 2,6g, etc.) ■7r€7rerao-/:x,at(Hdt.I.62), 

■nl' (Ep. and 
The similarity of the tenses and the fact that aixipievvvixi was 
regarded as a simple verb, as is proved by the augment of 
riixipCfcra, led to the analogous formation of the pres. tenses 


The fourth class of verbs consists of those which add on vd, Fourth 
vd to the root. They are nearly all confined to Homer, and *^*' 
are non-thematie, e. g. 6d/Li-i;7j-/it, Kip-vt], irep-vAs, cr/ciS-va-rat, 
■nik-va-rai, ixap-va-rai. This is the Sanskrit ninth class. 

In the case of Kip-, o-kiS-, irtX- we must note the substitu- 
tion of I for e (p. 75)- 

Variation of the quantity of the suffix is found in — 
bdix-vd-ixL bdix-va-p-fv. 

Compare Sk. cr-nd-mi cr-ni-mds. 

Here we have an unexplained relation between Greek vd 
and Sanskrit 7ii. 

A weak degree of the root is to be found in p,i.p-va-p,ai and 
hv-va-p,ai. The lengthening of the hv- in Homeric i)vv&p,ivos 
(a. 376) and Awa/xeV??, one of the Nereids (2. 43) is purely 

Beside irepvrip.i, • we may set itopvaixev -ncaXelv in 
Hesychius, where ■nopv&p.e.v is Aeolic for ■napv&p.ev (=7rrii-), 
cf. Sanskrit pr-na-mi. 

Verbs in -vap,{, pass over to the conjugation in -vaxf>, just as 
verbs in -vvp,i, to the conjugation in -win — TrCrvqixi, e. g. passes 

to TUTviM. 

We come now to the second main division of Greek verbs, Thematic 

D d a "^*'^^'' 



the Thematic conjugation, answering to those Sanskrit verbs 
which form the present stem by the addition of a to the root, 
and which do not shift the accent to the ending. In Sanskrit 
this thematic vowel is throughout a, in Greek it takes the 
character of e and o, a variation whicb is to be regarded as 

The terminations of these verbs in Sanskrit are the same as 
those of non-thematic verbs. 

Thus (^e'p-o) Sanskrit IMr-a-mi. 

(pep-o-jxev Sanskrit bhdr-a-mas. 

Thematic In the present participle midd. Greek generally has -o-fjievos, but in certain 

vowel in_ dialectic forms we find indications of -e-iifvos. Thus Delph., Loor. xaXeinevos, 

pres.partic. ^rcad. dStx^/icvos, Pamphyl. fia>Xriii€V09, Elean KaSaXijiifVos. With these 

forma we may compare the endings of the infinitive in -e-ixevat, -t-ixev, viz. 

apx-fl^o"", (pip-iiiiv, XTji-kfievm, and such participial forms as 0iX-(ia>ov, 


Wackemagel (K. Z. xxvii. 86) has explained the j; of the dialectic aSix-fiiifvos, 
PwXrjfievos as arising out of -€^€-, just as PaffiXijes has come from 0affiX-eif-fcs 
(cf. p. 328). This tie is to be found in the verbs in -ecu. We may illustrate it by 
the instances of so-called irregular contraction in Homer — a.TrfiXri-T7;v, d/mpTri- 
TTjVy icaXrj-fi€vai^ TrevOri-fievai, -noOrj-itivm^ (fnX'^-ftevai, tpoprj-vai, dXiTrj-fJievoSf repff-q- 
fievai. Beside these forms we may set the Aeolio inflexions <f>iXi]-pLi, <piXi]- 
fiev, (piXiiffi (for (piX(VTi), (pLX-qfi^vo^, and the Latin monemini, monemus, etc. It 
is clear that we cannot explain Homeric aXiT^q/ifvos as a contraction of aXire- 
6^ei'os. It is rather a contraction of aXire-epievos for dXtT'Cie-iievos. This is 
not the regular Greek contraction of ee, but must be regarded as an inherited 
original contraction, as was assumed in the case of the augment, e.g. ^a 
for l-ctra (p. 385). 

The question of the contraction of ee is complicated by the fact that down 
to the arohonship of Euoleides the symbol e in the Attic alphabet had to do 
duty for the three sounds, e, ei, 17. We do not know at what date the 
Homeric poems were written down, and how far those who wrote them down 
were careful to distinguish between the sounds of rj and ei. It is certain at 
any rate that many forms of the verbs in -€ai which would in Attic show «, 
in Homer show Vi and it is possible that in other instances as well we should 
in Homer substitute r; for «. This question will be further considered in 
dealing with the present stems of the contracted verbs. For the present we 
are only concerned to emphasize the fact that in the pres. participle midd. the 
thematic vowel is in some instances e, and not 0. 

Fifth Class. The fifth class of verbs consists of those thematic verbs 
whose present stem is formed by the addition of the thematic 
e and to the root, whether in a full or a weak form. This 


class corresponds to the first class of tlie Indian gram- 

Thus s/ludh, to know ; pres. stem lodh-a. 

A. ( 1 ) Full forms of the root are to be found in ukUio, 
\eyoj, opeyia, n-T^yca, 8^x°M<*'> ^X'*'' ^^^'nia, TpiTroi, ^dvu), (pepo), 
Oikui, etc., and where <t has dropped out-^feco, viojiai, rpeo). 

(2) Pull forms with a liquid in, a-irepxa, ■, 
TtipOan, repnui, SXkco, eKwofiai, etc. 

(3) With a nasal in K^Olyyofxai, fX.iyxo>, piyyw, a-TTevbio, 
7re/xi7a), ju.^//,0oji.tat, etc. 

(4) With the semivowel t in fnelyco, kpd-nca, keCfico, Aetwco, 
kei)(a>, pei(f>eL (unless vi^fiei), TretSo), ^etSojuai, etc. 

(5) With semivowel v in epei/yojmat, ipevdo), eiJco,, 
<7'!revba>, t^evyat, iikioo, pica, mviu), etc. 

(6) With a, Ionic and Attic ?j, in r]t>, driyoy, krjdoi, o-^iro), 

(7) With ?j in aprjyo), ixr/boixai, k-qyoi. 

B. The weak root, which is less common, appears in vicfxi 
(if not vei(f}ei), ykvcjxo, ypdcjjco, ayoi,, fxaxofiai, ap^ot, 
6,pbco, akOo), etc. ; j36kop,aL, odojxai., opop-ai, &yxu>, avTOfxai., jdkd- 

The weak form of the root without vowel appears in the 
aorists k-crx-ov, iTT-ecrdai, irepi-'Kk-op.evos, and with the third 
degree of Ablaut in la-aveiv, Tap,€lv, jiakeiv, irrapuv. 

These two groups of verbs with full form of the root and 
verbs with weak form of the root may be distinguished as Im- 
perfect-Presents and Aorist-Presents (cf. p. 231). The majority 
of thematic presents show in the present stem either e or 
a corresponding long vowel, that is, they are in the second 
degree of Ablaut. Such presents as keyco, tero, feido, tolku), 
Kk(a6u>, mdo, correspond to the ist conjugation class of the 
Sanskrit grammarians, the members of which have the verbal 
stem accented, e. g. b/idva, from tjhhu (Whitney, 8h. Gr. § 
606). These are the Imperfect Presents, as with these verbs 
the present stem is identical with the imperfect. 

The original Indo-European language had two classes of 
thematic verb-stems — 


(i) With a full root, accented paroxytone. 
(3) With a reduced root, accented oxytone. 
In Sanskrit we have a series of oxytone thematic present- 
stems with a reduced root, which constitute the sixth conju- 
gation class of the Hindu grammarians, e. g. srjd from Vsrj, 
twdd from Vtud. To this class in Greek correspond the 
presents ■ypd(pa), yKvcfiC)), Xirea-Oai, etc., with the reduced root 
but with paroxytone accent. These presents may be called 
Aorist-Presents, as combining the reduced root of the Aorist 
stem with the accentuation and endings of the Present. Some 
of these stems remain as isolated aorists, e. g. ekd^lv (and not 
*f\.6oci, as (TTiyu) from crnxeTy). Beside Greek kaKelv we have 
the Latin present loguor. 

In the Greek yevia-dai and k\<av we must notice that though 
these forms have the full form of the root, yet they have the 
accent of stems with the weak root, e. g. Xnreir. 

In &px(i>, ayx(^, as in ^aXiro), XcJjLnro), it is difficult to deter- 
mine the nature of the present stem, owing to the absence of 
any criterion for determining the quantity of the a. Compared 
with Sanskrit dkafi and the Latin ane/o it would seem that the 
a of ay)((B was short, and that the av- stands for a nasal sonant. 

The av- of avu) corresponds to Sanskrit ns-. Thus we may 
compare Aeolic av-ws with Sanskrit ws-ds. The corresponding 
long stem appears in evca, Latin iiro. Perhaps the a of ava>, 
ciyx&) and &pxa> is prothetic as in a-/Lie'A.y<» ^- 

Many of the words comprised in the group of verbs under 
discussion are not actually to be found in the present indica- 
tive, which we only obtain by inference, viz. aTro-bpv(f>oi, 
avrecrdai, ■^vTfTo (? aorist), alOojxevos, aiSero, alhojxivos, ave 
(A. 461), ^(f>6i€, btov, bCecrdai, sklov. 

To the fifth class belong the verbs whose stem is formed by 

^ We can here mention what ia pointed out by De SauSBure {Mim. 276) that 
the Arian sonants i, u, r, |, m, g, are represented in Greek in certain instances 
by a corresponding sonant with a vowel, usuaJly a, preceding — 
Sk. «, nta Gk. aB, awTf. 

vl Lat. avis Gk. aifxcir. 

'/■ales Gk. av^ai. 

us-ds Lat. aurora Gk. Aeol. oiJajs. 


reduplication of the root, with addition of the thematic vowel 
e and 0. The vowel of reduplication is i : yi-yv-oixai. (yti-ojiiat), 
fii-fiv-u), lo-^u) (for "axcti for o-i-crx-<u), i^C'"' (from cn-zhus, Latin sido), 
tCktm (from tC-tk-(o), The i of ttitttco is not clear, but is probably 
an instance of reduplication : ttC-ttt-u), full root Trer-. The full 
root of the other instances is seen in e-yev-6iJ,r]v, jiiv-ca, eX""'> 
v creS in efojuat (for creb-iofxai), i-nK-ov. 

Other instances of reduplication are perhaps 8^^^) answering 
to non-thematic biCrjuai, and lav-eis, Aor. ^etra for S-Feaa ; cf. 
aiifco and ae^co (Monro, R. G. § 34). 

Other methods of reduplication, either of initial consonant 
with e, or else the so-called Attic reduplication, are to be found 
in the Homeric reduplicated aorists, mostly causative in 
meanina;' : eK-\4-Xa9ov, Ke-Kab(&v, Ke-\dpovTo, ?i,jx--ne-tiaK.(i>v, re- 
Taydv, e^-riTr-a(pe, fjp-ape, fjK-axe, i-a-noi,To, f-'ni-(j)voiJ,ev, Ke-Kkero, 
i7€-TTv6oiaTo, Te-rdpiTeTo, Xe-Xa^ecrOai, •ne-nidoip.ev, Tie-cfubecrdai, 
■7Te-<ppab€, a\-a\Ke, re-riKOVTo. 

In e-Te-Tp-e, eenrov the e of the root has disappeared. The 
only reduplicated aorists in Attic are ijy-ayov and elivov. There 
is a difficulty in the explanation of e-emov, ei-nov over against 
Sanskrit d-voc-am, from the Indo-European \/ueq. On Old 
Attic inscriptions ei-nov has the genuine diphthong et (as dis- 
tinguished from the et of compensatory lengthening which 
was written e), and with this agrees the Lesbian Feiirrjv 
(Alcaeus). The Greek form answering to Sanskrit d-voc-am 
l=a-va-iic-am) will be i-Fe-FTt-ov, the Indo-European form of 
which was a-ue-uq-am, where the e of the full Vweq has 
disappeared, and the form stands on the same footing as 
ka-iria-dai ( = (re-a-K-ea-dai), in which we find the same weak- 
ened root syllable. 

It is doubtful whether this class of reduplicated stems had 
in early Greek a present tense, for eo-Trerat (8. 826) is disputed, 
and Ifof^at (if accepted) can stand for o-^Sio/nat rather than 
a-e-zb-oixai. In Alexandrian times we find such presents as 

Peculiar reduplications appear in the Homeric rjpvKaKev and 


Sixth In the sixth class the present stem consists of the root and 

^'*^^' the suffixes -to-, -te-, a common type in all Indo-European lan- 
guages. The corresponding Sanskrit class is the fourth class 
of the grammarians, where the present stem is formed by the 
addition (Ay a to the root. 

(i) The suffix is added on to a root ending in a guttural : 
aio-trft) (at^), ■n-nKTcriii (irrvxes), bpaaa-oixai (bpaxfJ-ri), rdo-a-oi (rd^is), 
etc. : vi(m from a root ending in a velar guttural ( Vnig" ; cf 
viir-Tpov and xip-vi^-a), (r(pd(a} (a-cpayq), oT^fco [aTlyp,a), Kpi^w, 
ora^ii), kA-m^o), etc. 

(a) The suffix is added on to roots ending in a nasal, as in 
^aivia (here the root originally ended in m), fxaivopLai, <j)alva>, 
Kaivco, and Lesb. KTalvcu. 

(3) The suffix is added on to a root ending in a liquid in 
aXAoynat, ^aXXui, -naXKai, himaipm, <TK.aipa>. 

If aipo) is from adpa> and et is a genuine diphthong, then 
we should expect in Attic apio, just as ahui for det'Sco : if, on 
the other hand, ei is the result of compensatory lengthening 
(detpa) = de/3tco), then we should expect apui by contraction, just 
as rijxav for Tip.aeiv. atpw is perhaps a parallel form to adpu) 
[ = &Fepia>), and stands for Fr-ioo (without prothetic a) = fapt&) = 

All the above instances have the weak form of the root ; so 
has Doric (p6a[p(o. The form pefco is for Fpa^us, but has been 
assimilated to iphca, which has the full root. 

The 6 degree of the full root is seen in KreCvio, aeCpca, (fideCpca 
(Lesb. KTevvdi, (pdeppai, etc., cf. p. 184), o-reAXo), retpco, eyeCpco, 
but whether the full root is original in this particular class of 
verbs must remain doubtful. It may have been extended 
from the fut. and aor. KTev& and eKrevva, (KTeiva, or it may 
have been due to the analogy of such verbs as ^e'pco. 

The similarity of cr<pd^a>, eacpa^a to (fipd^ui, ecppa^a, led to the 
formation of the present crc^drrco, like (ppdaaoo, (ppdrra), side by 
side with <rcj)d((o, although the root of (r(l)d(co is cr(j)ay-, and of 
(j)pdcr(rui, (ppaK-. In the passive aorist the guttural media 
appears, as in ea-(f>dy-riv, i<f>pdy-riv (late), eirX'qy-riv, irdyriv, even 
when the presents are <r<l)dTTu>, ^pdaaoi, nakrjffo-M, rdo-o-co. 


Perhaps the change from the tenuis k to the media y is due 
to the example of such forms as kdy-7]v from &,y-vvjxi, eXeyqv 
from Xe'yco, where the y is an actual part of the present stem 
and verbal root. 

Under this class of verbs come bica and hioixai, Sanskrit dt- 
ya-mi. The forms 8iere, hUrai, bUa-dai, in consequence of 
their association with the similar Ure, Utm, lea-Oai, led 
further to the formation of kvbUa-av, hUjxai, IUvtu, upon the 
model of 'Uaav, etc. 

The present stem is in other instances composed of the 
reduplicated root with the suffixes -to, -it. 

The vowel of the reduplication is t in TiTaivoa (=rt-T«-tco), 
XiXatofiai (=At-Xatr-tofiat). 

By other methods of reduplication we have yap-yaipoi 
(yap-yapi(a), fxap-fj.aipa>, 'nop-cpipca, ixop-jxvpa), /3a/x,-/3afo£o, va/j,- 
(paCvQ), baL-bdWoa, irai-TTdkXco, irai-^dcrcra), itoi-<^v<r(T(i), a-iacru) 
(for Fm-Flkm). These forms mostly have an intensive signi- 
fication. Some of them may be denominatives, as, for in- 
stance, baibd\ka> may be from baChaXos. 

Under the sixth class we may also reckon the denomina- 
tives, whose present stem is formed by the addition of the 
suffixes -to, -te to a nominal base. Thus olKioiMev is for ohe- 

The denominatives in -aoo, -eco, -to), -va> seem to be the 
most ancient formations, while those in -oto, -evco are newer. 
Examples are rtju.a-(i)a), <^tA^-(t)a), jj.r]vi-{i)u), baKp'6-{i)a> of the 
earlier, and xp'Jo-o'-(t)a), /3ao-tAeiJ-(i)a) of the later formation. We 
have already spoken (p. 404) of the contraction of ete to tj ia 
the Homeric (popfj-vai, aX.iTri-ij.evos from verbs in -eco. The 
long d. Ion. ?j, of the verbs in -aco is to be explained as a 
prehistoric contraction of ate, as, for instance, in the Homeric 
ervvavTri-TrjV, av\rj-Tr)V, ^otr^-r?}!'. 

These forms must be considered in connexion with the 
Aeolic dialect where we find KaXr]p,i, ^tA?jju,t, opr]p,i, the optat. 
(f>t\iCr]v, the part. act. <pCXeis, and midd. (f>iX-qiJ,€vos (cf. p. 
404) : the question is, did these forms belong originally to 
the -/^i conjugation or to the thematic conjugation? Brugmann 


[31. U. i. 85) regards the inflexion of (piXioi as the older, while 
the Aeolic (p(\r]ixL is due to the analogy of such verbs as &r]ixi, 
bLCr], and the aor, e^krjv. 

Comparing Aeolic ^iXr)-jxev with arj-jxev, 
cj)ikri-Tai, with ar]-Tai, 
(pLXeiriv with aeir]v, Ki\(Lr]v, 
<f>iKr)vai with a^vai, 
(f>i\riiM€Vos with arjjxevos, 
khoKifj,C)iv with eyvixiv, 
eyeXav with ebpav, etc., 
we see that it was from such verbs in -jxi as arjij.i that 
the new inflexion for the contracted verbs was introduced. 
Curtius (Verb. i. ^^i) long ago remarked the agreement 
between the Homeric ^oittj-ttji/, (f)op7]-vai, dA-ir^-juevoy, and 
such forms as Kixfj-p-evai, ari-jxevai. It is no great extension of 
this to explain the Aeolic <pLXri[j,€vos, etc., from the forms of 

Another proof that we need not regard the Aeolic forms of 
the contracted verbs as original is to be found in the fact that 
other verbs not belonging to this class were drawn into the 
inflexion of verbs in -jmt. Thus we find otbrjixi''- for otba, 
and here we have no doubt that olba is the more original 

The Homeric forms TiQ-fnievos, ndrjixevai, 8t6a)5t conform to 
the type of the inflexions ariij,e-vai, arj-jxevos. 

Other denominatives belonging to the sixth class are TeKraCvca 
for T€KTni(o from reKTav, Ocoprjcrcrca from Ocaprj^, apitdCoi from 
apira^, eA.7rffw from eXms, Epic reXetco for reXecr-ico from 

In many cases the nominal stem does not justify the verbal 
derivatives. Thus from apiarov we have apiar-dco, from 
IxAvTis p.avTS', from Kspbos KepbaCvco. 

The endings -afco, -iC(a are especially luxuriant. These 
properly belong to derivative verbs from stems ending in a 
guttm-al or dental, but for all that we have such verbs as 
SiK-dfo), voix-i^oi, xap-i^Cojuai, which are derivatives from the 

' otSa aio\mas oiSi//« Kiyirai, Et. Mag. 618. 55, also Hesyohiua. 


stems of bCuT], voixos, and x<^pts- The probability is, that in the 
case of these verbs, as in the case of ixfiXCa-aco beside jxeCXixo-s, 
&yyekKat beside S.yyeko-s, €-j(datpa> beside exdpo-s, the irregular 
result was brought about by the influence of the analogy of 
those verbs which were actually derived from nominal stems 
ending in a consonant, viz. Kr]pv<raa>, 'noiiJ.aCvot), avacrcro), lAiri^ia, 
lxa<TT(C(o, etc. In part, too, the formations were influenced by 
those verbs which were not denominatives, such as (ppaa-aoi, 
^aivcxi, ^aXkcn, acnraCpo), ^pcJ^o), etc. 
Occasionally we have doublets — 












ottX^^co, etc. 

The £ of the verbs in -ifai is probably due to the stems in 1, as for instance 
vfipt^ai from ii$pis, and this ending has been extended to all members of the 
class. But in the Homeric dxrixiSaTm, fiiyfS-av6s we appear to have indica- 
tions of a formation in -cfoo for -eSico, e. g. *dxef«' and *^i7f fai. In that case 
irpoKa\eaaaTO would be a more ancient form of the aor. than the form irpoi- 
KaXlaaTo, as pointing to a present irpotcaXeioiuu. (Cf. Monro M. &. p. 316.) 

In considering irregular denominatives we must remember 
that the process was assisted by the fact that certain functions 
were associated with certain endings. This would explain 
why some denominatives did not follow the path prescribed 
by the nominal stem. 

Thus the verbs in -000 are mainly derived from adjectival 
0-stems, and have a causative or factitive meaning, e. g. 
yvjxvou), icroft), KaKOCo, p,ov6u>, 6p.oi6u>, 6p6o(o. 

Some others, viz. visvoat, xo^oat, -nTepom come from sub- 
stantives, but their meaning is the same. 

Verbs in -au> come mainly from noun stems in a, and 
usually denote the exercise of some activity or the existence 
of some state, viz. ayavaui, avhaai, fSoAai, ^jSdai, viKdco. Later 
formations which presei-ve the same sort of meaning are 
vava-Ldo), d)xpi-du>, K\av(nd(a. 


The verbs in -ecu are in meaning much less definitely con- 
trasted with the verbs in -aco than with the verbs in -oca. 
To judge from the Latin doublets 

albare albere, 

clarare clarere, etc., 

we may conjecture that the transitive meaning is more special 
to the a-eonjugation, the intransitive to the e-conjugation. 
In Greek, at any rate, the verbs in -eco and -t^to are mainly 
intransitive. They are also lai-gely derived from abstract 
substantives of the 0-declension, e. g. <uvos, a6\os, ydiios, 


We can thus see that as the several verbal endings ex- 
pressed different functions, the process of derivation might be- 
come irregular. Thus, in spite of -yiipvpa, we have yecjivpooy : on 
the other hand, from A.a)/3?j, TeXevrri, we have XcojSaojuat, reXev- 
tAu) (sometimes), with the causative meaning of the verbs in 
-00). It may be in some instances that the 0-stem from which 
the verb in -ooo is derived has been lost, e. g. Kopvcpova-dai. 
might come from a K6pv(pos existing side by side with Kopv^r\. 

The starting-point of the verbs in -ivoi is the noun stem in 
-ev-. But few of the existing verbs in -euco can be referred to 
such a stem. Thus there are noun stems in -en- answering to 
the verbs apicrreuui, fiacriXevw, but none answering to apxeuai, 
6r)pevu>, ^ovXevm, iraibevo), Tncrrevoi. The difficulty is lessened 
by observing that in Homer an 0-stem is often altered into a 
€ii-stem in declension, as, for instance, 

fjvio-^os but r]vio)(rja and rjvio)(rjes. 
ovpos but ovprjcov. 


Seeing, then, that nomina agentis in -o- might have a by-stem 
in -ei)-, it becomes easier to explain the occurrence of verbs in 
-iv(3i which can be referred to no corresponding noun stem in 
-et)-. To explain tKerej^co, for instance, we must suppose 
l/cereu-, as well as the stem of iKe'rrjs. 

The meaning of verbs in -eum was to conduct or behave 
oneself after the fashion of some person or other who was 
denoted by the noun with the stem in -eu-. Thus jSaa-LKivai 


means to behave like a l3acnXe6s. The need of verbs to ex- 
press this meaning swelled the list of verbs in -evo). In use 
they come nearest to the verbs in -ea>, and this explains the 
constant interchange between the two classes, as, for instance, 
in Cr]Tevciy and C^riui, olvo)(oe.ia) and olvoxoiic. (Cf. Curt. Verl, 
p. 252.) 

With the sixth class we may take the verbs whose present stem Causatives. 
is made up of a root with full degree and the suffixes -e to- and 
-ete- : their meaning is causative : they correspond to the Hindu 
tenth class with suffix -dya-^. Instances are (f>op-ea> (beside 
(pijSojjLai), oyici), a-o^iu), croeo), Tpoirea, (popeco. Originally these 
verbs were distinguished from the similar denominatives by a 
difference of accentuation. In Greek there is no difference 
of accent and no distinction of form between the causatives 
and the denominatives, and so it seems best to rank them in 
the same class. 

In Latin we can compare the denominative albeo with the 
causatives moneo and noceo. 

The seventh class is composed of verbs whose present stem Seventh 
consists of the root with the sufiixes -ro and -re. 

It is open to doubt whether the verbs so formed should 
form a separate or whether they do not really belong to our 
sixth class, that is, where the present stem consists of the root 
and the suffixes -to, -te. There are the aorists e/SAatr-ror, ■qX.irov 
(cf. riXidios), rjixapTOV, i]p.l3poTov Ep., and the Attic avv-rca. The 
verb TTeKTca (Attic irfKrelv, Ar. Av. 714, Lat. jiecio) is only known 
to us from the lexicographers. Apart from this instance we 
find in the present stem a labial, and in almost all certain 
cases that labial is ir. In the case of such denominatives as 
aa-rpATTTco, x«^e'''i'''^ we have no other explanation of their 
origin than to assume the forra xaAew-tco, aarpa^n-uxi. Is there 
any other explanation for such a verb as ri-nTU) ? "We may 
conclude that where the root does actually end in it the suflSx 
was -to, viz. TVTrLca, crKamca — n/Trrw, crKciTrrco. But where the 

■ Whitney {Sh Gr. § 607) regards this as a derivative conjugation and not 
as a separate present-eystem. 


root ended originally in a guttural, as is the case with Tre'irro), 
V^ieq, of. Lat. coquo, with the Homeric evi-nroi beside kvicra-ut, 
and riTTTco beside viCu>, cf. X'^P'^'-P'"- (with the root ending 
in the velar guttural g), in these verbs we cannot suppose 
suffixes -10, -te added to the root. Nor will the explanation 
which is satisfactory for tvtitm hold in cases where the root 
ends in /3 or <^, as in PXAtttoi beside /3X(t/3?7, KakvuTO) beside 
Kakv^rj, j3a.TTrco beside ^acpT], KpijirToi beside Kpv(j)a, etc. 

It is possible that, though Kp-uTTTca, /Sdirrco cannot be ex- 
plained by Kpwp-Lco, ^a(f>-ia>, or pka-nrat by ^ka^ica, all these 
presents are new formations upon the analogy of ruirro) and 
those verbs whose roots ended in tt. Just as the similarity 
of ecr(j)a^a from crcpd(a> and ecjypa^a from ^parro) led to the 
formation of a later a-cpaTTO), so the similarity of ^^ka\j/a, 
(Kpv^a, and eTvyjra (N. 529), may have brought about a cor- 
responding similarity in the formation of the presents. In 
TteiTToo, eviTTTco, vCtttco beside Treo-cro), evi(ra<a, I'lfo), we cannot 
assume any such analogy, but must rest content with the 
addition of the suffixes -to, -re. 

The verb (TKeiT-ToiJ,ai does not come from *o-7TeK-ro-;xat, but 
from a-TTeK-LopLM (from which (rKeT;-i,, Lat. spec-io, Sk. 
pdgyami. The strange metathesis of -n and k may perhaps be 
due to the analogy of the root o-koF- in (6vo)<tk6Fos, which 
has a similar meaning, and which appears without the o- in 
Aao-Ko-av and the Lat. cav-eo, cau-tus. 

Eighth III tlie eighth class, the present stem is made up of the 

Class. ygj^^ij g|;em with the root in the low degree and the suffixes 
-(TKO-, -a-Ki-. E.g. p6.a-K(i>, I.-E. gm-sko, xaffKco, i^avKfn, /3oVko). 
From these verbs the suffix was extended to polysyllabic 
verbal stems, yrjpd-a-Kco, ij/Sa-o-KCd, yeveid-a-Kco, Ikd-anoiiai, 
fieOv-a-KO), Kope-o-KO), api-aKca. Beside these we may set the 
Ionic iterative preterites, ^evyea-Ke, kpi^ea-Kov, avbrjaaa-Ke, 
(pavtcTKe. Like (pa-a-Kov {(p^p^C) was formed toracr/coK (iottjjui), 
Kakea-Kero like Kopia-KO) and piriTaa-Kov (ptTrafm), just as 
yeyeicio-fccB {yevui-Coi), etc. These iteratives differ from the 
presents in having distinctly the notion of repeated action 


and in being confined to the past time. Even i<f)a(TKov has 
sometimes an iterative meaning [Q. 565), and the present 
(jida-Kio does not ocem- in Homer. 

In Latin as in Greek we can distinguish in the same way 
between the regular inceptives, viz. liquesco, pwerasco, and the 
presents, such a,s _pasco, jarojiciscor, where the inceptive mean- 
ing is scarcely perceptible. 

The verbal stem with a long vowel is found in yk-yvd-a-Kb), 
gnd-soo, ^ifip<i(TKa>, riTpcia-Kai, etc. 

In 6vrja-Ka>, l3k(acrK<i> we may still suppose the weak degree 
of the root, as the long vowel represents an originally long 
nasal sonant. Thus dncrKca and jSJo-kw, just as crrpcDTos for 
(TTfros (of. p. 234). 

Under this class are comprised those stems which, like the 
last, add on the suffixes -ctko, -erne, but in which the verb stem 
is also reduplicated. 

I. Where i is the vowel of reduplication, as in Si-Sfio-Kco, 
Ti-TV<TKOixai, yL-yvdiTKO), ixL-jxvrjaKCo, bi-bpaaKO), Ki-KkqiTKiV, 

a. With other modes of reduplication, e-la-KCo, SetStV/co^ai, 
and with insertion of t in the verbal stem, aTTa(f)-C-(rKei, 

A final consonant is lost before o-k in bi-bacrKi-p,ev for 8t-8ax- 
(TKe-, e-C<TKCi) (cf. T/c-eXos) for f e-f ik-o-ko), Ti-Tva-Ke-ro (tvk- or tv^-), 
and perhaps also jxiayov for p,iy-(rKOv, 'u6,(T')(a> for itaO-aKO). 

Homeric SetSfo-Kojuat, Att. SeSiV/co/^at (Ar. JO^s. 564), is for 
be-bFiK-a-KO-piai, cf. beCboiKa, beboiKU, for bebFoiKa. In beibia- 
(TecrOai, bebivTecrQai, kl has passed to (tct and tt. 

The termination -ictkq) comes in Homeric aTra^La-KO), apaplcma, 
and in evpia-Kcn, as well as in later dX-io-Ko/xat, avaXicrKco, 
crrepi(TK(o. It is even added on to a vowel stem in xprficri^oixai 
(Hdt. 3. 117)- The origin of this i is unexplained. 

The Ionic-Attic Ovyictko), Aeol. OvaCaKO), dp<^(TKa>, and /ntju,- 
vji(TKb) (cf. Curt. Verb, 190), have followed the analogy of verbs 
in -lo-KO), viz. evp-l(TK(a and added an iota. 

The ninth or nasal class. — In these verbs the present Qj™g_ 


stem is made up of the root with suffixes -vo and -ve, or of the 
root sometimes nasalised and suffixes -avo-, -ave-. 

bAK-vo) k-qd-divo) Xavd-avat'Q). 

For the nasalisation of the root we may compare the seventh 
class of the Hindu grammarians. 

The presents in -va may probably be due to transference 
into the thematic conjugation of non-thematic verbs which 
added on the suffix -va to the root (fourth class). Analogies 
exist in other languages, but it is possible that they may be 
the separate growths within the limits of the several lan- 

In the verbs in -av(i>, if the root syllable is short, a nasal 
is inserted ; otherwise there is no nasal, and the root should 
be full. Compare XavB-Avai and Krid-avca. 

Weak root with nasal appeals in avh-avoi, Xayx-avat, xavb- 
avo), TTwO-dvoiiai, Tvyx-ava), Aa/i/S-avo), etc. 

Without nasal in the root there are ajxaprAvoi beside ^'/xap- 
Tov, Kfvddvca beside Kev6a, and post-Homeric, 
^XacTTCLvw, 6\i(Tddva>, etc. 

With reduplication, -avo- appears in irtjui-wXaj/erat, ia-)(^dvat, 

In other verbs of the nasal class the present stem is com- 
posed of the weak root with suffixes -vFo, -vFe. 

Homeric <j)6dv(a, (pdivco, ava> (but only in Arsis), Attic Tiva, 
(p6dv(x>, (pdtvu), for original (pOavFco, (pdtvFco, dvFai, rivFd). 
Beside dvFca we may set ■^wto Sk. sa-no-mi. 
(pdivFcn „ „ (pOi-vv-Ooo. 
rivFa> ,, „ ri-vv-\xevai, 

opivco, Lesb. dpivvca, points to opivFia, and the long vowel of 
Epic hvvta, Ovva> to bvvFa, 6vvFu>. For the loss of the F with- 
out compensatory lengthening in Attic (f>6dva), etc., we may 
compare feVos, juoVos, Koprj, oAoj, etc. 

To this class belong Homeric Kix^vca, Att. Ktyxarw, a new 
formation with nasalisation of the first syllable, side by side 
with aor. Kt)(^z/at, which belongs to the second class. 

Homeric iKdvo) ( = lKavF(a) is also a new formation after the 
model of <pdo,v(i>, av<a. 


Under the third class we have spoken of the transference of 
verbs in -wjut into the thematic conjugation -vvca, as, for in- 
stance, TJvvTo but avvai, and under this tenth class comes S-va for 
avF(a, pointing to an original -nuo. Beside verbs like avv-a we 
have verbs' with the fuller sufiix -vev-, which passes to -veFca, 
-veoo, as in Kivia (for KiveFu) beside klvvtui, aytveca, and biveo), 
and these verbs are then conjugated like the ordinary con- 
tracted verbs in -eoj which come from -etco. 

The stem of the Perfect appears in Greek in all the moods of The 
the active and middle voice, and also in the augmented Pluper- 
fect. Its characteristics are reduplication, the person endings, 
and a special root form with a distinction into strong and weak 
varieties ; but these characteristics have often been obscured 
by later formations in the history of the Greek language. 

In stems which have an initial consonant the vowel of the Eeduplica- 
reduplication is e, as in yi-yova, 8e-8op/ca, Ae'-Xonra, ire-cpvaaL, °' 
etc. The origin of this e is to be referred to the Indo-Euro- 
pean primitive language, and in preserving it the languages 
of Europe have remained truer to the original than the Asiatic 
languages. In Sanskrit, where the root contains i or u, the 
vowel of reduplication is i or -u. Latin also shows a redupli- 
cation with assimilation to the vowel of the root in momordi, 
poposoi ; older memordi, peposci (cf. p. 455)- 

It has been supposed that i) sometimes appears as the vowel 
of the reduplicated syllable, but there is no sure instance of 
this. It is possible that ecopaKa is by metathesis of quantity 
for fjopaKa, but the correct form is eopuKa. So too kakcaKa (not 
eaXutKo) and (imperf. ripyaCop-ip) are the correct forms 
of those perfects. From et/c(if(u the aor. is jjKao-a, the perfect 
eiKaa-fjiai. Wherever in such cases the MSS. show et for the 
aorist and eca or rj for the perfect we have the result of later 

(i) In roots beginning with a single consonant, the syllable 
of reduplication consists of this consonant with e, as in 8e- 
bopKtt : or where the root begins with an aspirate, of the 
corresponding tenuis -with e, as in re'^etKO. 

E e 


(a) Where the root had two initial consonants, the first 
consonant with e was the syllable of reduplication if the con- 
sonants were a mute and a nasal or liquid, as in yeypavTai, re- 
OvrjKa. To this 'iyvu>Ka is a constant exception, and epkaa-TrjKa 
stands beside ^e.^\6L(TTr\Ka. 

In other cases of two consonants it was usual to prefix e 
only, as in eKTj]fi,ai (usually KiKTrjixat), eCevyixivos, exj/eva-fiaL, 
but regularly The prefix of e alone is due per- 
haps to the analogy of roots beginning with a spirant which 
disappeared. Thus o-e-orijKa becomes fcr-rrjKa, ae-a-pvriKa be- 
comes eppljrjKa, FeFpo>ya becomes eppooya. 

(3) Where the root began with a single spirant, we have 
in Homer e for reduplication, as in e-eX/iieroj for Fe-FekpLtvos, 
and so too in e'ot/ca and eoAwa. In Attic we have the e in 
laAojKa, loiKa, ave( 

edboTa is from Va-Fab- with two initial spirants, etaiOa and 
Ionic euida from Va-FeO. 

(4) An irregular el- appears in eiXfqcpa, e'ikrixa, which re- 
semble ftp-qKa from. ^/Fep. The regular forms appear in the 
Ionic kekA^rjua, \eXoy\a. 

(5) Where the root began with a vowel we find the redu- 
plication represented either by a long vowel, as in ■^a-KTjrai, or 
else by the so-called Attic reduplication. The long vowel 
arose out of a coalition between the e of the reduplication and 
the initial vowel of the root, and is therefore similar in form 
to the augment of the past tenses of roots beginning with a 
vowel. Thus from Htyoy we have ■^x°-> ^y/^ai. Other instances 
are, ^jujuai and Epic ■r)a-)(yp.)xivos. 

The Attic reduplication is especially common in Homer and 
consists in taking the initial vowel of the root with the fol- 
lowing consonant as a syllable of reduplication, e. g. ay-ayeiv. 
It was originally confined to a few forms and was afterwards 
extended. Thus in Homer ehrfidits but Sanskrit dda, Latin 
ecli. It is regular where the root vowel is short, as in apapvia, 
QKaxixevos. In Attic we have among others auriKoa, ehriboKa, 
ekr)Keyp,ai, ekriKvda, okooka, and ev^vo\a. 

In some Homeric forms the reduplication has disappeared 



(Monro, H. G. § 33), viz. S^x""""') epxarai, ea-a-ai, cTr-dixaro. 
In otSa ( = fot6a), Sanskrit veda, there seems to be found 
no trace of reduplication. 

We now come to another characteristic of the perfect, viz. Stem 
stem variation. variation. 

In the indicat. the full form appears in the singular of the 
active, the weak elsewhere. Thus : — 

oi6a : tbjxev. Sanskrit veda : vidmd. Gothic vait : vitum. 
?oiKa : iinrriv : Tyt/cro. 
beCboo^-^behFoLa) : bfibLfiev (^=b€bFiixev). 
-f<j)Oopa : ^(pOapfiai. 
Tirpoipa : Tidpap,\ 
yeyova : yeyaixev. 
jMeixova : ixejiarov. 
Compare Epic dkrjXovda, but instead of ilXriXv9ij.(v for the 
plural, Homer has elKrjkovOixev, and in Attic we have through- 
out (kriXvOa. 

Also TTeTTovda : ■niiracrOi % plur. (for Tj-eTra^-re). TriiraaOe is 
the reading of Aristarchus in T. 99, instead of the vulgate 

The regular o-degree of the root appears in the Homeric 
AeAoyx°j bfbopKa, av-rivodev, ^fiixope (O 189), bif(f)dopa (O. 128). 

In Attic we have ev-rivoxa, KeK\ocl)a, rirpo^a, kyprjyopa, etc. 

The weak without the corresponding strong degree appears 
in the Homeric forms Tre^arat (cf. (j)6v-os), etixaprai, Treirap- 
ixevos, Terafxai. 

We have given instances of what remains of the old stem 
variation of the perfect tense. It remains to consider the 
alterations in this system made by new formations. 

Thus the strong stem has taken the place of the weak in Kew 
the forms koUap-ev, poet. eoiypLev, Epic elkrjXovdptfv, yey6vap.ev '"'™* '°''^' 
(Aesch. Sej)t. 14a). Conversely the weak has taken the place 
of the strong stem in bihia, Epic. 6ei8ia (for 6e8ota) and Attic 
eX-qkuOa (for dk7]\ovda). 

The e-degree took the place of the regular o-degree, in 
irecjjevya, perhaps instead of irecjyovya (cf ei\-^Xov6a) with plural 
Tri^vyixev, cf. Epic irecpvyp.ivos. As a matter of fact the perfect 

E e 3 


in ov appears in Greek only as an antiquity to be found here 
and there. 

Again we have TreVetorat (not *TreTrtoTat, of. eTsiinOjj.iv), 
Ae'Xenrrat where the vowel e may be due to the analogy of the 
present stem. 

Sometimes the appearance of e in the root is due to the 
fact that without it the combination would be unpronounce- 
able. Thus from a perfect rhoKa we could have no plural 
*nTKjxev. In such cases pronunciation is rendered possible by 
the insertion of e. This is the probable explanation of such 
forms as avveik€\(i>s {^tKoxp.) and av-rive)(vlav [kv-rivo^a) given 
by Hesychius (cf. De Sauss. p. 71, n). Such an explanation 
will perhaps hold in the case of icr-ixev as compared with 
Sanskrit s-mds ; the prothetic e in Greek may be for the 
sake of ease of pronunciation. 

A high degree of the root appears in the perfects eppooya, 
a^iu)Ka (Herodian), avicovraL (Hdt. 2,. 165 Bekk., Dind.) ; 
cKpicovrai (iV. T.), av€(0(r6aL (Tail. Heracl.) which belong to the 
e-series of Ablaut. 

The perfects XikdBa : Xikda-rai, ea-rdKa : eVro/iei' belong to 
the a-series of Ablaut, but there are no traces of the high 
degree in at which might have been expected, as is found for 
instance in (pcn-vri beside (pd-[j,t ((j>rjij,L). 

The perfects ij.€p,vr\-p,ai {jxiixov-a), Se'S/XTj-z^at {bap,-), K^KXrj-pai 
(/caX-), K€Kpr](6s (ko/x-) stand in the same relation to the per- 
fects with weak degree of root, e. g. re'ra-juai, Trecpvy-pivos, as 
presents like yLyvd-a-Koi to the weak jBd-crKca, nru-cr/cojuat. 

Perf. aubj. If we are to judge from the Homeric conjunctive eXbop-ev 
beside the indie. oTSa, the e degree of the root was the proper 
form in the conjunctive mood of the perfect. 

Perf. im- In the imperative the weak degree of the root was appro- 

''^'^^ ■ priate, as in belbiBi for bebFWi, rirXadi, pepiroi, Latin memento. 

Perf. part. So in the participle, e. g. bebi-(x>s, ■tteirad-via, ■iTe(f>vy-p^vos, 
eora-ws. Such forms then as TreirovBcos and ea-Trjds, with the 
full root are new formations. 

The long vowel of the stem in the masc. of the participle 
seems to be due to the F of the ending. Just as in Homer 


^Odvu) is for (f>66,vFu> or aberis for abFe-qs, so kabora is for eab- 
Fora. In the Feminine there is no such reason for 
lengthening : — 

FibFds = Flbds = db(iis Feminine tbvla. 

apapF(as = apdp(Ls, dpTjpoJs „ apapvia. 

Te9aXF(is = re9r]X.(os „ rtBakvla. 

From ii.lp.ova we have the dovible p.fp,a(!>s and p,ep.acos (Epic). 

The forms TeTX-qvIa, ireTTXtj-yvia, rerprixvla, show how early 

the strong form intruded into the fern, from the masc. 

In P. 5 we have ov vplv elbvia tokolo, with the full root 
in the nom. fern. 

The person endings in the perfect were originally directly Addition 
added to the stem without the intervention of a vowel. Thus P^ the'"^^ 
we have Xb-p.ev and in the pluperfect, l-niiriO-p.ev and like perfect. 
these we ought to have *TTf<f)vy-p.fv, ^ireiraO-pfv, *bebpaK-p,ev as 
the plurals of *Tre(^ov)/a, veirovOa, and bibopKa. 

In the same way with the perfect and pluperfect middle 
there was originally no extension of the stem by a vowel a, as 
we can see from such instances as ■, rervyp,ivos, Tre^uy- 
HxeVos, Ti6pap.p,ai, and]\ipii,ivos, in all of which we have the 
weak form of the root. Where we have a high degree of the 
root, as in XeXet/n/xeVos, eCevy-ixivos, the ending is still added 
immediately to the stem. 

In post- Homeric Greek the vowel a which appears in the 
sing. act. was extended to the plural as well. 

In such instances as yiya-p.fv, p,^p,a-p,ev, TerXa-piev, the vowel 
belongs to the root and represents the nasal and liquid so- 
nants. In the later yeyov-a-pev, ireTroCO-a-p.fv the a is an 
extension of the stem, as it is throughout the tense in the 
so-called aspii-ated perfects, such as ireTrpaxa, which are post- 
Homeric, and in the perfects in -ku of which there are few 
in Homer. 

Answering to this o, there continually shows itself in San- 
skrit a connecting i, between the stem and the termination of 
the perfect. 

In such a case however as 'i(TTap,iv, Sk. tasthimd, it is doubtful 


whether we are to divide the elements ^-a-r-aixev, ta-sth-imd 
or e-crra-ixev, ta-st/ii-md ; which, that is, of the two weak 
degrees of the root, ora or or, is represented in this word. 
Such a combination as 'da-T-ixev was inadmissible, and so we 
may suppose that the vowel of the ending in 'iaTr\Ka, ea-TrjKas, 
was inserted between the weak stem and the ending. The 
choice of a was aided by the analogy of the weak aorist. In 
the singular, Thona was inflected like Ire^a, and so in the 
plural we have TeroKajxev like hi^ajxev. 

The and sing. act. of the perfect in -as, as in &,v(i>yas, beCbias, 
hiKas, etc., is Homeric as well as Attic. We have the ending 
-0a in oTa-Oa, ^a-Oa. 

Beside the regular et/xai, yeyevixevos, etc., in which cr/x 
according to rule has been simplified to /x, we have numerous 
irregularities such as rjix(f>U(Tixai, reTekecrfxhos, eCcaaixeda, due 
to the analogy of the 3rd pers. sing, indie. Conversely KAOrjTai 
(for Kadrja-Tai) is due to the analogy of the first pers. rjixai. 

We have abeady spoken of the apparent assibilation of 8, 
r, 6 before n in the perf. midd. (cf p. 196). The forms ttsttv- 
(Tfxai, XeXda-jjLeda, KeKaajxevos, etc., are not due to a change of 
dfx, hjj. into o-jx but follow the analogy of TreTrucrrat, XiXaarai, 
KeKaa-Tat. So too 'Ccr-ixev for tb-jxev has followed the analogy of 
Third The ending of the third pi. act. was -avri (cf p. 379). 

The root of redvacn appears in the full form in fleiyo) 
( v6ev-), aor. edavov (n), fut. Bavovixai. 

The true perfect should have been, not riOvaKa but *Te6aKa, 
and the plural *Te6ajj,€v, ^reOare. But the weak stem reda- 
before a vowel became reOv- as in TeBv-am, and this form has 
been extended beyond its proper limits. Hence we get 
Tidv&Ka, and further a pres. OvdcrKot [dvfja-KOii) instead of 

In oT8a we should notice the 3rd pi. ta-da-i, sometimes in 
Homer icraa-i, where the o- seems due to the analogy of the 
3rd pi. pluperf. Xaav, ta-aav, influenced too by the a- of tare, 
i(TTov. In Doric is found taavri like 'ia-ravTL, whence rose the 
to-afxi, tacLTL, Icraixfv of Theocritus. 




With (T like la-aa-i we have also the poet. 3rd pi. d^aa-i for 
eiKdcTL. koUaa-i is the Attic form. 

Very frequently we have a transference from the perfect to 
the present tense formation, as in the avdtyei, rjvcayov of Homer 
beside the perfect &vu>ya, ey^yoove and yeyutviinv beside ye- 
yu>va, k-nivX-qyov, ireT^XTjyefj.ev beside ireTTkr^ya, iixeij,r]KOV beside 
IJ,efjLriK(as, as well as such a hybrid form as KeKATjyoirey (IT. 430). 

Other instances are ju.^/xj3Aerat, ^kco for rJKa, Sanskrit aga, 
KeKpdyere beside the older KSKpaxOi, and the infin. yeyaMiv in 
Pindar (0. 6. 83). 

The forms TreTrXexa v TrXex-, KexXoc^a '/kXcit, ifx" '^ay are Aspirated 
new formations. This characterization of the perfect is almost ^ ^"*'' 
exclusively Attic. In Homer we find the plurals SetSe'xarat, 
Ip^arat, opoopexaTai, T€Tpd(f)aTo (r/jeTro)), with an aspirate before 
the ending, but no aspirated active form. In Herodotus 
we have etX^^aro, ecrecra)(aro, ^TeT(i)(aro, etc., (cf. p. II a), but 
in the active the single instance eTreTroixipee (i. 85). One 
instance only of the aspirated active perfect is to be found 
in the tragedians, viz. avaThpo(pas (Soph. Track. 1009). In 
Thucydides also ■newop,(pa is the only instance. In succeed- 
ing writers these perfects begin to be numerous. 

Now in such forms of the perfect as T^TpL<pde, TeTpC<pdai, 
TeTayOe, the aspiration, though only graphic, is according to 
rule (cf p. 193). Apart from these forms, roughly speaking, 
we may say that up till the period of the later Attic writers, 
aspiration was confined to guttural and labial stems in the 
ijrd pi. of the perf. midd. No stem ending in a dental was 
aspirated, e. g. eprjpfbarai, ea-KevAbaro. 

From the 3rd pi. midd. aspiration passed later on to the 
active voice. Thus : — 

ersTdxaro (Hdt. 8. 85) Attic reraxa. 
eiTi-TeTpiicpaTai, Epic Attic TeTpo((>a. 

reTpicparai (Hdt. 2,. 93) Attic reTpicjia. 

From these the aspiration was extended to active forms 
to which there was no corresponding "aspiration of the 3rd pi. 

in -Ka. 

434 PERFECT IN -Ka. [CH. 

We cannot be certain how the aspiration arose in the 3rd 
plural of the perf. midd. The termination cannot be the 
reason, as, if so, there is no reason why the aspiration should 
be confined to guttural and labial stems. It is true, as J. 
Schmidt points out {K. Z. xxvii. 311), that whereas in the 
guttural and labial stems aspiration is regular in such forms as 
Terax^e, rerpKJide, and in the infin. midd., there is no such 
aspiration in the corresponding forms of dental stems. The 
dental disappears and we have e. g. irecppda-OaL The aspiration 
of the guttural in rhaxde may have furnished an analogy for 
the aspiration of reTdxaraL. The same analogy does not exist 
in the case of fcrKivaaQe beside ecKeuciSaro. 

ThePerfeot We now have to consider the perfects in -Ka. Whatever 
the origin of this formation, as an extensive class, it is peculiar 
to Greek. In a note on p. 1 8 of the Homeric Grammar, Monro 
says that these perfects may be regarded as having been formed 
in the ordinary way from stems in which a root has been 
extended by a suiSxed -k, as for instance in d/Ve-K-oj, epv-K-co, 
beLbCa-a-ofjiaL for 8e8f t/c-to/iai. Thus dXdXeKa would be the regu- 
lar perfect of oKeKoy, and beiboiKa would answer to the short 
stem bFiK-, This is the explanation where we can point oiit 
an actually existing stem in k. The formation was afterwards 
extended, and appears even where there is no such stem in k. 
Thus ^e'jSrj/ca of ^aivat answers to a possible present *y37)K-a) 
with which we may compare fidnrpov, and earriKa to o-t-tj/cco. 

Without this extended stem the inflexions of these perfects 
would be unlike other perfects, as for instance if they appeared 
in the singular as e. g. /Se'/Sco, y8e'/3r;o-5a, /3e'/3?j (cf. also Curt. 
Ferb, 411). 

The same account will also apply to the aorists in -Ka, such 
as edrjKa (cf. ^tjkjj) and eScoxa, Sk. dddc-am. 

In the perfect Ka came to be regarded as a tense-suffix. 
At first it was added on to the strong stem, as in 5ei'8oi-Ka, 
formed out of bf-bFoia ( = 8e^8a)). Its addition to the weak 
stem, as in riOe-Ka (Doric Inscription), was later. This per- 
fect in -Ka is not common in Homer and we only have it 


with vowel stems. We have jie^rjKa, eVr?jKa, bebvKe, /Lie'/xC/ce, 
KeKjuTjKay, [j,ifj.p\a)Ke, and some others from derived stems, 
aSTjKOTes, ^e^lrjKe, SeSarjice, etc. In Ionic and Attic the 
formation was extended to all derived verbs and to such 
perfects as ^(pdapKa, laroXKa, rjpiiaKa, ndavixaKa, KSKOfMLKa, 
and many more. 

OsthofF {Z. Q. d. F. p. 324 sqq.) has given an account of the perfect in -ko 
which does not seem plausible, viz. that it arose out of the addition of enclitic 
K( to the stem, and he compares the addition of the particle «, as he supposes, 
in Sanskrit dadhd-n (of. p. 358). The Homeric K(V or «e appears as Ka in 
Doric. OsthofF has to admit that there is no instance of the use of the perfect 
in Homer with k^v, any more than with av. This he attributes to accident. He 
discerns k^v in eVe/cei', in oKa and irtJ/ra, and asserts that in Homer the meaning 
of Kev is expressed by the German ' wol.^ ' Tantae molis eraf he says at the 
end of his lengthy proof, but few in this case will be ready to admit that his 
arguments are convincing. 

In the Sigmatic aorist the endings were directly added to Sigmatic 
the stem. The tense therefore ranks as a non-thematic 
formation. Originally the strong stem was employed in the 
singular of the active, the weak in the plural active and in 
the middle voice. Thus Sk. drdutsam, act., but drutsi, midd. 
In Greek there are few traces of this stem variation. 

From the aor. of beiKvvy.1 we can see how the endings were 
added. Thus in kheiK-a-a, kheiK-a-av the endings represent 
I.-E. -s-m, -s-nt, 

Curtius gives eighteen formations as strong aorists, but 
only a few of these, such as yivTo, enrav, and perhaps dXro 
(qAto), and oopTo, need rank as non-sigmatie. The remainder 
are in reality sigmatic, since from the time of Homer we find 
parallel sigmatic forms, and in no case are they M'ithout sigma 
before a suffix beginning with a vowel. 

Thus beside beKvo there are bi^o and Se'faro. 

„ Ae/cro „ Aefo and Xe^aro. 

, ( (for eFikiKTO, ac- 1 eXeXifci/xevos (for 

( cording to Cobet) J e/^eXt^-). 

„ 77^K7o there is Trrj^ai. 

From the root a-Fdb- we have acrpievoi, with the weak degree 
of root. &(Tp,evos cannot be explained, as Curtius thinks, by 
a-Fab-[j.fvos, because, as we have seen (p. 196), the notion that 


the dentals pass into o- before /x is a mistake. We must refer 
&<T-fj.fvos to 7](T-aTo. &<Tji,ivos therefore is related to TJ'a-aro and 
post- Homeric 7i(Ta{'>), as irakTo is to irijAe (with strong degree 
of root). Those aorists which have lost their cr according to 
regular phonetic laws appear to employ only the bare root as 
their tense stem, and so resemble non-thematic strong aorists 
rather than the weak sigmatic tense. 

The next question concerns the a of the sigmatic aorist. 
In the 1st singular it represents an original -m, Sk. -am. 
Monro {H. G. App. A. 310) holds that the vowel was extended 
to the other persons by analogy. Thus the original inflexion 

l8etK-(r-a, e8ei/c-s, e8eiK-cr-(r), ebiK-a-fxev. 

To get rid of these blocks of consonants the a of the ist sing, 
was extended by analogy, and so we get eSet^aj, ebei^afLev, 
ebfl^aro, ihei^Ajxr^v. The stem was regarded no longer as 
beiK-cr-, but as bei^a-, and as such was extended to the opt. 
Seifa-t/xt, the partic. bel^a-s, and the imperative. For this 
extension we may compare what has been already said about 
the perfect (p. 421). 

This explanation of Monro's is simpler than that of 
Brugmann, who regards the a of the aorist stem as a de- 
velopment from the nasal of the ending in ibeiK-(T-iJ,fv = ebei.K(T- 
ajiev, and from this extended to e8et£ay, eSei^are, ebeC^ai, etc. 
Both explanations agree, however, in the important point 
that the a of the stem is a development to lighten a block of 
consonants, and that it was extended by analogy over the 
whole of the sigmatic aorist paradigm. 

The 3rd sing. ^8et^e is for an older ebeiK-cr-r. The e of the 
Greek ending is not original. It may be due to that assimi- 
lation between the aorist and the perfect tense system, which 
we have noticed in other inflexions. In the and sing., for 
instance, dtcrOa, ^ir0a give the true perfect ending, but from 
A.eA.ot7ra we have XeXotwa? like ebei^as. So perhaps like oi8e 
we have ebei^e. On the other hand we can explain eSeife 
by comparison with the Homeric thematic formations with a, 
such as bva-ero, ^ricreTo, l^ov. 



In a comparison of the sigmatio aorist in Sanskrit and in Greek, it should 
be noted that Sanskrit has more variety in this formation. Thus s, ig, sis and 
sa are all employed as tense-signs of the sigmatio aorist (Whitney, Sic. Or. 
§ 877). 

From V rudh we have the aorist drdut-sam, drduf-sis, draui-sU, where s is 
the tense-sign. 

From V hudh we have the aorist dhodh-i^am, dhodhls, dhodhlt, where ip is 
the tense-sign. We may compare Gk. pSij (for p'Scffa = ^f tiSfira) with Sk. 
d-vedig-am (of. p. 428). 

From V ya we have the aorist ayd-sigam where si; is the tense-sign and 
from j^ dig the aorist ddiJc-sam, ddilc-sas, ddiJc-sat, where sa is the tense-sign. 
This last does not correspond to eSeifo, because it is thematic and because 
in Sanskrit we have the reduced, in Greek the full form of the root. 

or is added on directly in fixvq-a-a, ea-rrj-a-a, ebeiK-cra, eCecr-cra Addition 
(iCecra). of <^- 

In Homer we find the aorists eAcrat, Kfptrai, KeXa-ai, Kvpcrai, 
etc. ; but in Attic the new formations eKeipa, MKetXa, modelled 
upon inTSLva, &ei/xa, where cr has disappeared, and the pre- 
ceding short vowel is lengthened in compensation. 

While the aorists from such stems as iivd {jxvri) and xpn Stem 
show no stem variation, any more than the present stems of ■variation, 
this character (cf. p. 396), yet in stems capable of variation 
we do find traces, though scanty, of a distinction between 
strong and weak forms. 

Thus aa-jxevos Va-Fdb beside rja-aro. 

TrdXro „ TrrjX.e. 

In both irfjke and ^(^ijra the long vowel is original, and not 
the result of lengthening in compensation for loss of o-, for in 
that case it would be a, as in IcrTas for la-ravTs, or eKspbdva for 

We might exemplify stem variation by comparing earrjaa (eaTdaa) with 
the weak imaaav (M. 56) which is transitive in meaning. But the form is 
uncertain. La Koche reads 'iaraaav, which is probably right. 

On the whole question of stem variation in the sigmatic 
aorist we may say that, though there is suflicient reason for 
assuming an original alternation of the strong and weak stem, 
yet in Greek, as in Sanskrit, the strong form has prevailed 
and been extended from the singular of the indicative active 
into the plural and dual of that tense as well as into the 
middle voice. 


A sigmatic aorist form is perhaps to be traced in Epic Xcrav, 
beside ^aav, the 3rd pi. of 178)7. The a is also shown in ^oTrjv, 
■pa-fxev, etc., which can stand for fiFib-(r-rr}v, riFib-cr-ixev. -pbrj for 
■pbea will then stand for ifSeaa ( = fjFeibecra), Sk. d-vedis-am, with 
the strong stem, while rjEih-a-fxev, etc., show the weak stem. 

After the type of eixvq-cra, e'xpij-tra, we have the aorists of 
the denominative verbs, eri/xjj-o-a, UKij-cra, i^icrQut-cra. Verbs 
in -eoj often have the short vowel in the sigmatic aorist, 
e. g. ereKe-cra, Ep. hekea-cra, but in this instance the stem is 

In the Homeric KoKiairai, oXicrcrai, e\6,aaai the double (rcr is 
due to the analogy of the aorists of stems ending in <r or a 
dental mute, as for instance (ia-crai, reXeV-o-at, epia--crai (eper-), 
Xoo"-(raro (xaS-)- Upon the same analogy we have such 
aorists as eKopea-cra, ehdixaa-cra from KopevvviJi,i, bd[ji,vrjiM. 

Sigmatic formations with the thematic inflexions are to 
be found in the Homeric t^ov, kfiri<x€TO, ehvo-ero, Xe^to, opcreo, 
o'Caere, etc. 

The aorist optative in -crai/xt must be regarded as modelled 
upon the thematic -oip^i, in place of the regular -cn.r]v as in 
dbeCrjv (=: flbeairjv). 

Pluperfect. The Pluperfect serves as an augmented preterite to the 
perfect stem. 

In form it sometimes approaches closely to the aorist system, 
as we have already seen in the case of rjbea, rjbrj. 

We can distinguish the formations into two main divi- 
sions : — 

1. Where the pluperfect is distinguished from the perfect 
by the augment, which is often omitted, and the secondary 

Thus answering to yeyarov plupf. yeyar-qv. 
jXip,a-acn „ jxefxacrav. 

k(7T7]Kacri „ ecTTacrav. 

We have also the Homeric eireTnOfiev, eheCbi.iJ,ev, eUrriv, and 
in the middle ireruKTo, ijAifXaTo. 

Along with these forms we may rank the thematic eyeyoive, 


avoiyov, l/xejiiTjKoi' (Monro, II. G. § 68), of which we have 
already spoken under the perfect. 

2. We have the pluperfect compounded of the perfect stem, 
the augment, and the suffix -ea (for -eo-a), Attic -r], as in TJfSrj 
for ybea ( = '^F€[bfaa), and in the plural ya-jxev for TjFihcrfx.ev. 

The same termination -ea is added on to the long stem in 
erefl^irea. The original inflexion should run — 

etOTijKea eioTTjKeay eioTTjKee (= eicrnjKst). 

From 178?; we have and sing. yh-qa-Oa as the regular Attic 
form answering to dta-Qa. 

In the plural we have Xa-av, unaugmented in Homer, and 
eoUecrav (N. loa). 

The proper form of the pluperfect endings in Attic Greek 
is discussed by Rutherford (N. F. 329, sqq.), who pronounces 
the singular endings to have been -tj (for ea), -77? (for -eaj), 
and -et or -eiv (for -ee) ; and the 3rd plural ending -etraz», as in 
iypTjyopecrav (Ar. Flut. 743)- In Hellenistic Greek the -et of 
the 3rd person has been extended to the other persons, and 
we have elarriKeiv, -ksls, -xet. 

There are three types in the formation of the sigmatic Sigmatic 

„ , future. 


I. The verb stem with the suffixes -cro, -ere, as in Trevaofiai, 
be[^(ii, oTTjo-o), Sclera), Sk. da-sya-mi, cf. TeXi<r-(ru) Epic, KqpvK- 
(Too (^), TiiJ,ri-(7a>, of derivative stems, ^.tyrj-aoixai, \vQrj-(TOfj,ai, 
come from the aorist stems of efxiyq-v, eXvdr}-v, just as yv^- 
aoixai, (r;8?j-(7o/Liat from the aorist stems of ^yvca-v, 'ia^-q-v. 

The intervocalic o- remains, contrary to phonetic rule, in 
Scdo-o), p,vrj(T(o, etc., as it does in e(TTr\(ra and other formations 
(cf. p. 339). 

3. The verb stem with e, a, or o, representing the svara- 
bhdJcti 9 and the suffixes -ero, -ere. 

Teveoo from Tev-e-cra>, Dor. revCco, Att. Tev&. 

^6epe(i> from (pdep-e-a-co, Dor. (jjOepioo, Att. (j}6epS. 
Cf. Sk. ian-i-syami, with an auxiliary i before the sibilant. 

In the same way we must explain the future of derivative 
verbs such as Kadap&, ayyeka. 


In many eases the e, a, o (= a) is not a suffix, but a sub- 
stantive part of the verbal root, e. g. oXeui = oAfi for dAe-cro), 
with which we may compare oAe'-o-crat, dXe-rrjp. 
KpeiJLa-[J,ai, fut. Kpei^A-crai, KpejJ.&. 

op,vv-p,L ,, o/x.o-0/xat, o\>.ov\i,ai. 

In I. 374 we find d/xeirat, which points to a 1st pers. 
djLie-oynai like dAe-co, but eo in Homer would contract to eu and 
so give d/ieu/iat. We must assume a stem 6p.o-, as in aS/xo-o-a, 
d/io-ro's, and suppose that d/ieirot is an imitative form upon 
the analogy of /ca/xeirat. 

The so-called Attic futures like the Epic /caAeco, reAeo), oAeirai, 
Kopeety, rawco, have lost the intervocalic tr, but in the aorist we 
find e/cdAe((7)o-a, ereAe((r)<ra, eKopea-a, etc., in which the o- did 
not drop out. In the only case in which a has disappeared, 
e. g. fjbfcra, fjbea (ij'Sr)), contraction has ensued, and the form 
has lost the trace of its aorist origin. 

eyripdv. — Prom the stem yrjpd we should have expected 
aorist iyripdcra, answering to Sk. djarisam. But instead of 
this we have kyrjpdv, after the type of ebpdv. The long yrjpd 
of eyripdcra has followed the analogy of the a-stems. Similarly 
beside fjbea we have elbrjcro} in Homer. 

„ Kopeia „ K€KOpr)ij.evos. 

„ pLOxea-ao-OaL „ iiayr\Tr\s, jua^JJcro/^iai. 

Doric 3. The verb stem with suffixes -creo, -aee, the so-called Doric 

uture. future, e.g. Trpd^eco (Delph.), or with the t of other Doric 
dialects, ^oa^rjo-ico (Cret.). 

The Doric future in -ou/xai was practically not used by 
Attic writers (cf Rutherford, N. P. 93). In the MSS. we 
find forms such as (pev^ovjiai, irveva'ovp.aL, TrkevaovpiM, and 
when the metre requires, Euripides and Aristophanes employ 
the Doric form (/)et)^ojjfxa6 (Ar. AcL 11 39; Plut. 447; Av. 
933). But in the prose writers c})iv^op.aL, ■, ■ 
alone are correct. 

This Doric future is the result of ' contamination ' between 
the future in -o-m and the future in -ew (for -ecrui). The i in 
Doric appears only before the vowels and to, just as in the 


same dialect we have 61.6s for deos, KoiTix.iojiTes and opuiofievoi. 
The Doric -to- then of i;pa^loiJ.iv is purely dialectic for -eo-. 
In Homer we find ea--(retrai and vea-iovrai. 

We have seen that in many futures from stems ending in 
vowels the <t has disappeared, e. g. Ka\&, ipiJova-i, etc., and from 
stems ending in a-, e. g. reXcS (reAecr-) and Epic Kopiei, /xaxe- 
ovrai. From verbs in -a&) we have the Homeric futures 
6aju,3, Kpep.6a), kkouxn, etc., and this type has extended to the 
parallel verbs in -afo), e. g. Attic fut. (8t/3(3, TreXS. From verbs 
in -i^a> we more often have futures like jSabiei, Kou^iety, etc., 
than the forms in -tcro). 

From verbs whose stems end in a liquid we have the 
Homeric ayyeXem, Keptca, but also bia^Oepa-fi, 6ep(r6fji,fvos. 

In dealing with Homeric futures we have to remember that as the pure 
conjunctive in independent sentences expresses will, it is often possible for a 
future to be an aoriet conjunctive, especially in the first Person. 

From the perfect stem we have futures like the Homeric 
Kexo-pri-a-eiJ.€V, Att. ko-TiQ^a, (ko-), T€0viq^(o (ko"), and the middle 
forms elp-qcreraL, yeypA\j/€Tai, ItTKei/fOjotat, etc. 

Where the indicative is without a thematic vowel, then the The con- 
suffix of the conjunctive is o, e, as in junctive 
Homeric akro conj. aXerau 

epvaaaptev „ kpv<T(Top,ev. 

€TT€iTi,9p,ev „ TreTToCdofiev. 
So in Sanskrit we have the indicative Mn-ti, conj. kdn-a-ti. 
Where the stem ended in a vowel there ensued contraction, 
which dates back probably to the original language. In 
Attic we have irpocrdrj-Tai, TrporjcrOe, In Homer we find 
formations which must be regarded as new, e. g. (rTr]~o-y,iv, 
drj-o-jjLev, /3\?j-€-rat, etc., where the thematic vowel has been 
added on without contraction to the full form of the stem. 
The hiatus shows that the forms do not date back to the 
original language. We find a variation in writing the long 
stem before the endings in Homer, as e. g. 0e(u), but 6ri-ris, 
^eCo), but ^rj-rjs. For a discussion upon this point cf. Monro 
(H. G. Appendix C). As we have had occasion to remark 


before, e of the old alphabet had to do duty for e, jj, and some- 
times et, and this has led to orthographical confusion. 

The presents which have a stem capable of variation show 
the full form in the conjunctive — 

-y/ecr- conj. ^co (Att. S) Sk. dsdni Lat. ero. 
If we are to judge from the Homeric eibo/jiev beside the indica- 
tive olba, the middle degree of the root was appropriate to 
the conjunctive. The proper form then of the conjunctive of 
eiri'Tndij.ev should once have been lyeireCdoiJ.ev. 

Even in Homer some conjunctives of non-thematic stems 
pass over into the thematic conjugation, e. g. ^A.7jrai, ireV- 
■>//-co/ier. In later Greek the long vowel became the rule in the 
conjunctive ; but the old formation with the short thematic 
vowel remains in the Attic futures ebofi,ai, yiat (for xtFat, conj. 
of lxf")i ^'^^, which are really conjunctives. Besides 
these in Homer we have /Stojuat (cf. /3tos) and 87iets. 

The strong stem of the conjunctive has sometimes been 

reduced, as in to) for d(». In Homer we find lajxev, where 

X may represent ei. 

jjj In the thematic conjugation, where the indicative has 

thematic the thematic vowel, we find long <a, 77 as the suffixes of the 
verbs. . , . 

conjunctive : — 

(fjepafjiev (l)epr]Te, cf. Sk. bMrdt/ia. 

tbb>iJ.€V tbrjre. 

In (j>epci}cn, (pepwvraL the lengthening is not regular, for, as 
we have already seen (p. 183), the vowel should be shortened 
before vt. 

The Latin /era- in the conj. seems to point to original 
Indo-European stem hherd-, in which case we must assume 
that Greek has taken co, rj, after the analogy of o, e of the 
indicative and of the conjunctive of non-thematic verbs, and 
that (j^epdixev, 4>fpa-Te have passed to (jiepwixev, (jtep-qTe, following 
4)epop.ev, (jispere of the indie, in the quality of the vowel. 

ImperatiTe The Imperative has no special mood sign as distinct from 
its person endings. It is formed in Greek by adding its 
person endings to the stems of the present, aorist, and perfect, 


active, middle and passive. In Latin all imperatives, with the 
single exception of memento (me-mn-tod) are formed from the 
present stem. 

In Sanskrit only three persons, the and and 3rd sing, and 
the 3rd plur., have special forms. In the 2nd sing. Sanskrit 
has bMra (Greek (^e'pe, cf. Latin reffe), and a parallel form, also 
■used for other persons, in -tat, hhdratdt (cf. Greek ^eperco, 
Latin regito). The 3rd sing, in Sanskrit ends in -tv, [hhdratu) 
and the 3rd plur. in -ntu [bhdrantu). In Greek we have 3rd 
plur. (pepeTOiaav, (j)ep6vTa)v, in Latin regunto. On the ground 
of the paucity of the forms and the wa.nt of distinction 
between the persons, it has been supposed that the imperative 
had not originally distinct forms for the separate persons, but 
resembled the Infinitive in having but one formation for 
different persons and numbers. (See Delbriiek, 8. F.iv. 118; 
Brugmann, M. U. iii. a.) The arguments for this view may 
be briefly stated as follows. 

Certain indicative forms with the secondary endings have in The 
the Arian languages a double form, one with the augment, the oonjuno- 
other without it. This latter type has two distinct functions. ^'"^■ 
On the one hand it is a preterite indicative and indistinguish- 
able in meaning from the augmented form; on the other 
hand it has a conjunctive or imperative meaning. In the 
latter case it has been called the pseudo-conjunctive or injunc- 
tive mood. In the and plur. this latter form is common to 
all Indo-European languages, and not uncommon in the and 
and 3rd dual. 

In Greek we have in Homer unaugmented preterites, e. g. 
(j)ipeTe, and also corresponding imperative forms, e. g. (j)epeTe, 
<^ep€TOV, e<T-Te, l-re, bo-re, bfC^a-re, KeKpdye-Te, Latin vehi-te, 
mone-te, es-te, da-te, fer-te, etc., where the endings -re, -te, 
correspond to the secondary Sanskrit ending -ta. In the 
singular we have 80-s, e-s, Gi-s (apparently for *8coy, *!??, *^r)s 
answering to assumed indie, forms *e8&)s, *e^7]s), ayes, 
kvia-ne-s, and similarly the middle imperatives like Xa-Taa-o, 
TiOecro, 60V (beside the augmented forms erCdeao, eOov, etc.) ; 
in Latin es, este (for *ed-s, *ed-te), es, este (for *es-s), fer, vel 



(for *fer-s, *vel-s). We may perhaps also put here the forms 
given by Festus (p. 205), prospices (prospice), perfines {perfringe), 
cf. sins (sine) in Carm. Arv. 

We may further note that in the oldest Sanskrit prohibi- 
tion was expressed by the particle md, Greek jj.ri, with this 
pseudo-conjunctive which corresponds in form to the aiigment- 
less form of a past tense (Whitney, Sk. Gr. § 579); and which 
corresponds to the Imperative forms in question. 

The only forms that we can be sure were exclusively im- 
perative are : — 

(i).The form consisting of the pure verb theme without 
personal suflBx, Indo-European ihdre, <l>ep€, rege, Sanskrit i/d. 

(3) The form with the suffix -d/ii, ta-di. 

(3) The form with the suffix -tod, Indo-European lliere-tod. 

Of the sufiix -dlii, which does not appear in Latin, no 
explanation can be given. The suffix -iod is probably of 
substantival rather than verbal origin. In Sanskrit the 
corresponding suffix -tad appears as the termination of 
the and pers. of all numbers and of the 3rd sing. In Greek 
the form in -to) is ordinarily 3rd sing., but the Hesychian 
glosses (as emended) eX^erSs' eA.5e, ^arus" avayvcoOi make it 
probable that it was also used for the and sing. In Latin 
estoid) is and and 3rd sing. ; the corresponding form in Um- 
brian is 2nd plur. If therefore the termination -tod was used 
in all persons and numbers, it cannot clearly be of a verbal 
character, nor can it be of pronominal origin and to be com- 
pared, as some have thought, with the termination of is-tttd. 
In form it is the abl. sing, of a verbal adj. in -tds, and if this 
is really its origin, it will explain the accent on eX6er&s, 
^ar&s. It may be noticed that in inscriptions nitito, utito, 
censento appear as passive forms, which is a further indication 
that the termination is not verbal. 

It would therefore seem that the imperative has been 
made up out of certain old forms, conjunctive or imperative in 
meaning, in which the distinctions of person were not clearly 
marked. But beyond this it is not possible to go. We 
can say that phonetically the ' injunctive ' is identical with 


the unaugmented past tense of the indicative. That histori- 
cally there is any real connexion between the two it is hard 
to believe. We may however be sure that the parent speech 
did not possess a fully developed imperative with special forms 
for each number and person. It was easy to supply the forms 
wanting from the conjunctive mood, whose meaning is almost 
indistinguishable from that of the imperative. 

Thus far we have been speaking of the imperative as a 
whole. As to tenses, in the Arian languages there is hardly 
any tense existing except the present, which is used in posi- 
tive commands. In prohibitions the aorist of the pseudo- 
conjunctive, rarely the present, is used. 

In Greek we may notice that the and sing, of the sigmatie 
aor. imper. act. and mid. (e. g. Kki^rov, xXex/rat) are strange forms 
which apparently originated within the limits of the Greek 
language. In prohibitions the rule is to say iir\ KkiirTe but ijui 
KXixIfrjs. In the oldest Sanskrit, as we have seen, md was 
used in prohibitions with the pseudo-conjunctive and not 
with the Imperative ; in Greek the Imperative had been 
already formed into a distinct mood out of the old isolated 
imperative forms and the spurious conjunctive, and it was 
therefore possible to say /x^ xXeWe. But as the aor. imper. 
was a later formation, jut? was used only with the aor. conj., 
and this use remained a fixed idiom of the language even 
after the creation of an aorist imperative. If this account is 
correct, it is vain to look for any psychological explanation of 
the difi'erence between jxr) Kkinre and fj.r\ K\i-^ris (Monro, 
//. G. § 328). 

In thematic verbs the and sing. act. of the imperative Endings of 
appears in ^ipe, Sanskrit bhdra. In the aor. i8e, X<i^L peratire. 

In non-thematic verbs the ending is -6l, Sanskrit -dki, -Id 
e. g. oix.vv-61, X-Oi, Sanskrit ihi with weak stem. But ofj-vvi, 
KadCa-ra, Tbdei, bCbov have been assimilated to the thematic 

On the forms in -s {bos, des, (tx^s, excppis, etc.) and in -tu> 
[<l>epiT(ii) see above. 

Answering to the active (jyipere, (pepirca the middle has 

F f a 




4)ipe.(Tde, ^lepecrda). The forms (f)fp€Ta>, <^e/)e'(r6(u were pluralised 
in the different dialects in different ways, e. g. (fiepercaa-av, 
(J3ep6vT(ov, (pepea-dma-av, (pfpecrOatv, which however we need 
not discuss here, as no certain explanation can be given 
of them. 

mood in 

The form of the Optative mood depends upon whether the 
tense-stem is thematic or non-thematic in the Indicative. In 
non-thematic tense-stems the suffix is -i?;- for the sing, of the 
active and -t- for the dual and plural active and all numbers 
in the middle : — 

€-tr)-v for ecr-ir]-v in the singular. 
e1p.€V for ecr-i-ixev in the plural. 
Cf. Latin siem (^^s-ie-m) and s-l-w/m. Sanskrit sydm, pi. syama, 
with the weak Vs both in singular and plural, while Greek 
has V es. 

The original form of the 3rd pi. appears in Elean (rvv-eav, 
for -fiaz; ( = -ecr-t-az'(r)), Indo-European s-i-nt. The Attic a,e.v 
is a new formation (cf. p. 380). 

Instances of the optative of non-thematic tenses with weak 
stem and suffix -iij- are to be found in the Homeric ^a-iri-v, 
6e-ir), a.Xo-ir)-v, <^a-t?j, Ki\e-Cri, ava-bv-r] (for -bvLrj). 

Of the plural with weak stem and suffix -X- we have the 
following : (jia-l-ixev, 6e-i-[j,ev, bo-1-p.ev and in the middle 
So-t-juTjr, 6e-'i-To. 

Tide-LTj-v and 8t6o-tjj-i> are variations for the original tl6- 
irj-v, 6i8-t7]-y, Sanskrit dadli-yam, and rlad-yam, just as in the 
indicative, rt^e-juez;, and bCbo-jxev take the place of TiB-jxiv 
hib-\x€v (cf. p. 337). 

The accentuation of TiOeijxev, StSoTjuei; (from ride-i-p-ev, 
bibo-i-fxev) shows that these optatives have followed the 
analogy of ■napdp.ev, flbflfxev, which arose out of Trap-fcr-X-ixfv, 
flbe(T-i-fj.ev. dbeCrjv is an old optat. of the sigmatic aor. (cf. 
on rjbr), p. 428). 

Perhaps leirjv (T. 209) stands for h-(T-iT]v and points to r;i"a 
being an aorist ( = 171-6-0-0), but more probably it is a new 
formation after the pattern of elbd-qv, just as on the similarity 



of bebiivai and dbevai was modelled the bebidriv of Plato after 
the pattern of elbeCrjv. 

The aor. optatives like 6e^^at/xt, beC^ais, etc., are new forma- 
tions upon the analogy of the thematic -oi^t, -ois. They are 
not the regular Attic forms (cf Rutherford, N. P. 429). Even 
in tragedy the forms -etas, -ei.e(v) are more frequent than -ais, 
-at : much more so then in Attic prose. 

The sigmatie optat. in -o-eta has the name of the Aeolic Aeolic 
optative. It was probably extended from the 3rd plural, "P*^*'"'^' 
biiifiav, which may be for beiK-a-ea-L-av (cf. p. 437). 

The contracted verbs in Attic have in the singular of the 
optative the forms (piXoCr^v, Tijju^riv and in the plural the shoi-t 
(jbtA.otju.ei', Tifj,^ij,ev. The Attic (piXoCrjv does not agree with the 
Aeolic (pLXelriv, but is due to the analogy of the optative of 
bCboLfjLi. Thus in the dual and plural optative of bCbMjju. we 
have bibol^ev, and the aorist bo'ifiev. These forms agreed with 
the dual and plural optat. of the contracted verb, viz. <pi\4oi[jLev, 
(j>LKo'iixev. The analogy was extended to the singular, and so 
we have ^iKoir]v, like Sotjji;, hibo(,ii]v. 

The Aeolic (pikeiriv on the other hand may be compared 
with TiQiirjV, deirjv from Tt^jjjitt (cf p. 410). 

Another illustration of the working of analogy in the opta- 
tive may be found in the following : o-xotjuei' resembles bo'ii/.ev 
and hence in the singular we have (rxoirjv beside boirjv : itapa- 
(r)(oiij,fv resembles Xvoijxiv and hence 'nap6,a-)(oi)xi, like Xvoifxi. 

If the Indicative has the Thematic vowel the suffix is -t- : — Inthematie 
(jiepois Sanskrit b/idres. XboLs Sanskrit vides. ^ ^™^" 

In the first sing, we have the primary ending -ji;it, (pipoijxi, 
but answering to the Sanskrit ending in -am ( = m), we should 
expect in Greek ^epoia. -oip.i, however, has taken the place of 
-oia. There is no good ground for assuming such an ending as 
-oiv in the optative of thematic verbs. The form Tpecpoiv rests 
only on the authority of the grammarian George Choeroboscus 
(cf. New Pliryn. p. 450). 

In the rest of the persons there is nothing further to notice, 
except the third plural ^iponv, where we should rather expect 
<j)epoiav for original -nt (cf. p. 380). 


Thelnfini- We have already spoken of the distinction between the 
Verb Finite and Infinite. The Infinitive is Verbal in so 
far as it implies predication, and as the words dependent 
on it are constructed as with the Finite Verb. Historically 
the forms of the Infinitive are in their origin substantival. 
In Sanskrit the Infinitive in the later language ends in 
-turn or -itum, e. g. from Vi (to go), infin. etum. But in 
the Veda and Brahmana ' a number of verbal nouns in 
various of their eases are used in constructions which 
assimilate them to the infinitive of other languages' 
(Whitney, SL Gr. 969). 

Thus from the stem vidmdn there are the dat. vidmdne and 
the instrumental vidwAnd (Delbriick, S. F. iv. lai). vidindne 
answers to the Greek infinitive Fihixivai. The Sanskrit ddvdne 
again answers to the Greek 6owat (Cyprian hoFevai) and from 
the stem ddvdn there is no other case. 
Origin of As Professor Max Miiller [Chips iv. 51) says, 'As far as 
tive. Sanskrit grammar is concerned we may safely cancel the 

name of infinitive altogether and speak instead boldly of 
datives and other cases of verbal nouns.' These datives can, 
like other Sanskrit nouns, govern the same case as the verb, 
and in them is to be found the origin of the infinitive. We 
need here only concern ourselves with those terminations 
which have a corresponding form in Greek. Thus Greek 
-fjievai answers to Sanskrit -mdne, Greek -Fevai to Sanskrit -vane, 
while the Greek infinitives in -fxev may stand for the Locatives 
of stems of which the Dative ending was -jxevaL. Greek -crai 
answers to Sanskrit -se. 

In Sanskrit these case forms expressed purpose and con- 
sequence. In Latin too this use of the dative case was 
common. In Greek the dative was not so employed. Thus 
in Greek we should have Sprj earlv evheLv (not vTri-o)), but in 
Latin w.unitioni tempus relinquere (Monro, H. G. § 242). 
Conversely while in Greek we have the infinitive continually 
used to express purpose and consequence, in Latin this use of 
the infinitive is almost confined to poetry and in Classical 
Sanskrit is no longer employed. 



In Greek the dat. ending in -ai was not preserved in 
nominal declension, and as the dativus commorli was not 
applied to things, the nominal origin of the Infinitive forms 
was forgotten and they ceased to be regarded as real case 
forms. The substantival origin of So'/xerat for instance was 
lost sight of, and it was brought into closer relation with the 
diiferent verbal stems. As beside thoaav there stood hdxrovin, 
so beside ho^xevai there arose bcocriixevai. For the growth of 
such constructions as the Accusative vrith the Infinitive in 
Greek cf. Monro {H. G eh. x.). 

The ending -dai appears in rjar-Oai, 7re(l)6.v-6aL (for which Termina- 
there is no need to assume ■ne<\>av(rdai), ia-rdK-Oai, rervx-Oai of jngnitiTe. 
the perfect. With this ending we can compare Sanskrit 
-dliyai in Ihdra-dhydi. This is a dative infinitive of the old 
language (cf. Whitney, § 976). 

The ending -o-^at stands related to -Qai as -o-fle to -5e of 
the second pers. plur. indicative. This ending appears in 
difierent tenses, viz. Ttde-a-OaL, di-crdai, (pipe-crdai, Ihi-aQai, 
\e\ij-a-dai, Xvcra-crdai, Xvat-crdai and has become the common 
Greek form. 

The suffix -jxevai, which is Epic and Lesbian, appears in FCb- 
jxevai, de-fievai, yvca-ixevai, jutyij-juevat of non-thematic tense- 
stems ; in el'K-e-y.evaL, etc., of thematic. 

The sufiix -yuez', which may be locative (cf Sanskrit Mr- 
man) appears in X-i>.ev, bo-fxev, TfOvd-nev after a short vowel ; 
and in the thematic eiTr-i-ixev. 

The suffix -evM { = -Fevai) appears in the Cyprian boFevai, of 
unknown accent, Sanskrit ddvdne, i-ivai, bebi-fvai, eib-4vaL 
and in many instances where a long vowel points to the 
absorption of e, as in bovvai, 6dvai, arrival, jSfjvai, a\&vai, 
arjvai, etc. Later feeling tended to regard -vai alone as the 
suffix, as for instance in bibo-vai, ridi-VM, reOvd-vai, etCj of 
which there is no trace in Homer. There is also no instance in 
Homer of -evat as an ending of the perfect infin. active, nor in 
Aeolic or Doric. 

-fiv is the normal ending of the thematic conjugation — e. g. 
fX^iv, but in Lesbian ixv'^' ™ Cretan (jjfpe-v. 


Attic -€LV before the archonship of Euclides was written 
-ev. There is no certain explanation of this ending. It is 
usually supposed to stand for -Fev, Sanskrit -van, as in adhvan 
of the Veda, (pepe-Fev, (jtepe-ev, ^epeir. The -e-eiv of Homer 
is an anomalous ending which may in most cases be written 
-e-fv ; St. ^a\f-, Inf. fiaki-ev, ^akelv (c£ Monro, H. G. § 85). 

The ending -aai of the sigmatic aorist may be compared 
with Sanskrit -se inji-se. 

The Parti- As the Infinitive is an abstract noun, the participle takes 
"^ *■ rank as a Verbal Adjective, verbal in thab it implies a pre- 

dication and goes with the same cases as the finite verb, but 
nominal in that it cannot by itself form a predication. 
Participial There are many different participial sufiixes, with some of 

termina- •' . . „ . 

tions. which we have already dealt in treating of nominal declension. 

I . -ntf-, -nt- : XeCircov, Xlttoov, Xeii/^as, kei'^wv : fem. in -vr-ia, 
viz. XLTTOvaa ( = A.i7rovrta), Xeii/^ao-a. 

3. -F(6s, -via (or -Ffla), -Fos; c£ p. 31a. 

3. -iJ,evo-, middle sufiix of all tenses. It is identical with 
the reduced -;u,i»o- of fieXe-fj,vov, Latin -mino-, -mno-, Sanskrit 
-mdna-. The rule of the vowel variation of the stem is not 

4. -TO-, as in Kkv-ro-i, Sanskrit cru-td-s, which is mainly 

5. -reo-, 8o-T€o-s. 

6. -j^o-, with the same meaning as -to-, was once a partici- 
pial sufiix, but in Greek is purely adjectival, as in (rrvy-v6-s, 
(yefj.-v6-s {(rep-vo-s), (my-v6-s, ayvo-s, Sanskrit iJmg-nd-s, Latin 
ple-nu-s, etc. 

7. -to-, in the adjectives 6.y-co-s, arvy-Lo-s, Sanskrit -li/a-, 
Latin esoim-iu-s. 

The Latin '^^® Latin system of verb-infiexion is very different both 
System of from that of Greek and that of the original Indo-European 
inflexion, language. The chief characteristics are as follow : — 

(i) The secondary person-endings have mostly superseded 
the primary : the majority of Latin person-endings correspond 


to the Greek terminations -v, -s, -(r), rather than to -fxt, 

-(Tl, -Tl. 

(ii) The system has lost the augment (or at any rate the 
syUabie augment), and consequently the simple imperfect, and 
the simple thematic and non-thematic aorists. The aorist- 
stem, as in Greek, often appears in the system of the present 

(iii) The middle formations have disappeared, and in their 
place we have a passive in -r, which is also' found in Celtic. 

(iv) The sigmatic aorist is changed both in form and 
meaning : in meaning it has come to partly coincide with 
the perfect, and hence the future perfect and pluperfect are 
formed from this stem. 

(v) The future in -so has almost entirely disappeared. 

From this it will be seen that of the four original stem- 
systems in the Indo-Em'opean verb, the present, aorist, 
perfect, and future, the present system alone in Latin has 
remained intact. 

The person-endings are as follows :^ist sing. The primary The 
termination in non-thematic verbs is -m (for -mi), in thematic g„^™g 

verbs -0. Active 

Of these -m(i) is kept only in sum for esmi (cf. Dor. etr/x^), ^t gj^g 
which on the analogy of the plural became sm(i), sm, and mm 
(p. 447). For the loss of final -i we may compare et (Greek 
eVi), ut {uti, Umbr. ute), tot (cf. toti-dem, Sanskrit tdti), oh 
(Greek eirt), ad (Sanskrit ddhi), per (irepk), super (cf. {nreip, 
Sanskrit ■upari), etc. -m. in the historic tenses (oredeia-m) and 
the subjunctive (creda-m) is the secondary termination, and 
represents an original -m, not -mi. For inqwam c£ p. 447. 

As to the terminatiou -0, the explanation given by Schleicher was that it repre- 
sented an original -omi, -om. This however is phonetically impossible, and the 
corresponding Greek form eSiKaifu, so often quoted, is perhaps itself the result 
of analogy. In some presents in the Avesta we find -a, which also appears in 
some Vedic subjunctives (irdvd, stdva) : in Greek -ai, in Latin -0 are universal, 
and traces of the same termination are also found in the Celtic and Germanic 
languages. It is clear therefore that the termination is primitive, and possibly 
fer-o may be by prehistoric contraction for fer-o-a, where -0 is the thematic 


vowel, while -a may be identical with the termination of the Greek perfect 
{M. V. i. 140, ii. 121, Z. G. d. P. p. 61). 

2nd sing. and sing. The termination in both primary and secondary 
tenses is -s, the loss of -i having obliterated the distinction. 

3rd sing. ^rd sing. The termination is -t{i), -t. 

The occasional appearance of a long vowel before the termina- 
tion of the and and of the 3rd sing, in the 3rd conjugation 
is purely metrical. The lengthening is only found in the 
caesura, and does not point to an originally long final syllable 
any more than fatigamus (Aen. 9. 610). In cases like amdt, 
habet, redlt, however, it is possible that it may be a survival 
of the original contraction from amaiit, kabeiit, rerleiit {M. U. 
i. 174, note). 

The following list of instances of this lengthening may be useful. Lucr. 

2- 2?, 4- 337 ; ^'^S- ■E'c?. 3- 97. 7- 23 ; Georg. 2. 211 ; Aen. i. 308, 5. 167, 480, 853, 
8. 363. 9- 9. i°- 67. 433. 12. 883 ; Hor. Od. i. 3. 36, 1. 13. 6, 2. 2. 14, 2. 13. 16, 

3- 5- 17. 3- 16. 26, 3. 24. 5 ; Sat. i. 4. 82, i. 5. 90, i. 9. 21, 2. i. 82, z. 2. 47, 2. 3. 
260; Prop. I. 10. 23 ; Ov. Met. 3. 184, 6. 658, 9. 611, 12. 392 ; Her. 9. 141 ; Ep. 
ex Pont. I. 3. 74, I. 4. 46 ; Val. Flaoo. 8. 259 ; -mus occurs in Plant. Cure. 438 ; 
Virg. Aen. 9. 610; Ov. Met. 14. 250. 

1st plural. 1st plural. The termination is -mos, -mus: we may com- 
pare the Doric -/xfy, but the difference of the vowel is a diffi- 
culty (cf. Cerer-us beside senatu-is). 

2nd plural. and plural. Termination -tis. This is probably in origin 
a dual form ; cf. the Sanskrit dual tdka-thas. The proper 
plural termination is kept in the imperative termination -te 
(cf. este, eo-re). 

3rd plural. 3rd plural. Termination -nf,(i), or with the thematic vowel 
-o-nt. In the case of the thematic verbs of the first and second 
conjugation we get a new form ama-nf, doce-nt (for a more regular 
ama-o-nt, doce-o-nt, cL fini-o-nt, statu-o-nt), formed apparently 
on the analogy of ama-s, ama-t, doce-s, doce-t, etc. 

The forms of the 1st conjugation may all have originated 
in a contraction (cf. Tii).au> = 31. U. i. 87); but in the 
and conjugation it is hard to see how docent can be a contrac- 
tion of doce-ont. Johansson de Verbis Contractis, p. 19a sqq., 
takes the inflexion of the present of the ist and and conjug. 
to be non -thematic throughout. 


It will be noticed that the primary and secondary termina- 
tions have everywhere coalesced in Latin, as they do in Greek 
in 1st and and plural (-iJ,ev, -re). 

The old explanation of the passive termination -r was that Passive 
it was a relic of the reflexive pronoun se, originally appended 
to the active voice to transform it to a middle. This theory 
was not in itself improbable, and finds its analogy in the 
Scandinavian languages, where the passive is formed by the 
addition of -s, or in older times -sk, i. e. the reflexive pronoun 
si& (Westphal, Verbalflexion, p. 25), cf. the English bask, 
husk. Unfortunately, however, this theory is not in agree- 
ment wdth the facts of the related languages. The -* in Latin 
might pass between vowels into r (cf honos, honor-is), but the 
same -r is found as a termination of the passive in Celtic, 
which does not ' rhotacise ' an s. r is also found in Oscan, 
but there an s between vowels becomes z. The -r of honor, 
for and by the side of honos, is to be explained not as the direct 
result of rhotacism, but as due to the analogy of the oblique 
cases where * becomes r between vowels. We do not find -r 
in genus beside generis. 

It is clear therefo -e that the -r of the passive can have 
nothing whatever to do with the reflexive pronoun. But no 
explanation of it has yet been found. In Sanskrit the 3rd 
plur. of the perf. middle ends in -re, and in the Veda other 
verbal terminations containing r are found (Whitney, Sk. Gr. 
§ 550). It is now thought that this r may have been ex- 
tended by analogy from the 3rd plural, in the first instance to 
the 3rd sing, and then to the other persons and members. 
But this is a mere conjectui-e. 

The forms legitur, leguntur seem identical with the Greek 
middles (ej-Xeyero, (pj-Ktyovro with the addition of the Latin 
passive suffix -r ; but if this is so, the secondary suffixes (Gk. 
-TO, -VTo) have superseded the primary (Gk. -Tat, -vTai) in the 
present tense in Latin. In the and sing, corresponding to 
the Greek (e)-Xeye(ro {eXeyov) we should expect in Latin 
legeso-r, which might become leges-r, leges-e-r, leger-e-r by 




System of 

successive steps, the e appearing before r in the same way as 
in ag-e-r (p. 71). The final s of the existing form legeris may- 
be due to the analogy of the and sing, of the active. In lego-r, 
legimu-r the suffix r is attached immediately to the active forms 
(lego, legimus). 

Legimini is a participial and not a verbal form, and corre- 
sponds to the Greek Aeyo'/iei/ot ; legeremini, legamini will then 
be formed by analogy. The old forms of the and and 3rd 
sing. ivaTper.Jruimino, antesiamino, /amino (ajjpellamino is plur., 
Cic. de Legg. '>,- '^■'i>) are said to be not for *fruimmo-s, etc., 
but formed as singulars of the iy^e fruimini, as we have a sing. 
vehito beside a plur. vehite. The analogy is not complete, but 
on the imper. see p. 433. 

The system of inflexion in each Latin verb may be divided 
into four groups — 

(i) The inflexion of those tenses derived from the present 
stem (presents of all moods and voices, active participle, infin., 
act. and pass, and gerund). 

(ii) The inflexions of the perfect stem (perf., fut.-perf and 
plupf. in many verbs). 

(iii) The inflexions of the sigmatic aorist. 

(iv) The inflexions of the future and imperf. in I. 

Present The present stems of verbs in Latin may be classified as 

System. follow : — 

I. Non-thematic verbs — of which however traces survive 
only in a few isolated forms still left in systems that otherwise 
have become thematic — es {ed-s), es (ess), es-t,fer-s,fert, etc. 
a. Thematic verbs — 

(i) the thematic vowel is added to the simple 
stem in its strong or weak degree — [duco, ago). 

(ii) the thematic vowel is added to the redupli- 
cated stem (si-st-o). 

(iii) the ^-class (flec-t-o). 
(iv) the Nasal class {cer-n-o). 
(v) the Ineeptives (po-sc-o). 
(vi) the Yod-class, whether radical (fug-i-o, 


ama-i-o), causative (mon-ei-o), or denominative {statu-i-o). To 
this class belong all verbs of the ist, and, and 4th conjugations, 
and all those of the 3rd whose ist sing. pros, indie, ends in 
-io or -uo. 

The above classes all find their parallel in Greek (p. 389). 
But the Greek non-thematic verbs in -vv-, -va- (classes 3 and 
4) have become thematic in Latin {ster-nu-o, con-ster-na-re). 
Latin has also a few verbs formed by means of sufiixes not 
found in Greek, of the types cape-ss-o, dic-ta-re, clic-ti-ta-re, 
ster-nu-ta-re, es-uri-o. 

The thematic vowel is either or e (cf. p. 374)- ^ (m) appears Non-the- 
in the ist pers. sing, and plur. and the 3rd pers. plur., e (Latin i) ^^^^^ i,^. 
elsewhere (De Sauss. p. 87). coming 

_,, \ r / J thematic. 

Thus we have — 
ex<a ex-o-jMev €\-o-vti, e}(-e-Te ^ex-e-(n ^^e^-e-rt 

ve-ho veh-i-mus veh-o-nt veh-i-te veh-i-s veh-i-t ; 
(but cf. vol-w-mus.) 

True non-thematic verbs are very rare in Latin, and even 
where they occur, are assimilated in form to the thematic con- 
jugation, fd-ri is still non-thematic (cf. (jya-vai) ; but on the 
other hand -ple-o (cf. Tn'ju-TrXrj-/xi), si-st-o (cf. t-a-Tr]-iXL), ser-o (for 
si-s-o, cf. (<r)^-(o-))7-jui), stermt-o (cf. ■nrapw-^i-ai), stern-o (cf. 
(rr6pvv-ix,i) have all taken the termination of the thematic 

The assimilation to the thematic conjugation probably 

started from the plurals sistimus (for si-sta-mos, cf. '^orajuei;), 

serimus (for si-sa-mos, cf. UiJ.ev), which look like thematic forms 

from stems sist-, ser-. We should have expected an inflexion — 

si-sidm({\ si-std-s(i) si-sid-mos. 

Cf. t-a-Td-jxi X-(TTd-s ta-Ta-ixev. 

And se-re-m (for si-se-m) se-re-s se-ra-mos [si-sa-mos). 

Cf. {<T)i-{cr)y)-\J.i {(T)i-{cr)r\-s (ar)i(or)e-nev. 

But shamos, sistamos become regularly serimus, sistimus (cf. 
Jupiter and Zei3 7r(irep, concipit and cdpit, ddditus and ddtiis), 
and hence the whole system was assimilated to the type verto, 
vertimus, etc. 

A somewhat similar case is the passing of the compounds of 


dare to the 3rd conjugation, dddamus, e. g. became addimus, 
whence was formed addo, addunt, etc. 

Similarly there may once have existed a form — 

ster-nd-ni ster-nd-s sler-nd-t ster-na-mos. 

Cf. hi,jx-vd-fj,i bajx-vd-s hafx-vd-cn baiJ.-vd-iJ,ev. 

Sk. str-na-mi stf-nd-si str-na-ti str-nimds. 

(Whitney, Sk. Gr. § 718.) 

The singular, it is said, gave rise to consterndre, exsterndre, 
the plural to siernere. (This may be doubted in this partic- 
ular ease, as consternare is probably identical in root with 
Greek itTvpecrdai, but it is true of spernere beside asjjernari.) 
(Osthoff, Z. G. d. F. p. 245.) ■ 

Compare in Greek avai beside avvw, K&^vui beside Sdt/xi'jjjitt. 

We will now consider these two classes separately. 

Non-the- I. Non-thematic Conjugation. 

[ugation"" (i) steals ending in a vowel. 

Root ei, i. (a) Strong root ei, weak root i, in eo, Sanskrit emi, imds, 
Greek etfju, tfxev. Greek and Sanskrit show the regular Ablaut 
between the singular and plural. In Latin the strong stem 
ei or i is extended to all numbers and tenses (imus, Uur, ibo for 
eimus, eitur, etc.), the weak stem being found only in the parti- 
ciples i-tus, and -iens for i-i-M-s. The strong stem reappears 
in the oblique cases of the pres. part., as euntis for ei-ontis. 

Parallel to eo are queo, nequeo. In all three the ist 
sing. pres. indie, has been assimilated to the thematic 

Boot da, (h) Strong root da, weak root dd, in das, *ddt, dd-mus, dd- 

t'ls, dd-tus. The a seems to represent the svaraiJidkti vowel 
(cf. Greek Soros), of which d is the ordinary Latin representa- 
tive (cf. cdtus, rdtus, status, etc.). It is possible that do may 
be an ' aorist present,' for the absence of reduplication by the 
side of 8i8a)//t is noticeable. There may have once been a 
strong aorist *{e)dom beside *e8a)i; (cf ebajMev, etc.), corre- 
sponding to a possible *(e)stdm, beside ea-rriv. Then (e)dom 
may have passed to the present system, like ayco beside 7/y- 
dy-ov, and in part to the thematic conjugation. 



(ii) Stems ending in a consonant. 
(a) Strong root es, weak root s. Root e«, 

The original present would have been — 

es-m ess es-t s-m6s s-tes s-nt. 

o o 

Cf. f(T-[j.l l(T-cri Ict-tL Sk. s-mds s-thd s-dnti. 

ess became regularly es, and this quantity is invariably 
kept in Plautus. 

*smus is unpronounceable, and therefore takes a svarabhakti 
vowel, which under the influence of the following consonant is 
M, so we get su-m-us. Then this form in turn influences the 
first person singular, and we get sum for the more regular *sem 
{sm), and eventually the 3rd plui'al [sunt for *sertt, snt), though 
in this case the analogy of the thematic conjugation (e. g. 
reg-o-nl) may have operated. The Umbrian 3rd plural is sent. 

The weak root appears irregularly in the 1st sing, on the 
analogy of the ist plur. (sum for *esum), and the strong root 
in the 2nd plur. on the analogy of the 2nd and 3rd sing. 
{es-tis for *s-tis). But Osthofi" {M. U. iv, Einleitung, p. vi) 
is of opinion that es-tis beside Sanskrit s-thd, e(a)-lrj-v beside 
s-ie-m, may both represent original forms of the reduced root, 
es- being the form under the secondary accent (Ablaut III, here 
identical in form with Ablaut II), s, the unaccented form 
(Ablaut IV). The difference between the two would then be 
due to a difference of function in the sentence. The enclitic 
form (unaccented) appears in e. g. necesse 'st, which would 
stand to necesse est as e. g. Zewy kari to Zeis 'icm. So, too, 
pollicitus 's (written poUicitus) is the enclitic form oi jiolli- 
citus es. 

Ero for *eso is a subjunctive, and corresponds to the Greek 
S, eo) (for *eo-co). 

In the case of erdm the stem era- may possibly be distin- 
guished into e-s-d-, where e is the augment, a is a root 
determinative added to the weakest form of the root^. 
E-s-d-m would then be parallel to inquam, which is an imperfect 

' A list of such additions of a to weak roots is given in M.V.i. 35. We 
may quote Ai-are beside hi-sco; i-a-jitu beside eio, K-tus; r-a-»»!« beside ip-iaaai 
etc. But most of them are more ingenious than probable. 


in origin and stands for in-squ-d-m (ef. evL-a-Tr-rj-aca. Inquit is 
an aorist for in-squ-i-t ; cf. fVL-a-if-e). 

The so-called pres. subj. is in reality an optative ; the ori- 
ginal inflexion was — 

s-ie-m s-ie-s s-ie-t s-I-mus s-i-te s-i-nt. 

Cf. e[cr)-lri-v e(cr)ir;-y i(a)-ir]-(T) e(cr)-i-jixei' e((T)t-re e(o-)i-ei'. 
Sk. s-yd-m 8yds syat sydma sydta syus. 

Siem still survives in Old Latin, but in classical times the 
weak root has been extended throughout the tense. The loss 
of the initial e may be due to the influence of the indicative. 

The present participle is quite regular in prae-sens, ab-sens, 
con-sentes, except that the weak form of the root {snt-) has been 
extended throughout. 

Ens is a later barbarism (Quint. 8. 3. 33). 

Escit seems to be an inceptive form, standing for es-scit; 
cf. ecTKe. 

Possum (older poiis sum) is a compound, and the existing 
forms may be the result of contraction. Thus potissit became 
poti'sit, potisit, then pot'sit, and finally possit. But potest 
(whether for pofest or pote'st, with the enclitic form of the 
verb) is quite regular, and this form may have originated the 
tendency to assimilate the inflexion to that of the substantive 
verb (cf. Laehmann on Lucr. 5. 880). 

Potui, potens, potin (for potis-ne) imply a form *potere, 
*potire (cf. potlri beside potttur), or *potere. 

Eoot ed,. {b) Root ed. 

The forms es (for ed-s), est (for ed-t), estis (ed-tis), esto 
[ed-to), esse {ed-se), ed-im are non-thematic, ef. l8-/ievat : but 
the rest of the verb has passed to the thematic conjugation. 
It is possible that the reduced root may be seen in dens for 
d-nt-s, a present participle parallel to -sens (cf. p. 307). 

Root/er. (c) Root /er-. This root is non-thematic in fer-t, fer-tis, 


fer-te (cf. (/j^p-re) fer-io, fer-re (for fer-se). The other forms 
of the verb are thematic. 

(d) Root vol-, vel- is non-thematic in vol-t, vul-tis, vel-le (for Root vel, 
vel-se). (For the law governing the interchange of e and 0, *"^' 
V. p. 189.) 

With this may be classed nolo (for neuolo), malo (for mag{e)- 

The 2nd sing. pres. ind. of the last two verbs present some 
difficulty. The root fer should make *fer-si (Vedic bhdr-si), 
which in Latin could only become *fem,ferre (the final * be- 
coming e, as in mare, stem man-). The final -s oi fer-s must 
therefore be on the analogy of all other second persons singu- 
lar. Vis is obscure. 

The imperatives /er, vel, with es, es are pseudo-conjunctives 
(cf. p. 433, M. U. iii. 9) ; fer is for *fer-s which would become 
^ferr&ndifer, so es for *es-s, es for *ed-s, velior *vel-s [ = *vell 
= vel). 

The forms cette (for ced-te), can-te (Carm. Arv.), cedre (cedere) 
are more probably syncopated than originally non-thematic. 

We may now pass to — The The- 

II. The Thematic conjugation — ?'**'« "'"'- 

. jugation, 

(1) Verbs with the present stem formed simply by the gimpiethe- 
addition of the thematic vowels 0, e («'). matic pre- 

These fall into two main subdivisions, the Imperfect 
Presents and the Aorist Presents (cf. p. 233). 

The distinction between Imperfect and Aorist Presents is really implied in 
the remarks of Westphal {Verhalflexion, p. 129) on the quantity of the stem- 
vowels of Latin presents. His observations may be of some practical value. 

1. Presents formed simply by the addition of the thematic vowel to the 
stem and containing the vowels i, u, followed by a consonant, have this vowel 
long. These are what we should now call imperfect presents. The only ex- 
ceptions are \_fiire], rildere (but rudere Pers. 3. g^f&rere, divldere. 

But if the stem is increased by -ao, -eo, -io, -wo, i and u are short. Excep- 
tions are strideo beside strido, etc., and presents of the second conjugation 
with a perfect in -si {rideo, etc.) : but here the perfect and often other forms 
point to original simple present stems, as fng-us to a form *frlgo beside 
frlge-o. Bat J&ieo has short &, though the perf. is jussi. 

2, Simple verbs with the stem ending 'in a consonant and containing the 






Towela a, e, o have the vowel short, and often the stem is nasalised. Excep- 
tions are rado, vado, labor, (but labo), repo, cedo, rodo. The forms with a are 
aorist presents, those with ?, S, e, a, o are imperfect presents. (Ablaut II.) 

Verbs derived from nouns have a long vowel, Jlaveo, Jloreo, tabeo, also 
dreo, pdreo, which cannot be classed as denominatives. But presents not de- 
rived from nouns have the vowel short, amo, mSneo, etc. 



We may now resume our classification : — 

(a) Present stems with strong root (imperfect presents) 
corresponding- to Sanskrit ist verbal class which is paroxy- 
tone, e. g. bMva, from Vikw (cf. p. 405). 

Simple verbs with stem containing e: — lego, tego,veho,peto, 
frendo, pendo, -fendo, pre-hendo (the reduced root is seen in 
exa^ov for l-x^b-ov, cf. x^icroiJ.aL for x^vb-a-ofiai,), sterto, verge, 

Stems with corresponding derivative forms : — stridere 
(stridere), tergere (tergere), sonere (sonare), fervere (fervere), 
lavere (lavare), fulgere (fulgere). 

Stems that have passed entirely into the derived conjuga- 
tion : — crep-are, vet-are, sec-are, ten-ere, mer-ere. 

Stems with diphthongs : — douco (for *deuco), feido (cf. 
■neiOw), liro (for *euso, cf. evo)), ludo (*loido), claudo, plaudo, 
laedo, caedo. 

Stems with *, w (which cannot be proved to be reduced 
forms) : — fligo (cf. BXt^ui), figo, glubo (cf. yXvcfxo). 

Stems with a, e, 0: — rado, vado, suadeo (derived form), 
cedo, rodo, repo, labor. 

(b) Present stems with weak root (aorist presents) : — cor- 
responding to 6th Sanskrit class, which is oxytone, e. g. suvd 
from \/««. 

rudo, mvit (cf. vtifuros), divido, ago, alo, scabo, fiirere, tago, 
pago, scato,, cado, 6I0, loquor, etc. 

cated pre- 

(a) Present stems with reduplication. The reduplication is 
prefixed to the weakest form of the root. 

gi-gn-o (Old Latin geno, cf gen-i-tus), sido (for si-sd-o, cf. 
'iCo> for o-t-o-S-m), disco (for di-de-sco, cf. di-dic-i), si-st-o, 
bi-b-o, se-r-o (for si-s-o). The last three were originally non- 


thematic ; cf. (o-)^-oTa-/xt, {(T)i-{(r)7]-ii,i, Baxiskvii pi-ld-mi and v. 
supra, p. 445. 

(3) ^-Class : the present-stem is formed by adding -t-, -te- Presents 
to the verb-stem. The stem is thus often identical with that "^^^ "'■ 
of the past participle of the simple verb. 

Flee-to, pec-to, nee-to, plec-to, viso (forvid-to, M.U. iv. 77), 
be-tere, me-tere (cf. a-ixA-eiv, but the relation is obscure), fS- 
te-or (fa-ri), fS-tiscor (cf x<^-o"k&>, ad-:^-t-im). 

The stem of these verbs seems sometimes to be strong, 
sometimes weak (cf. fateor but fleeto). 

Setere has nothing to do with &n<(>iaPrjTSi with which it is often compared. 
The imperfect TJ/jxpf-aP^row shows that in this last the root is a^rj, Indo- 
Enropean sg-a from a -/sag, seen in Sanskrit sajati {M. U. i. 22). 

(4) Nasal Class : — Nasalised 

This again may be subdivided into two groups — presents, 

(a) Those in which the suffix -no, -ne is added to the root. Presents 
originally in its reduced form. These verbs may originally ^^^1*'^'^^'^ 
have been non-thematic and correspond to the 5th Sanskrit 
class of the type su-nu from Vsu- and to the Greek forms like 
(TTop-vv-fu (cf. ster-nu-o : Ttrdp-vv-ixai). But all have passed 
into the thematic system : — 

cer-no (Kpi-v(o : for -er- in Latin, v. p. 19 a). 
ster-no (cf. stra-tus). 
sper-no (cf. spre-tus). 
tem-no (tm-no ?). 

fruniscor for friig-ni-seor, cf. frug-es. 
deguno for de-gus-no, cf. y€v(cr)a). 
So with the -n- assimilated to the preceding consonant we 
have : — Tollo (tj-nrf ?), vello, fallo, pello, -cello, cillo, pro-mello. 
Cf. li-no, si-no. 

In old Latin we have solinunt (cf. Xi^>), da-nunt, 

(5) The nasal appears within the body of the root. This Presents 
mysterious class of verbs corresponds to the Indian 7th class of gerted 
the tjrpe rtmdh VrudA. The root appears in the reduced form. "»sal. 
In Greek we have the type Xa-fx-jB-dv-M VXa^ (p. 416). 

Gg a 


In Latin ft-n-do, sci-n-do, pu-n-go, ru-m-po, tu-n-do, ju-n-go, 
a-n-go (cf. &x-°^)' /^-'"■'9°''' (^ic^j i- i^i), m-n-guit (cf. niv- 
Vsmahu-), mung-it (mwc-us), pi-n-go, etc. 

We find nasalised weak and unnasalised strong forms side 
by side in meio (meili-o) and mi-n-go (cf. d-/xtx^-X7j), AetTrto and 
li-n-qwo, (evy-vv-ixi and ju-n-go, ■ny\y-vv\i,t. and pan-go, velcfjfL 
and m-n-git, etc. 

In the majority of cases the nasal is confined to the pres. 
system, but in fungor, jungo, ango, etc., it is carried throughout 
the verbal system. 

Inceptive (5) Inceptive or *^-class. 

-SCO-, -see- is added to the weak root, either : — 
Inoeptives (a) Immediately to the simple root in — 
etemr™^ ® M-sco, pa-SCO, gli-sco, cre-sco (where the root is cer- in 
Cer-es and the long vowel is due to metathesis, cf. p. 115)1 disco 
(perhaps we may put together doc-eo, deo-et, di-dc-sco as a 
regularAblaut),mMceo(for mig-seeo, cf. fxlayeuv for /xty-crK€tz'(?) ), 
poseo {iox piorc-sco, prc-sco, cf. proc-iis, precor). 

Ond-scor, gno-seo are difiicult. The full root of gnosco is 
seen in the Gothic kannen beside hunnan (knnan), but in Greek 
and Latin we get only the metathesised form gno- with 
a long vowel. A short vowel may, however, be seen in djuc^t- 
yvoio), vovs (for *yvoFos, cf. gnavus), no-fa, a-gmfus. In these 
words, however, the root may be difierent, and the guttural 
due to the same confusion that we get in co-gnomen beside 
nomen (M. TJ. 1. 47). 

Gndscor again cannot well be separated from the root yev in 
yivos, but a confusion with gnosco seems most probable. In 
Homer we have yvwros, 'a blood relation,' and yvoiros is to 
gnatus as crrpojros to stratus, both apparently showing long 
sonants (De Sauss. pp. 108, 138). On the other hand we get 
Kacri-yvTjToy, yvr\<Tt,o's, etc., with r\ everywhere in Greek, to 
which corresponds the Latin a in gnatus. 

It is possible there may be a triple Ablaut of the -/gno,, 
(i) gno in gno-sco ; (ii) gn in gnd-rns ; (iii) gn in in-gens for 

XV.] yD/)-PRESENTS. 453 

n-gn-U, properly ' that which is unknown, unusual ' {K.Z. xxviii. 
a8i, note). 

(5) The suflBxes -see-, -sco- are added to secondary roots. Inceptivea 

(i) To the stems of thematic verbs, api-seor, gemi-sco, etc. ™ , 

Tremesco, {Aen. 5. 694) is formed on the analogy of horreseo, stems. 
paveseo, etc. {M. JJ. iii. 81), which have stems in e. 

(ii) To the stems of derived verbs in -ao, -eo, -io, in con-cujn- 
sco, laid-sco, arde-seo, scl-sco. 

Scio (scl-i-o) is to sdl-sco as ^aiv(o to ^d-a-Kco : so we have 
clormio and obdormiseo, resipio and resipuco, *apio (?) and aplscor. 

The i in all these forms is naturally long (cf. Italian capisco, 
which, if the i in Latin had been short, would have been 
capesco p. 308, Z. G. d. P. a^y), and they must consequently 
be from verbs of the 4th conjugation. Forms like esopergiscor 
paeucor, contremlsco, etc., where there is no corresponding verb 
of the 4th conjugation, must be the result of analogy. Finally 
on the analogy of this class we get those inceptives where the 
suffix is added to — 

(iii) The stems of nouns, but with a preceding long vowel Inceptives 

T • ■% • ni J j_nij j_ 'J- from stems 

which IS often not part 01 the noun-stem proper : tnveterasco, ^f nouns. 
puerdsco, diteseo, quiesco, miteseo. These are formed as if from 
a *veterare, etc., which however does not actually exist. 
Contrast the short vowel in the Greek KopicrKoy, apicrKco. 

(6) The Jb^-Class of verbs forms its present stem by Tod^ve- 
adding io, ie to the root, which generally appears in the '®"*^' 
reduced form. Thus — 

farc-io, ef. (j)pdcr<rQ} for <j)paK-i(o. 

rug-io, cf. pvCo) for pvy-iui. 

sal-io, cf. aWofiai for craX-to-jixat. 

ven-io for vm-io, cf. fiaivui, Indo-European g-rn-ip. 

mug-ioj cf. p,v^(o for /xuy-iM. 

sario, cf. cralpoi. 

am-icire for am-icj-ire, cf. iacio, ob-icio. 

comperire, beside par-ere. 

iacio, cf. iaTT-TO) viaq. 


But the forms evenat, advenat in Plautus (cf. Brix, ad TrinX. 41) 
are aorist presents formed with the simple stem. 

Under this head must be classed a variety of verbs in -io, 
which may be grouped as follows : — 

(i) Radicals, cupio, fugio, fodio, parioj etc. 
(ii) Denominatives : — 

(a) From stems in -0-, saevio, servio, largior, etc. 
{b) From stems in -a-, punio, bullio. 
(c) From stems in -?'-, vestio, finio, sitio, etc. 
{d) From stems in -u-, singultio. 

(e) From consonant-stems, custodio, impedio (nutrio V). 
But in the inflexion of these words we get a constant con- 
fusion between the simple and the derived stems. Thus 
cap-is, cap-it (if not for capi-es, cajii-et as reice for reiice) seem 
to be formed from the simple stem cap-, not from the secondary 
stem capi-. On the other hand the stem saevi-, e.g. in saevio, 
has passed entirely to the 4th conjugation from the analogy 
of stems in -i, like audi-. 

Generally it is true that the perfect system is formed from 
the simple, the present system from the derived stem ; thus we 
have salui (stem sal-\ but salio (stem sali-^, sonui (stem son-), 
but sonare (stem sond-). 

But the reverse is the case in petivi (stem peti-) beside 
pet-ere and mpot-i-ri beside poU-tur. Other verbs in which 
this confusion of simple stems and stems with i has taken 
place are orior, morior, gradior, fodio, cupio. In pardre beside 
parere, we have two distinct stems from the same root, each 
with a full verbal system. 

Under the head of the yod-skems must also be put the whole 
of the verbs of the so-caUed first, second, and fourth conjuga- 
tion, as well as those of the third whose presents end in -tw. 

am-o is for ama-j.o, cf Tiixd-co for rtjua-tco. 
mone-o is for mone-io, cf. ^lAe'-co for (fnXe-ico. 
audi-o is for audl-io, cf Koviia for kovI-lui. 
statuo is for statu-j:o, cf nedv-w for fuedv-ia. 
There are no verbs in -00 in Latin corresponding to those in 


-00) (-oz'co) in Greek. In Latin the corresponding forms 
appear in -do, e. g. — 

•>/ft\ow : pila-re. 

dpo'-o) : ara-re. 

Civy6(t) : juga-re. 
aegrotus looks like a past part, of *aegroo. 

But even in these derived verbs we get a variation of stem 
in different forms, as in — 

viole-ntus and viola-re. 

cale-ndae and cala-re. 

Aoe-o) and lava-re or lav-ere. 

nava-re and navi-re, etc. 
Horreo, torreo, madeo, oleo seem to be properly verbs in -io or 
to have had once corresponding forms with -w added to the 
simple stem ; cf. Sanskrit hfsy-ati, thy-ati, maiy-ati, oCfn for 
d8-«a) (Mem. Soc. Ling. iii. 379). 

With regard to the derived verbs in -eo, -io it may be noticed that they 
are partly derived from nouns (Jlaveo, finio), and partly causative {moneo, 
sopio), and that of denominative verbs those in -ea are intransitive (e. g. 
albeo), those in -ao are transitive (denso). 

We now pass to the Perfect system, with which must be Perfect 
classed the system of the Sigmatic Aorist. System. 

The reduplicated perfect, which is characteristic of Greek, is The redu- 
comparatively rare in Latin. The following is a list of those Perfect 
found : — pependi, tetendi, momordi, totondi, spopondi, po- 
posci, didici, cucurri, pupugi, tutudi, seicidi, pepedi, pepigi, 
tetigi, cecini, cecidi, cecidi, peperi, fefelli, peperci, ste-t-i, 
de-d-i, (tetuli), (tetini), bi-b-i, sti-t-i, didici. 

It may be noticed that reduplication is not peculiar to the The vowel 
perfect system in the verb, but is also found in the present ^yon"^ '' 
stem. There is, however, this difference, that the vowel in 
reduplication was originally in the case of the present stem « 
in the case of the perfect, e (cf. Ti-dr^-jxi but ri-Ofi-Ka K. Z. 
XXV. 32, 74)' Forms then like pu-pug-i beside pe-pig-i, 
spo-{s)pondi, mo-mordi beside the older spepondi, memordi (Aul. 
Gell. 7. 9) are to be explained as the result of assimilation 
to the stemvowel, or as Osthoff {Z, G. d. P. 271) prefers 


to say, momordi, etc., are formed on the analogy of pependi, 
etc., where the vowel of stem and reduplication happened 
to be identical. In composition the accent of the perfect 
was shifted to the prefix, and e consequently became « (dSAi 
but reddidi). 

It is to be noticed that though under the influence of 
assimilation we find «, o, u as the vowel of the reduplicated 
syllable, we never find a, as in every case where a is the root 
vowel, it has passed in the unaccented syllable to e or i, and 
in this case the e of the reduplication is unchanged. 

In the case of didici (for de-dec-i, from the root dec, doc 
in doceo) the e in the unaccented syllable becomes, as regularly, 
» ; but the i of the reduplication may be due rather to the 
vowel in disco (for di-dc-sco) than to direct assimilation with 
the i of the perfect stem. 

Bi-i-i seems to be for be-b-i (cf. iri-irco-Ka), as sti-ti (which 
is found) for ste-ti (Gell, 2. 14 ; Neue, ii. 460). The i of the 
reduplication may come from the compounded forms, where 
it would be unaccented (ef. plico for pleco, Greek irAe/ca), from 
tmplico, etc. M. U. iv. 3, note) ; but it would be helped by the i 
of the present. 
Loss of re- It would Seem from a comparison of Greek and Sanskrit 
in Latin'"" that, except in those stems that began with a vowel, redupli- 
cation must once have been universal in the perfect-system. 
The reasons that caused it generally to disappear in Latin are 
doubtful, but the following theory has been hazarded. 

We have seen that the dual and plural of the active and the 
whole of the middle voice of the perfect originally accented 
the termination and therefore took the reduced root. In those 
cases, however, where the root-syllable, though shortened, yet 
remained a distinct syllable, the reduplication was, in the dual 
and plural, one syllable further from the accent than in the 
singular and therefore lost its vowel. So we get in Sanskrit 
1st sing, ta-tdks-a, 3rd plur. taks-us, for t-taJcs-4s, and in Latin 
fidimus ior f-Jid-i-mus. Fiom/Mimus is then formed a new 
singular y^(5?^, while on the other hand ce-cid-i-mus will be a 
new plural on the analogy of ce-cid-i. It is supposed that 


traces of the original reduplication in such types survive in the 
double consonants of re-ccidi, re-pperi, re-ce-cidimws by loss 
of the reduplication giving re-c-cidimus. In cases like ja- 
gm-us (3rd plur. act.), the reduplication was protected by the 
two following consonants and therefore remained. With this 
we may compare the Latin /ecmw* hv fe-fc-imus. Somewhat 
similar is the loss of the reduplication in the perfects of com- 
pound verbs which in the simple form are trisyllabic or in 
some persons quadrisyllabic, the prefix being originally 
accented. Thus we have dttigi, Sccurri, decidi, dccidi, but 
tetigi, etc. [Z. G. d. P. '22>^). There are some exceptions, es- 
pecially with the compounds of curro (Neue, ii. 466 sqq.). 

The theory just given has however been attacked by Osthoff 
{M. U. iv. JEinleit. p. viii ; Z. G. d. P. i, sqq.), largely on the 
ground of the Gothic ist plur. setum (Vsed), which cannot, by 
the phonetic laws of Gothic, be for se-st-wm, se-sd-um. He 
prefers to start with two distinct but parallel forms of the 
1st plur., a reduplicated form se-sd-i-mus, which will answer 
to the Sk. sedimd, and a form with a long root-vowel, sed-i-mus, 
which gives the Gothic setum. This latter form is of unex- 
plained origin, but it may be remarked that the forms vidi, 
dlba, veda point to an original type of the perfect which was 
formed without reduplication (see also p. 459). The Latin 
sedimus phonetically may come from either the reduplicated or 
the non-reduplicated form, but Osthoif gives reasons (p. 105) 
for preferring to refer it to the latter. Similarly there may 
have been originally two forms, be-bhoidh-a (= ■ne-'noida) and 
{bh)bhoida (= Goth, laid); in the former the reduplication 
perhaps bore the secondary accent, while in the latter it was 
unaccented. With sedimus we may class venimtis, clepimus, 
from roots ven, clep. 

In Greek, roots beginning with a vowel regularly form the The Aug- 
perfect by means of the temporal augment, that is, of the peJect. 
syllabic augment which by a pre-historic contraction has 
coalesced with the initial vowel of the root. It is possible that 
traces of this may survive in Latin in the forms egi, emi, edi, 


co-ej)i. In every ease it may be noticed that the perfect stem 
appears in Ablaut II, whereas we should rather have expected 
(p. 485) Ablaut I {e-og-i). But on this point see p. 468. 
Perfects We now come to those perfects which are formed by internal 

^a^*^ modifications of the verbal stem. But we may first briefly 
internal notice those internal modifications which accompany redu- 


(i) Ee- Roots of the e-series originally showed in the singular 

Perfects! 0^ the perfect active. Thus we have ire-iroiOa from Vveid 
(p. 485). Traces of this original Ablaut may be seen in 
Latin in — 

mo-mord-i from an obsolete pres. *merdo (cf. (jjuepS-i'o's). 
to-tond-i „ „ *tendo. 

spo-pondi „ „ *sj)endo {cmivhui). 

It is to be noticed that spondeo, tondeo, mordeo are derived 
forms, and therefore of secondary origin. 

Again, me-min-it, te-tin-it, di-dic-it may possibly be for 

*me-mon-it, te-ton-it, de-doc-it, from the roots men- [mens), 

ten- (ten-eo), dec- {dec-et). So,too,p)e-pul-i (for pe-jool-i, Vpel-), 

{ee)-cul-i (for ce-col-i, VceFj, te-tul-i (for te-tol-i, Vtel). But 

the last three are more than doubtful, and the vowel change 

there seems to be due merely to the common change of el to 

ol (ul) in Latiu (p. 189). 

(ii) Non- The remaining eases of internal modification of the stem 

cated^" often present great difiiculties. It will be well briefly to 

Perfects, classify our material first, before discussing it in detail. 

I. The three roots ending in long vowels, da-, std-, dhe-, 
preserve the original non-thematic forms in de-d'i-mus (to 
give), ste-fi-mus, de-di-mus (to place, in ab-do, etc.), which are 
for de-dd-mos, ste-sta-mos, de-dhe-mos (cf. p. 236). 

3. Roots in ei have the strong stem in the perfect, e. g. vidi 
(f €t8o/xai), liqui (Aefoco). In the former there ,is no trace of an 
original reduplication (cf. Foiba, veda), but to liqui correspond 
in Greek and Sanskrit the reduplicated forms kikoma, rireca. 
Contrast fMi, which we have seen (p. 456) was perhaps once 
reduplicated, and in which the root only appears with 4. 


3. Roots in eu similarly have the strong stem without the 
reduplication (filffi beside (f)evya>,'fMi beside x^Fco). On the 
other hand, roots that contain only « have in the perfect 
M with reduplication (iu-iud-i, pu-pug-i). 

4. It has been thought that in pependi, tetendi, poposci (for 
peporc-sc-i) we have the reduced form of the root which is 
appropriate to the plural and has been extended to the sin- 
gular. These forms would then stand for pe-pnd-i, ie-ind-i, 
pe-prc-sc-i ; but there are so few certain instances of an Ablaut 
in inflexion in Latin that it is safer to suppose these to be 
formed straight from the present stem. Cucurri may possibly 
be for ke-Icrr-i, from a pres. kerro ( = *querro, curro ; cf. equiria 
for equi-qidria). 

5. The form sedimus, from a root sed-, we have already seen 
reason to believe to be primitive (p. 457), and with this we 
put venimus, clepinms, from Vven, Vclep. 

6. Finally, we have the roots of which the presents contain 
a (aorist presents). These form their perfects in three diiferent 
ways — 

(i) With the weak root reduplicated — iapepigi, eecini, cecMi, 
tetigi, (v. p. 455). 

(ii) With the strong root unreduplicated — scaio, scdii. 

(iii) With a long e in the stem — capio, dpi. 

With these last we may class the anomalous forms — fodio, 
fodi, stride, stridi, cMo, cudi, vinco, vici, leo, ici. 

The perfects of the types scdbi, cepi present great difficulty. 
The most typical case is that of those verbs whose presents 
show a, and whose perfects show e. These are — 

egi, from ago (an aorist present). This we have already 
explained by contraction with the augment (p. 457). 
fregi, pegi, from nasalised presents. 

cepi, feci, jeci, co-epi (Lucr. 4. 619), from yoi^-presents. 

Now, according to OsthofFs theory (p. 457), venimus, clepi- 
mus, sedimus, beside venio, clepo, sedeo, represent a compara- 
tively primitive Ablaut. Beside these we have egi from ago, 
whose long vowel may be satisfactorily explained. Osthoif 
[Z. G. d. F. 155, 262) is of opinion that these four forms — all 


■words in constant use — with a short vowel in the present and 
a long Yowel in the perfect, were the models on which all per- 
fects with a long vowel corresponding to presents with a 
short vowel were formed. We may get other models in-vidi 
(beside video), which seems primitive (p. 457). 

We have therefore the Ablauts — ago : egi — venio : veni— 
clepo : clepi — sedeo : sedi — Imquo : iTqui — video : vidi. And 
these may have been sufficient to form the type on which were 
modelled — *odio : odi — eaveo : eavi — faveo : favi — scabo : scabi 
— lavo : lavi — paveo : pavi — foveo : fovi — fiigio : fugi (though 
this last may perhaps be an original Ablaut, see p. 459)j etc. 

The remaining perfects, freffi, pegi, cepi, feci, jeci, eo-epi, 
which show a vowel differing in quality as well as quantity 
from that in the present stem, may be due to the analogy of 
affo, egi, but some of them at any rate admit of a different 
explanation (p. 456). 

The The last group of perfect-stems in Latin is formed by 

ijj^^^l means of the addition to the root of (i) -si or (ii) -vi, -iii. 

We will consider first the Perfect in -si, the usual form in 
roots ending with a guttural, labial, or dental, and ocem-ring 
in some roots ending with -s or -m {^premo, sumo, tem-no). 

It is clear at first sight that the Latin perfect in -si closely 
resembles the Greek sigmatic aorist — that deic-si, e. g. is 
analogous to e-8etK-cr-a. But it is also clear that the person- 
endings in the two languages are very different. 

The whole question has been treated of by Brugmann 
[M. U. iii. 16). His conclusion is, that the suffix -«, -is is 
characteristic of the aorist system, and has only got into the 
perfect by a confusion of the two tenses. 

Thus in Greek, -pbe^a^a is a sigmatic aorist corresponding 
to Sk. dvedisam. Its optative is (f)et8e(o-)^?ji', (f)et8e((r)-r-jLiez/, 
the last form corresponding to Latin perf. subj. videnmus. 
Vidermus, which is also found, owes its short * to the future 
perfect. The singular of viderimus should be veklesiem, but 
the weak optative suffix has been extended throughout, as in 
slm for and beside siem. 


The fut. exactum videro (for veideso) is in form an aor. subj., 
corresponding to the Gk. /^ei8e'(o-)a), Sk. *vSdisd{-ni) (Whitney, 
Sk. Or. § 906). Then videris, viderit will be represented in 
Sanskrit by the corresponding forms vidisas, vedisat. In the 
plural the true forms are videnmus, viderUis, *viderunt. The 
two first correspond to Gk. aor. subjunctive of the type <pv\6.^- 
ofj-ev, with a short thematic vowel. Viderimus is found in this 
tense, but is due to the optative form (perf. subj.). Similarly 
viderint, the ordinary 3rd plur. fut. pf., is, properly, optative. 
The true form viderunt would correspond to Sk. vedisan (veid- 

Accordingly, videro, viderim are, properly, aorists subj. and 
opt., and stand for veideso, veidesim.. 

The Latin and plur. of the perf. ind. vidis-tis corresponds to 
Sk. dvedis-ta, from ist sing, dvedisam, and is therefore a 
sigmatic aorist. The and sing, vidis-ti has apparently added 
to the stem of the sigmatic aorist the perfect termination -ti. 
The true aorist form would have been {e)veid-is-s (Sk. dvedis). 
By a converse process ebei^-e has taken the perfect termination, 
but remained aoristic in sense. The correct form would have 
been *e6et/c-a--r. 

The 3rd plur. vid-er-unt is for veid-es-nt, but the termination 
is -ont rather than -ent, on the analogy of the thematic sys- 
tem, just as svnt (s-ni) is for *senf, ed-uni (ed-nt) for Cedent, or 
as in Greek we get eXit-ov beside el-n-av. If videre is for vid-er- 
e(ni), it may show the original vowel of the termination, but 
see p. 466. 

Again as by the side of era which is properly subjunctive 
(Gk. e((r)a), S) there existed a future-perfect form videro, it was 
natm-al that eram should produce a form videram, and so 
vidissem, vidisse sprang up on the analogy of essem, esse. That 
the pluperf. indie, and subj. and perf. infin. are of compara- 
tively recent origin, is indicated by the fact that they have 
no corresponding forms in the Italian dialects, which however 
possess forms analogous to the future perfect and perfect 

In the case, then, of the root vid- we see throughout a con- 


fusion between the sigmatic aorist and the perfect. Other 
instances of this confusion are plentiful. We may compare 

deixi : ^bei^a — pecciieire^a — -plecoi : iTrXe^a lexi : ike^a — mansi, 

cf. i(pr]va for efpav-cra — claw[d)si, cf. e)ie[ti)(Ta, etc. 

Similarly dixo, dixim are conjunctive and optative forms of 
the sigmatic aorist stem, and are not to be taken as syncopated 
for *di!xiso, *dixisim. But from dixim was formed dixem on 
the analogy of amdssem (which is syncopated from amavissem) 
beside amassim. 

Amasso and amassim, etc., are clearly also conjunctive and 
optative forms of the sigmatic aorist ; but the double -**- is, so 
far, unexplained, though it seems to find its parallel in Celtic. 
Whatever the origin of these words may be, they served as the 
type for capesso, facesso, etc. 

Dixe (Plant. «/?. Non. 105. 23) is usually compared with 
Sei^at, but 8etK-(rai "is not itself a distinctively aorist form, 
the (T belonging to the infinitive termination, and -crat 
corresponding to -se (-re) in esse, da-re, fo-re, vive-re. In 
Greek 6eT£ot only passes into the aorist system from the fact 
that it contains -tra. More strictly it is a non-thematic 
present infinitive. Cf. traxe, scripse (Aen. 5. 786, Auson. 
Saj). x). 

So far we have considered the addition of -es- or -s- to form 
the aorist stem as used indifferently. But the only true 
aorists in Greek in which the addition of -es- (as distinct from 
-*-) can be shown to be original are )78-e(o-)-a (for e-f etS-ecr-a) 
and 77-e(o-)-a (if this is rightly analysed as e-ei-ecr-a). In 
Latin, corresponding to these we have veid-es- and ei-is- (in 
t-er-o, %-is-ti, with dissimilation of the vowels and shortening 
of the root-diphthong before the following vowel). 

We may therefore put together — 

veides- Feib-fo-- Sk. ved-i-s-. 

ei-is- ei-ecr- „ ay-is-. 

These two, according to Brugmann, formed the model on 
which all other forms with the suffix -es- were made, e.g. 
fu-er-o (for an earlier *fu-s-o, Umbriany«-«-^, Greek e(f>v-<r-a), 
hahu-er-o, etc. 


On these assumptions the following chronological statement 
of the history of the Latin perfect in -si has been given by 
Brugmann : — 

First Period. Perfect and Aorist forms distinct. 

In the perfect, the and sing, added -ti immediately to the 
stem, the and plur. added -tis, visti, vistis (c£ otcr-da, ia--re). 
The perfect subj. must have existed in a form corresponding to 
the Oscan fefacid, Sk. o-pt. ririci/dt, vavrtyat (Whitney, § 81 a). 

Aorist in -is-. Videro, viderim, al-iero, -ierim (subj. and opt.), 
would be already in existence. The corresponding indicatives 
would be (e)-veid-is-m, (e)-ei-is-m. 

Aorist in -«-. The and plur. ending -tis was still added to 
the stem, as deic-s-tis. The type amasso, amassim, and a corres- 
ponding indicative {amassm ?) already existed. 

Second Period. The distinction of meaning between the 
perfect and aorist begins to be lost, and the forms of the aorist 
in -is- penetrate to the perfect. 

Forms of the type vidi, olba, veda, take -is- permanently in 
the and sing, and and and 3rd plur., and thus instead of the 
original a sing, and plur. vis-ti, vis-tis (cf. otcr-da, io--re), we 
get vidis-ti, vidis-tis. So in the reduplicated perfect stems 
we get tu-tud-is-ti, te-tond-is-ti, etc. Forms like videram, 
vidisse, vidissem, arise by the side of videro, on the analogy of 
eram, esse, essem beside era ; and then this type is extended to 
all verbs, and we g&ifu-er-o, habu-is-se, etc. 

Third Period. The forms of the aorist in -s- 'penetrate to the 
perfect system, deic-s-tis produces a singular deic-s-ti on the 
analogy of vidisti beside vidistis. Then dixisti, diooero, dixissem 
are produced on the analogy of vidisti, videro, vidissem, the 
stem being taken as dix-, not die- ; the forms dixero, dixissem 
remain by the side of dixo, dixim. But amasso, amassim, faxo, 
faxim never passed into the perfect system. 

Dixisti [deic-s-is-ti) like dixero [deic-s-is-o) takes the signs 
both of the -s- and of the -is- aorist. We may compare for 
the doubling of the formative suffix the whole group of Sk. 

4^4 PERFECT IN -SI. [cH. 

aorists in -sis- and forms like dic-ti-ta-re, rpi-ra-TO-s, ^o-ani- 
(TK.O-VTO {fj.. 355) ^ 

The long- root vowel of some perfects in -si is difficult. 
Priscian, 9. 38, says, ' in -xi terminantia praeteritum perfectum 
jjndae g^ 111^0 g^ jytae eonjugationis inveniuntur, et tunc 
tantum natura quoque producunt paenultimam quando sit e, 
ut reffo, rexi.' It is supposed that the e is due to the original 
non-sigmatic perfect (e. g. *reffi, parallel to sedi), of which 
traces survive in collegimus beside intelleximiis [Z. G. d. P. 


So divisimus, suximus,ffessimws, etc., which, if sigmatic aorists, 
at any rate owe their long vowel to the type sedi, vidi. 

In some few cases we get true perfect forms preserved side 
by side with forms containing the aorist -s-. Thus pupugi 
and pimxi, pepigi and panxi, peperci and parsi. 

Osthoff {Z. G. d. P. p. 2x9) takes dixem, dixe to be synco- 
pated forms, like amassem, amasse, by the side of the true 
aorists dixo, dixim, and holds that on the analogy of these 
last were formed amasso, amassim. Then from amdsso : amdre 
would be formed prohibesso, licessit (Neue, ii. 54a) : prohibere, 
licere. Further lacesso : lacuit (in e-licuii) corresponds to 
licesso : licuit, and finally lacio : lacesso corresponds to facio, 
capio -.facesso, capesso. 

Perfect We wiU now proceed to consider the Latin perfect in -vi. 

This is one of the most difficult questions in all Latin mor- 
phology. It has been exhaustively treated by Osthoff, Z. G. 
d. P. p. 251 sqq. His theory is briefly this : — 

' The same doubling of a significant element appears in many different 
languages. We may compare — 

plusieurs = pluriores. 

mehrere = English mo-re, where mo is already a comparative. 

nimmermehr = nie mehr mehr. 

gen. plur. uns-(e)r-er, eu-(e)r-er. 

gegessen = ge-ge-essen. 

ver-fressen = ver- ver-essen. 

dedans = de de ante iutus. 

de devant = de de ab ante. 
Vedic vaj asaa for va9as (stem vaya). 

m -m. 


There are certain Latin perfects in -vi (mom, vovi, cavi,/avi, 
juvi, expavi, lavi) where the v is not formative but an integral 
part of the verbal-stem. To these correspond past participles 
where the termination is preceded by a long vowel. On 
the analogy of this type the perfect in -vi was extended to 
all verbs where the participle was preceded by a long vowel ; 
that is, because fovi, movi, juvi, etc., had participles foius, 
motus, jutus, so from the participles amdtus, fietus, scitm, 
notus, etc., were formed new perfects amdvi, flevi, sclvi, 
novi, etc. 

In the case of clvi, Ivi, qmvi the past participles are cUus, 
'itv.s, qmtus, but the long vowel of the majority of the rest of 
the verbal forms caused the new perfects also to take a long 
vowel. The older perfects are seen in -m, -li, -qmi, which 
are not to be considered as syncopated forms. 

Fdvi is due to the old participle *pd-tua, with a long 
vowel as va. pabulum. 

Again the similarity of se-men to no-men, fid-men produced 
the new perfect sevi as parallel to novi, fldvi. Then in its turn 
the paradigm consevi, consitus became a model for oMevi, oh- 
Utus, and that again for *crmo, crevi, *critus. When in the 
last case the present cerno was adopted from the compound 
forms secerno, etc., this in its turn became a model for sperno, 

This theory is worked out by Osthoff with an ingenuity 
and wealth of illustration to which we cannot do justice here. 
The objection to it is that it presumes a regular gradation of 
analogical formations which it is hard to believe in. 

A totally new theory has been since put forward by Schulze 
(K. Z. xxviii. 366), who explains the perfect in -vi by the 
amalgamation of the perf. part, with the forms of the sub- 
stantive verb. He argues as follows : 

In Latin the perf. part. neut. of a root se would be 
represented by *seves (compare Greek elb-F6s, but the e is 
probably the original vowel of the neuter termination, cf. vXflv 
= i:kiev beside irXiov, K. Z. xxAd. 329). Similarly we should 
get a form *amdves, etc. 



Now compounding this as a stable element with the various 
forms of the root es we get — 

(i) seves-smos, seves-stis, seves-esdm, seves-essem, seves-eso. 
The last three, containing two consecutive syllables identical 
in form, will lose one (p. 23o) and pass into — ■ 

(ii) sevesdm, sevessem, seveso. 

Then the e in the unaccented syllable before a double con- 
sonant wiU pass into i (contrast esse), and we shall have — 

(iii) sevimm, sevistis, severam, sevissem, seven. 

(For sevesmos becoming sevimus v. p. 313 and K. Z. xxvii. 

It is possible to explain on the same principle the 3rdplur., 
only we must suppose, as is not in itself improbable, that this 
form was from the first expressed without the copula, on the 
model of hostes victi for hostes victi sunt. For from a masc. nom. 
sing, amaves we should get a dual amaves-e and a plural amaves- 
es(iii. m.aios : maidres),which would become amavere,*amaveres. 
It is noticeable that Quintilian (i. 5. 4a) says that some 
scholars considered amavere as a dual ^. By the side of these 
there may have grown up an analogical form amaveront (for 
amdvesont), on the model of amdvwnus (for amdvesmos). 

We should then get side by side — ^amaveres, amavere, ama- 
veront. The language as developed combined these various 
forms, and took for 3rd plur. amavere, *amaveroiit, amaveront. 
The long e tended to take the short termination, the short e 
the long termination ; cf. stetere but steterunt. 

The sing, amavi, amavisti, amavit would then be by analogy, 
though the -* is still unexplained (p. 468). 

According therefore to Schulze's theory the perfect in -vi 
is nothing but apis aller, a periphrastic tense substituted for 
the regular perfect, which for some reason or other had ceased 
to exist. It is a periphrastic tense, however, in which the 
first element is stable, and unafiected by all relations of person 

^ Cf. Neue, ii. 391, who quotes the old authorities for this opinion. Havet 
(in Arch, filr lat. Lex. iii. 558) sees a trace of the use as a dual in the 
didascalia to Terence, e. g.fecere Q. Fabius Maximus F. Cornelius Africanus 
in that of the Adelphi. 


or number, such periphrastic tenses tending to become crystal- 
lised in some one form. Cf. C. Gracchus' credo ego inimicos hoe 
dioturum esse. (Neue, ii. 380.) 

From the perfects in -vi cannot well be separated the The Per- 
forms in -ui. "We may distinguish two sets of cases— ^^"^ '° ""*• 

(i) Those in which the u belongs to the verb-stem. 

(ii) Those in which the u is confined to the perfect. 

(i) Root verbs like ruo, nuo, pluit, luo naturally make the 
perfects by the addition of the suffix -i, and so we get rui, 
nui, *plui, lui, etc. On these are modelled the denominatives 
of the type metuo, metui, and also those verbs forming the 
present stem by the addition of the suffix -nu (fifth Sanskrit 
class), as mi-nu-o, ster-nu-o (cf. ■nTap-vv-\xai). The long vowel 
of the Old Latin fuit, plUit (Neue, ii. 497, 597) is on the 
analogy of lego : legi, emo : emi, etc. 

(ii) In other cases -ui may be derived from older -vi. 

The perfects of the type genwi correspond always to a 
participle in -"itus [gemtus, older *genetus, cf. ysvirri, genetivus, 
genetrix). This participle would naturally correspond to a 
perfect *gene-m, which by the laws of Latin phonology would 
become *geno-vi and genui (cf. denuo for *denovo, vidua for 
vidova, fi-FCd-fF-os). 

Again doimtus will represent an older domatos (cf. a-Sdjua- 
Tos), whence was formed domui on the analogy of the type 
genitus : genui. 

Then domdre : domui would be the model of necare : necui 
(though enectus), secure : secui (though sectus), also monere : monui, 
oidocere : docui (though doctus), and genere : genui, of serere : serui 
(though esosertus), canere : canui (Neue, ii. 476) (though cantiis), 
velle : volui (though there is no supine and the infin. is dif- 
ferent). Further from elicio, elicui, elicitus we may get rapio, 
rapui (though raptus), and sapio, sapui (though no supine). 
Finally the _^o<^- verbs with infinitives in -ere may have influ- 
enced those with infinitives in -ire, and so we get aperui, 
salui, amicui {Z. G. d. P. 353 sq.). 

Fosui may have originated from an idea that the participle 

H h 2 


was joos-itus noi po-sUtcs, whence pos-ui was formed as dom-itus 
from dom-ui. The truer perf. appears in posivi. 

The In- The great question in the inflexion of the perfect is the 

the Perfect. Anal -^ of the 1st sing. It is quite clear that this can have 
nothing to do with the -a, of the corresponding Greek and 
Sanski-it forms. It is however identified by Osthoff {Z. G. d. 
P. 191) with the Sanskrit -e of the perfect middle ; so tiiUuli 
= Sanskrit tubcde, scicidi = ci-ccMd-e, dedi=dade, steti=.ta-stJie, 
reliqui=ririee, vidi=vivide. There is no difficulty as far as 
meaning goes in the middle form ; sedi, Sanskrit sede, may be 
'I have seated myself.' Compare the Greek ^), rja-rai, 
■ne<pvyiJ,evos, etc. 

But what is this original diphthong ? The Slavonic lan- 
guages show that it cannot be ei ; it might be oi (cf. is-ti 
beside rot), but is more probably -ai (cf Sanskrit -se, -ie= 
Greek -crai, -rai). That ai in an unaccented syllable may 
become in Latin z is proved by quaero •.c6nqmro ; mensais=. 
menm (cf. Osc. diumpais) si, Osc. svae ; Jium-l, \a\i.-ai, etc. 

The original paradigm from the */md- would seem to have 
been — 

1st sing, veida and sing, voida 3rd sing, voide. 
Plur. ndmus vistis. 

Middle mdai vissai. 

We have already seen that in e-stems the characteristic 
vowel of the perf. sing, is (p. 419). But it is possible that 
e always appeared in the 1st person,„for Vedic Sanskrit here 
always shows a in an open syllable [caMra, jagdma), whereas 
the representative of European in an open syllable is a (De 
Sauss. p. 72 ; Z. G. d. P. 61). If this is so, we should have 
primitive I.-E. veida, voista. The is extended in Greek (oi8a, 
olcrda), the e in Latin {veida, veista) ; -ta in veis-ta stands for 
-tha after the sibilant. 

The middle and pers. vissai became vis-tai on the analogy 
of the active, and then -di- was inserted on the analogy of 
vi-di, vi-di-mus, etc., and we get vi-di-sti (cf. apvaa-i for *apao-t 
on analogy of apv-os). In this way the s of vidisti, vidistis 


came to be considered as belonging to the termination, though 
really part of the stem (but see p. 461). 

The 3rd sing, seems to have originally ended in -et {ci.fuet, 
dedet, Neue, ii. 443), perhaps on the analogy of siet, ponebdt, 
etc. The i of the classical 3rd pers. would come from ist sing. 

The other forms have been considered above. 

On the fut. and impf, in -b- there is nothing to be said. The Future 
The future in -i- has a corresponding form in Celtic, and f^^ Imper- 
forms a strong argument for closely connecting the Italian 
and Celtic families. The imperf. in -I- is a unique formation, 
peculiar to the Latin language. 

The traditional explanation is that the -b- is a relic of the 
Vbhu, and that are-bo =.dre-bJiud, where are may conceivably 
be an infinitive form, such as is supposed to survive in Lu- 
cretius, /aci^ are (6. 963). But this is not satisfactory, even 
if we go on to connect -bam of impf. for bhimm with i-^vt]-v. 
Nothing approaching to a solution has yet been discovered. 

We may now go on to discuss the theory of the Latin 
moods, so far as they have not been dealt with already. 

The only conjunctive of the non- thematic system surviving rjj^g c^jj. 
in Latin is the form ero for *eso, beside the Greek 'i[(r)(xi S, iiii»otive. 
Sanskrit as-d-[ni). Of this we have spoken above (p. 447). 

In the thematic conjugation the characteristic vowel of the 
present subjunctive is a. Thus in Indo-European we should 
have an indie, bher-e-ti, a conj. hher-d-ti, to which last corre- 
sponds 'Lskiva. ferdt. It may be noticed that the Ablaut 0, e 
(indie.) : d (conj.) is identical with that of ekuo-, ekue- (masc.) : 
ekud- {ieim.). (if. U. ii. 124.) 

In the aor. subj. on the other hand the thematic vowel is 0, e, 
which is kept in videro, etc., the subj. of the sigmatic aorist ; 
cf. Greek (pvka^ojxev, etc. (v. p. 461). 

The mood-sign of the optative of non-thematic verbs is in The Opta- 
the singular -ie-, in the plural, where the accent rests on the *"®- 
person-ending, -I- {K. Z. xxiv. 303). In thematic verbs the 
mood-sign is -i-. 


Thus the primitive inflexion of the optative of the root 

es- was — 

Sing'. s-ie-m 



Greek f((r)-t?j-i' 



Latin s-ie-m 



Sanskrit s-ya-m 



Plur. s-i-mos 



Greek f(cr)-t-fxez; 



Latin s-i-mns 



The weak form has been universalised in the classical Latin 
*m, sis, sit (sU'). 

Precisely similar are vel-i-m, nol-t-m, mdl-i-tn, ed-i-m, du-i-m 
(cf. 8o-t-ju,ez'). 

Forms like demus, stemus,feremus (which though used as a 
future is clearly similar to the other two) are doubtful. It is 
not easy to see how demus, stemus can have originated from 
*da-i-mus, *sta-i-mus (boXixev, oraiju.ei'). Inferemus it is possible 
we may go back to a {oTm.yer-o-^-mtts (cf. (\>ip-o-i-\iev\ where for 
oi passing into e we may compare joloirume (Inscr.) for plu- 
rimi, phirimoi. But here oi is final, and in the same word we 
have a medial oi which does not become e. 

On the whole no explanation yet given can be considered 
satisfactory. But the fact that Cato visesferem, awdiem seems 
to show that the e is at any rate not due to the final d of 
the stem of the ist conjugation. The Oscan termination 
of pres. conj. of 1st conjugation is -aiem, -ait, -aid (Neue, 
ii. 443). 

Forms lihe/axim, viderim have been given above. 

The ' imperfect subjunctives ' of non-thematic verbs, darem, 
forem, stdrem, seem to have been originally formed from 
the stem of the sigmatic aorist, on the analogy of s-ie-m, 
to which they owe their e, which in this case has been 
extended to the plural [daremus for dd-s-e-mus). We should 
expect a long vowel in the singular, a short vowel in the 
plural, and this seems to be indicated by the varying 
quantity of darem and stdrem, of which the latter represents 
the singular, the former the plural form of the root. 


We may now pass on to the system of the Imperative. The Im- 
All imperatives in Latin, with the single exception ofP^™*'"'®- 
memento (me-mn-tod), are formed from the present stem. 
We have therefore nothing answering to the aor. imper. of 

The ordinary and sing, imperative of thematic verbs con- 
sists simply of the theme with -e as the thematic vowel. 
Thus reff-e, amd {ama-i-e), etc. The long vowels of sta, da, i, 
may be on the analogy of the imperatives of the thematic 
system. Noli may possibly owe its i to the conjunctive (opta- 
tive) form noUm. 

On the other forms of the imperative we may refer to what 
has been said on p. 433. If what is there remarked is correct, 
we must allow free play to analogy in the various persons, 
numbers, and tenses of this mood. Fehunto wiU be formed 
from vehito on the analogy of vehunt beside vehit, and vehi- 
tote on the analogy of vehite (injunctive in origin), beside 

The forms damino, /amino will not then (as Corssen 
thought) be singulars oi famini, etc., standing for *f aminos, 
but be new formations on the analogy of stato, etc., just as 
the new Greek middle imperatives (pepea-Ooo, (pipeade, (j^fpea-dcav 
are formed simply on the analogy of the actives (jjipere, 
(fiepeTta, (pfpovroav. 

The and sing, of the passive imperative is identical with 
the present infinitive active. It has been thought to be in 
origin identical with the Greek middle forms, and sequere has 
been compared to firov (^Trecro). The difficulty in this case is 
the final -e ia Latin, which can hardly represent an original -0. 
We may draw attention to the similar case in Greek, where 
the 1st aor. infin. act. and imperative middle are identical in 
form, though not in accent. 

The and plur. imper., as has been remarked above, is 
nothing but a participial form, used apparently as an ex- 
clamation (Xeyojxevoi,, legimini). The 3rd sing, and plur. are 
simply the corresponding active forms with the addition of 
the passive suffix -r. But that this was not always a necessary 


addition is proved by tte forms nitito, censento quoted p. 434. 
(if. U. i. 163 ; iii. i ; E. Z. xxvii. 17a.) 

The Infini- The termination of the infinitive is clearly -se, which after 
*'^*' vowels becomes of course -re. So we get esse, vel-le (for vel-se, 

as collum for *col-sum), fer-re, da-re, age-re, etc. Paul. Fed. 
68. 13 preserves the -s- between vowels in dasi for dari. 

The final -e of the infinitive in Latin is perhaps sometimes 
long (though most of the instances have been altered by the 
editors), and the corresponding form in Greek shows the diph- 
thong -at. It is probable therefore that here as elsewhere we 
get a confusion between the functions of the dative and the 
locative, so that vivere wiU be a dative corresponding to Sk. 
jivase (I.-E. gigue-sm), vivere, a locative, standing for vive-si, 
with the final -i becoming -e, as in mare for *mar'i. The same 
confusion may possibly be seen in Greek, where we have h6\i.iv- 
ai (dative) and Sojuev (said to be for So'/ier-t, locative) (cf. p. 438). 
It would seem that the infinitive passive is absolutely 
identical with the corresponding active form with 3 : monere and 
moneri are only diflferent ways of writing the same word ; and 
we faidifiere (insc. iierei) beside fieri (Neue, ii. 334). Eventu- 
ally one form was in practice appropriated to the active, the 
other to the middle, but no difference can be supposed to exist 
in the origin of the two forms. And indeed in itself the 
infinitive is neither active nor passive, its meaning in any 
given passage being determined by the context. It is equally 
possible to say dav^a iheiv and davjxa IbeadaL. 

It would seem, however, that some infinitives ended origin- 
ally not in -se but in -e. In Latin we get cale-facio, made- 
faoio, which seem to be equivalent to calere facio, etc. ; and 
the Lucretian/flci^ are (6. 964) is made much more intelligible 
if we can suppose are to be an old infinitive. Now in the 
Veda we get forms like dje (Whitney, 8k. Gr. § 970 a), which 
correspond to a Latin *age or agi. We should then get a dis- 
tinction drawn similar to that between monere and moneri, so 
that age-re would be used actively, agi passively. 

The passive infinitive in -ier has never yet been satisfactorily 


explained, but it may possibly be the ordinary infinitive in i 
with the addition of the suffix -ere of the thematic verbs. 
Thus laudari-er[e) would take the infinitive suffix twice over, 
and thus be parallel to forms like dic-s-is-ti, etc., quoted on 
p. 463. The final -e might easily be lost, as it is in the nom. 
sing, of neuter stems in al{i)-, ar[i)- (e.g. calcar and calcare). It 
is possible that the form was invented as an expedient to dis- 
tinguish between the active and passive significations of the 
infinitive, before laudare and laudan were differentiated. 
When this latter distinction was established, the form in -ier 
became obsolete. 

The participles do not present any special difficulty in The Part- 
Latin. ^"^P^^^- 

In the present participle active the termination in its 
threefold Ablaut is -ont- , -ent-, -nt-, the last two coalescing in 
Latin. The weaker form has universally prevailed, as the 
strong form in Greek, except in e-untis {ei-ont-is), jlex-unt-es, 
sontem, insontem. 

Of the perfect paritciple active no certain instance exists 
(but cf. p. 465), for we can hardly venture to see such a form 
in _papdver (pa-pa-ues), cadd-ver. 

The future participle is a form peculiar to Latin, but clearly 
formed from the strong stem of the nomina agentis in -tor ; 
cf dator beside da-tu-rus. 

The present participle passive is only preserved as the 
form of the and plural of the passive voice, but the ter- 
mination is the same as appears in the triple Ablaut -mon-, 
-men^, (mn) "-mn-, ali-monmm, ali-mentum {mn), alu-mn-us, and 
numerous other nominal forms (v. p. 300; M. U. ii. 185, 


The past participle in -tos is universally used for the passive 
participle and supine. Originally it carried the accent as in 
Greek, and was added to the weak stem, as in da-tus, sta-tus 
[stare), rd-ius (re-ri), etc. But in the vast majority of cases 
the strong stem has penetrated to this form ; tentus would 
seem to be for tnfus (cf. raro's), but in occultm the ul (ol) msiy he 


due not to an Ablaut but to the regular change of el to ol before 
every consonant but I. 

For the apparent alternation with -s6-s v. p. 309. 

Mortuus is of course not a participle, strictly speaking, but 
an adjective, and answers to the Sk. mrtvd. 

The Gerundive, or Participium Necessitatis, as it has been 
called, is formed, as shown above (p. 216), by the addition of 
the suffix -no to the stem of the pres. part, active. Thus 
amanclus is for amant-no-s, and the sufiix is the same as we get 
in the Sanskrit participles in -nd (Whitney, § 957) and in 
the Greek adjectives cren-vos, ay-v6s, etc. 


On the two Degebes op the Reduced Eoot. 

The theory of the two degrees of the reduced root was first 
worked out by Osthoif {M. U. iv. i sqq.), who shows, by an 
exhaustive collection of instances, that the semivowels i, u vary 
in quantity throughout all the Indo-European languages so uni- 
versally that it is impossible to believe that the variation does 
not represent an original difference. That this difference is 
due to the presence or absence of the secondary accent is a 
mere hypothesis, but the difference between strong and reduced 
roots being recognised as due to a difference of accentuation, we 
are introducing no new hypothesis in connecting the difference 
between two degrees of the reduced root with a variation in 
accentuation. A variation of quantity such as we find in excitus 
by the side of exntus cannot be due to mere accident, and in 
supposing the difference to be due to a difference of accentuation 
we are only imagining the operation of a cause which is known to 
be operative elsewhere. The consonantal form of the long semi- 
vowels is obtained from a consideration of the Sanskrit. There 
we find from a root^ai- jm-ia by the side oi priy-d (I.-E. prii-), 
and by the side of hhrus (Gk. 6-(f>pvs) a genitive hhruv-ds (Gk. 
6-<f)pvf-os, I.-E. hhruu-ts), etc. 

The liquid and nasal sonants we have already seen to be treated 
in other cases exactly like the semivowels i, u, and we are therefore 
justified in supposing that they too once appeared in a different 
form under the secondary accent to that which they take when 
entirely unaccented ; and this supposition is borne out by the very 
different representations of these sounds in the derived languages. 
To ^, u will correspond f, I, m, § before consonants ; to ii, uu will 
correspond ^r, II, r^m, y,n before sonants. 


For instance — 

ar^- is seen in Sk. ga-td, Gk. ^aros, Lat. ven-tus, 

I.-E. gi^-tds, O. H. Gr. kun-f-t. 
gi§mi- in Sk. gdm-anti, 0. H. Gr. hom-an. 
giff. in Sk. d-gd-t, Gk. e-/3a-Te. 

Similarly sij*" appears in orpa-Toi. 
siyr- in Sk. ti-stir-e. 
str- in Gk. CTrpmros, Lat. strd-tus. 

Notice that in Sanskrit g-r, JZ are represented by ?r, ur jbut y, J by 
ir, ur. 

But for a fuller account of the representation of the various 
forms in the different languages see p. 234. 

Osthoff has worked out the theory of the two forms of the 
reduced Ablaut as far as regards semivowels in M. U. iv. 280, 353. 

(i) Indo-European I, u originated from ei, oi, ai, eu, ou, au, ie, 
10, iu, ue, uo, uu occurring before consonants in unaccented 
syllables, the vowel of the combination being assimilated to the 

Thus ueidtos became uiidtos and then uidt6s. 
kleutos kluut6s klutos. 

(ii) ^, u, so produced, remained long when bearing the secondary 
accent, but when, owing to their position in the sentence or by 
composition, they ceased to bear this accent, they sank to i, H. 
Hence klutds and Idutos are both possible forms, but the first 
occurred only at the beginning of a sentence or clause or imme- 
diately after an unaccented syllable. 

Thus ueiketai kleutos became uiketi klutos (where ' represents the 
secondary accent). 

But so kleutds became s6 klut6s or so klutos ; so ^klUtos (inclutus), 
periklutds {nepUXiiTos). 

(iii) To I, u before consonants correspond it, uu before vowels, 
the same assimilation taking place; but the two sounds are not 
contracted to I, u, because owing to the following vowel the second 
element necessarily remains consonantal. These forms occur under 
the secondary accent. 

(iv) To '*, M before consonants correspond i, u before vowels. 
These forms originate from ii, uu, as i, u from i, u, only here 
the element lost is sonant. They would occur in unaccented 

11.] ABLAUT IN NOUNS. 477 

Thus with the original doublets diluo, duo and silu, su we get — 
Ablaut III. 8iF-o, SvfaSeKa, duo, Sk. duva, duvddaca. 
Ablaut IV. SfaSexa, BFoids, his (duis), Sk. dva, dvada^a, Germ. 

zw-ei, Engl. tw-o. 
Ablaut III. v6s, crvos (for a-vfos). 
Ablaut IV. a-f-ld\os, A.-S. sv-tn, Lat. su-inus. 


Vowel-gradation in Nominaii and Vbebal Foemations. 

It will hardly have escaped observation in the list of Ablauts 
given in the pages of Chap. X that the degree in which any root, in 
any instance, appears is connected with the particular suffixes by 
which the root is followed. Thus we have Sxos, tokos, -^oyos, Xoyos, 
vo/ios, etc., formed from the roots ixi '■^"j ^'7; ^tc., appearing with 
the masculine suffix -or and the first Ablaut. On the other hand 
with the neuter suffix -os we have the second Ablaut, as in firos, 
\€)(os, /ieVor, yfVos, ^e\os, Tfi^os. 

The following tables show the various Ablauts under which a 
root appears in verbs and nouns in Greek and Latin, according to 
the nature of the formative suffix. In every case it is to be 
noticed that a variation in Ablaut is accompanied by a variation 
in accentuation. Theoretically we must suppose that in the 
original language the stronger form of the root (Ablauts I and 
II) only appeared where the accent was on the root, the weaker 
forms (Ablauts III, IV) only where the accent was on the suffix. 
But as a matter of fact we find that in many cases the original 
accent has been superseded in Greek by a secondary accent, and of 
the original accent no trace is left. 

The lists are taken from De Saussure, p. 228, etc., and Bloomfield 
in the American Journal of Philology, i. 314. 

A. Nominal Formations. 
(i) Themes in -0 (masc), -a {/em.). 

(a) Oxytone forms with strong root (Ablaut I). 

Adjectives — do6s, \onr6s, ro/ios, oXkos (de Sauss., p. 79)- 
Nomina agentis — kKottos, rpo(p6s, jro/in-dt, cotSdr. 


Names of concrete objects and abstract nouns — \on6s, 
vofios, Xoiyds, 
But paroxytone or otherwise accented are — ttokoi, tokos, C6<pos, 
v6iJ,os, (jrevTriKovTopos, V. p. 273), (ttoIxos, \6yos, (fiovos, aroKos, etc. 
Forms from the long-vowel series variously accented — ii&kos 

yjfS>xos i^^rfix'"' '*l'°'"'W)j """'S (cf. aceT ?, aK-a<-fj), cf. ay-ay-6s. 

The relation of &vos, avrj to venum is not clear (De Sauss. p. iSS)- 
We must specially notice here the difference between the dis- 
syllabic nomina agentis which are oxytone (ipopos) and the cor- 
responding passive forms, which are paroxytone ((^opos). The 
question is discussed in the chapter on accentuation (p. 274). 

In Latin we find a few traces of this formation, in mod-us {fiiba), 
proc-us {precor), rog-us (rego), tog-a {reym), Old Latin {s)tonum (cf. 
a-Tovos, orej/m). The ablative pondo (beside 2'endo) points to an old 
neuter ''pondwm. 

(6) Oxytone forms with reduced root (Ablaut III) — rapa-os 

(rf/jo--), arpa^os {crTpecft-'j, ayos (cf. dycayos), fuyov, etc. 

With a shifting of the accent on to the root — arl^os, arixos, 
TvKos, etc. 

This form is specially common in compounds — Svcr-xip'-os, veo-yv-6s, 
di-(pp-os, d-Tpan-os, S7n-w\-a [ireWa, pellis), ^a-^p-6s (fiopa), cf. 
privi-gn-us, abie-gn-us, etc. 

Exceptional forms with the middle root (Ablaut II) are Xcuk-o's, 

A€k(f>olj ^eidos, epyov (cf. opyavov^. 

The feminines formed by suffix -a are of three types : — 

(i) Oxytone, Ablaut I — Sop^ij, oroXij, a-irovhf], tmovhri, etc. ; with 

long vowel Kv/iaT-wy-rj, Xco^fj {lobes), paroxytone Kmirq (cdpio). 

(ii) Paroxytone, Ablaut II — elXr], ^pa-r), dprj, ipdio], XevKri, jTcfij;, 

CKeirrj, oreyr], x^f'^'7, etc. 

(iii) Oxytone, Ablaut III — fiatpl], ypaKprj, kotttj, racprj, (j>vyri, 

ofiOKKr], im^Xai (Hesych.), pa^ij. With shifting of accent — PXdpri, bUrf, 

XvTTri, paxrj, (rdyr], ixeo-o-Spr), etc. 

(2) Themes in -mo, -ma. 

(a) Strong root (Ablaut I), accent doubtful — otp.os, oKfios, oppLos, 
Kopfios, Xoi/toy ( yslei), roXp-rj, Ttorpos, oppfj, TrXoxpds. 

The root of Koiiws is slei or srei, in a.-{a)\ot-T6s, a,-Ki-T(tv, d-\i9tos, d-\(l-Tr]s. 
With amplified terminations we have ydv-t-fws, /no'po-i/ios, Tp6(pipos, 


(f>66ptiiOS, VTropifioSj nXoKaiios, ovXafios (v /^eX-), TTOTapios (v jtet- in 

TTITTTO)), KOl-fld-O/iai ( V K€i-V 

With a long vowel — pcoxfios ( vpriy-), ^afios, ^ap^s, 6(ap6s. 
In Latin we have forma {fer-o), formus (but 6epp6s). 
Irregular are — ayfppns, KeiBpos, 8€ip6s. 

(6) Reduced root, OXytone — oKpfj, irvypr], cmypr], ipvypos {rTprj 1), 

(3) Themes in -ro, -ra. 

(a) Strong root, varying accent — x<"P°) '^o>pa, a<^ohp6s (beside 
<r(^ESai'd?), a>xp6s (beside a^Xis). Cf. <j}o^-e-p6s, rpop-e-pos, liKoKtpos. 

(6) Reduced root, oxytone — mxpos, Xt/Spo's, ^8p6s, Xvypos 
(^yleitgh-), (Torrpos, paKpos (jiait.i.aTos), XaBpa, ipvBpos, Cf. raKepos, 
nayepos, axpos (accent misplaced). 

Of special Greek formation are the oxytone stems in -a8, with 
a strong root — hpopas, oXkcls, vopds, (nropas, 'S.Tpofpabes, bopKcit, etc. ; 
but the reduced root appears in <l>vyds, vitfids, piyds. 

(4) Themes in -to, -ta. 

(i) Paroxytone (feminines oxytone) with strong root — oltos (e'-p), 
koXtos, votTTOs, Koyros (KcvTpov), xopros (cf. liortus, fi-p^ep-ijs), ^pov-rr], 
doprrj (deipai). 

(ii) Oxytone, reduced root (past participles) — Sapros, Kaprds, 
jTdp<p6apTos, (jtaros, Taros, ^ards, SotoSj ttotos, (TTpards, etc. 

So (TiidpTov beside amlpa. 

In Latin we can hardly be sure of an Ablaut in these cases. 
Perculsiis, pulsus, volsus may owe their form to the special laws 
governing -el- in Latin ; tentus, ventus, etc., may represent ti^tus, 
etc., but may also contain the middle Ablaut of the pres. stem. So 
com-m,entus : aird-paTos. But we get the reduced root in status, 
datus, ratus, cdtus, sdtus, fdteor, ndtare. 

In roots containing e between two consonants, and not containing 
a semivowel, the reduced form cannot exist; so we get cKToy, Xekto's, 
Tteirrds, etc. 

Forms like (pevKrds, ciSepKTos, TTOKTor, aaros (Srjpi), take the middle 
root, on the analogy of the other forms ; so too SeiKTeov, a^fvKTos, etc. 

(5) Themes in -no, -na. 

(a) Paroxytone, strong root — op(f>vri [vipe(j>), Bpdvos (for *6dpvos, 
cf. 6dpva^), '/Sep- in QiXvpvov, dSepl^eiv (Curt. G. E. p. 257, etc.), 
iroivf], oxytone, is an exception. 

olvos, V77VOS, OKI/OS 3x6 doubtful J *mm(m, if not borrowed, must go 

4^0 ABLAUT IN NOUNS. [app. 

back to *veinum ; som-nus, sopor are for suepnos, suepor ; okvos 
(o-Kv-os) has been connected with cun-c-ta-ri. 

Ti^vr], (j)epvri, ^eBva are exceptions. So aeji-vos. 

(b) Oxytone, reduced root — a-Trapvos; but especially seen in 
Indian participles in -nd. 

TeKvov is shown by Germ. />eg-nd to have been originally oxy- 
tone ; but as it cannot lose its vowel, it may be regular, except in 

There is no Ablaut in the Latin signum {seq-), tignum, lignum, 
reg-num, dig-nus [■s/dek). 

(6) Themes in -so. Strong root — to^ov, Kopcros, Xo^os (cf. luxus 
'S.tKpitpU, but Xexpts). Cf. noooa (neco), and perhaps 86^a (cf. doKea, 
doceo, dec-et). 

(7) TheTnes in -en. Oxytone with reduced root — 4'P~W'> iroXv- 
fp-rjv, aptr-Tiv (Sk. vfsan, with misplaced accent). 

But Xeixqv, nevdrjv with middle root and Tfprjv paroxytone. 

(8) Themes in -avo, -am), -ovr) take the strong or middle root — 
fhavos, (r(jieBav6s, o-reyavos, (TKenavov, Spenavou, Xetijravov, cripeudovr], PeXovrj, 
diiirexovrj. Cf. the type rifievos. 33ut also '6pyavov, ^ofavov, TTCmavov, 
Xofavos, 6p(j)av6s, ovpavos, opKavrj, poSavos. 

(9) Tfiemes in -on. Oxytone with reduced root, as kvojv, which 
was originally oxytone. Cf. Sk. cvdn. 

But many show the middle root — elKmv, uKairav, fioKav, dri8a>v, 


(10) Themes in -men. Oxytone, reduced root, dvTp,fjv, XXfiriv 

irvdprjv, (ip-^v. 

Here we may put the neuter words with suffix -/ta (-m^), which 
are paroxytone with middle root — ^Xepp-a, Bpf/ip-a, ■welcrp.a {nevQ-pa), 
aeXpa, tnrippa, <\>6eypa, hiipa, x"/*", ff^TM") p^vpa, etc. 

Often there is a corresponding form in -pos with the strong root 
•^e. g. (jAoypos beside <p}^£ypa. 

olpa will be on the analogy of otpos. bSipa, crapa are obscure. 

Latin has seg-men, ger{b)-men, feg-men, lu(c)-men, ter-mm,. In 
culmen, for *celmen, el becomes ul regularly. 

With a long vowel we have ^apa, a-apa, cria-Tapa, Xfjppa, brjypa, 
Spapa, nrjypa, irmpa (also iropa) — in Latin stamen, gramen, lamina, 
effamen, svffldmen. 

(11) Themes in -mon. Middle root; accentuation irregular — 

KexiBpiav, "Kiipav, \fipiiv, TTKevpaiv, Tfppav, <TTupav, rXapav, dvelpau. Cf. 

"•] ABLAUT IN NOUNS. 48 1 

tep-d-iiav, Te\-a-na>v — (jiXfy-iiovi), fffX-e-fiv-ov. In Latin we have 
ser-mo, ter-mo, te-mo, {* tec-mo). 

(12) Themes in -er. Oxytone, weak root — a-v-ijp (cf. N-er-6), 

aWrjp (a-ijp), (TitivBqp. 

(13) Themes in -ter. 

(a) Oxytone, reduced root— a-o-ri;> (cf. stella=s-ter-la), 7ra-rj;>, 

Bvyarrfp (?). 

(5) Nomina agentis, oxytone, middle root — deXxTrip, SpejTTt]p, 
crrpenTijp, ^evKTrjp, ireuTTrip, yeveTrjp, ■^ficTTeipa. 

With these we may put the forms in -ttjs which are paroxytone, 

with middle root — vecpeXriyepeTrjs, iperrjs, KkeTrrris, ^eiKTTTjs, av6-cv-Trjs, 
Bfp(riTrjs, TTfiiTTrjs, 

Also the neuters in -rp-ov — "KcKvpov, Keurpov, (jieprpov, Bpiirrpov, 
Teperpov, etc. 

But the whole group is difficult. Originally there seem to have 
existed two groups of nomina agentis in Greek, in -riyp and -rap (De 
Sauss. p. 212), the former oxytone, the latter paroxytone. The first 
of these was early confused with the names of relationship in -rfjp like 
iraT-qp. With the oxytone termination -rfip we should expect the 
reduced root, which in fact we get in horrip beside barap. On the 
other hand there is a great group of oxytone forms with middle 
roots like 6e\KT^p. 

Further we find a variation of the accentuation of such words in 
Sanskrit according to the part they play in the sentence ; and the 
old word of relationship matdr is oxytone, but with a middle root, 
while the corresponding hhrdtar (cfypdrrjp) is paroxytone, and this 
is proved in both cases to have been the original accent by the 
German moder beside hrd/'or. 

In Latin again we mostly find the termination -tor, but with the 
middle root — {vector, lector, sector, emptor, genitor), but also ddtor, 
stdtor (stdtor), pater but mater, frdter ; while soror (suesor), Sk. 
svdsar has the termination -or (De Sauss. p. 230). 

On the whole question, which can partly be explained by the 
Ablaut of inflexion, see p. 297. 

(14) Themes in -or. 

(a) Oxytone, weak root — a-op {y^-op, ens-is 1), Sk. dv-ar-as {nom. 
plur.), of which the strong form appears in for-es (Brugm. Stud. 

ix. 395)- 

(6) Paroxytone, middle . root — suesor, Sk. svdsar, Lat. soror, Gk. 

I i 


eo/jef irpoarjKOVTes, (rvyyevels (for a-fea-op-). The U appears in cip4a-(f>i' 
yvvai^iv (Hesych.). 

(15) Themes in -i. 

These mostly take the strong root and are paroxytone — arpofpis, 
Tp6\K, pofKpis, xpopis, Tp6(f>K, dpopiis, p.oKins, (ppovK, Cf. <p6ppi-y^. 
In Latin we have extorris. 

But in Sk. asi, Latin ends, we seem to have the reduced root 

^S-1 (Cf. aop=:ncr-op.) 

(16) Themes in -ti 0/ the weak inflexion (see p. 291). 

The root is reduced, but the accent in Greek is invariably par- 
oxytone, and in Sk. and German only sometimes oxytone. Still it 
is thought that this last is the primitive accent. 

(TTaa'ts, Kapvis, rdo'iSj aphpoKTa'trl-rj, ^dtrtSf (fjariSf X^'"'^) Sotris, ttoo'iSj 
Latin for-tis (Jer-ox), sor-{ti-)s {prae-ser-ii-m), stdtio, ratio, affatim. 

But 6i(ns, biais, efj)€<ns (where the vowel cannot fall), Sp-jrat-ns, 
8S>-Tis, (jjfij^is (also (j)i^is), irevms (also nvans). 

In compounds we have iyepa-i-pdxrjs, 6eK^l-voos, etc. 

(17) Themes in -eu of the weak inflexion. 

(a) Oxytone, reduced root — ^paSis (mrdus), naxis (cf. pinguis), 
TTKarvs (jjrth'&s), iKaxis {levis, raghus), Batris (den-sus), ^adis {^ivdos), 
Taxvs,,y\vKiis (cf. yXf vkos), Bpaavs, ^paxvs (brevis), xparvs, Tap<l)vs, fiapis 
(gravis), iroKis {purils:::=prr'£i-s) ravv-^Ttpos (tenuis). 

Notice that this form only occurs in stems containing a liquid or 
a nasal. 

(6) Paroxytone, strong root^ — KpoKvs, Kopdvs, domus (pipa). 

Compare the neuters yom (genu), 86pv (depw). 

(18) Themes in -eu of the strong inflexion — Oxytone, reduced 
root (?) — Zeis (Di-eH-s-), ^ovs (go-eH-s), vavs (n^eA-s). 

But these being monosyllabic, the Ablaut of the stem will vary 
according to the case ; v. p. 328. 

Of special Greek formation are the oxytone stems in -eu with a 
strong root — <TTpo<pfvs, Spo/nis, tokcvs, ronfis, vopfvs, (jiovevs, (jiopeis, 
KKonevs, yoveis. an^iis, however, has a weak root. 

(19) Themes in -t(e)u. 

(a) Oxytone, reduced root— por-tu-s and the correspondin<^ 
subst. of the 4th declension formed from the past participle. 
(6) Paroxytone, strong root — ol-mi-a. 

(20) Themes in -es (Greek and Latin nom. sing, is in -os) are 
formed with the middle root, paroxytone. 


Substantives — yevos, tnos, w'c^os, Iror, ?8os, fiipos, 6ipos, KepSos, 
^XeTToy, e\Kos, ^evyos, reixos, f'Sos, kXc'os, etc. 

In Latin genus, nemus, ulcus (for uelcos), juger-um, decus, t&mpus, 
holus (cf. helusa, so that -ol- is from original -el-), scelus ; cf. 
gloria (for *cleues-ia), perhaps Vemus, and compare vetus ; pondus, 
foedus exceptionally show Ablaut I (De Sauss. p. 79). 

Adjectives — fipfv^s, acmepx^s, evyevrjs, arevris, 'EteokX^j. To these 
correspond in Latin the adjectives in -er from an original -es, which 
have taken the r of the oblique cases. Cf. degener : eiyevris. The -s 
is however kept in the nom. in Ceres, pubes, impubes. 

(21) Themes in -os (second series). 

These are words of the type Sk. mds, bhiyds, Gk. ^a>s, -^evbi)!. 
Brugmann {K. Z. xxiv. 14) has shown these to be originally 
neuters, which have reverted to the masc. or fern, declensions. The 
new declension is of the type avaas, ace. aio-oo-a, voc. aiiaos or 
aila-es, loc. avo-iai, gen. ava-eaos, Sanskrit usas, usasam, usdsi, vsdsas. 

(22) Themes in ios, uos (K. Z. xxiv. 54, 6^,98). 

The suffix -ios added to the root of an adj'. in the middle degree 
gives the comparative in Sk. (Whitney, Sk. Gr. § 463), the addition 
of -ta to this suffix in its reduced form gives the superl. (Whitney, 
§ 467), but the root vowel is not weakened in the superlative. 

Thus we have 

Positive (uru) Compar. vdr-lyas Superl. vdr-ia-tha. 
(ksiprd) hsip-iyas Mep-is-tha. 

So in Greek from the root ^ep-, we get (pip-wr-Tos, from kj/jS- 
Keph-ia^os with middle roots; in comparatives iid-av {}u-m-s), 
Kpei'o-o-toi/ {KpaTvi), oXel^av (oXtyos), Baxraov (raxyi), fteiffflx, p-aa-aov 
{iMKpos), iiaWov [lioKa), cf. paKurros. {K. Z. xxiii. 126.) The same 
cause may explain e in the much disputed pejor. 

The suffix -uos is seen in the perfect participle active and in 
some adjectives (De Sauss. pp. 71, i55)- 

The perf. participle is regularly formed with the weak root of the 
verb and is oxytone. Cf. Sk. ca-hr-van, where -n is secondary. So 
in Greek we get lb-ma, dprjvexyiav (^iv^mxa, the c cannot fall out 
altogether), (rwmXtx'i's {dXoxa). This weak Ablaut is regularly pre- 
served in the feminines in Homer. Cf. XeKaxvlai, pep.a,Kvlai, redakvia, 
dpapvia, o-ea-apvia (a-ea-dpas) ; /CE/ca^ijas (ke/oji^e). In the masculine, 
however, the strong Ablaut is generally preserved. 

We have in the perf. part, a double Ablaut of stem and suffix, e. g. 

I i a 


masc. ueid-uos, fem. uid-us-l-a. The masc. nom. regularly has the 
sufEx vowel long and this is extended to the oblique cases in the 
Homeric re-Tply-SiT-as, ^i-^a~SiT-a. 

(23) Tliemes in -om. Oxytone, weak root — x^-*"" (^k- ^?-<^ot), 
Xttt)"' (liiems, Sk. hi-m-d). 

(24) Themes in -^f. 

The suffix is accented and has no vowel, the root is weak. The 
type of this class is s-y.t {K. Z. xxiii. 579). 

(25) Root themes. 

(a) Weak roots appearing in all cases, and independently of the 
inflexion. When they terminate in a semivowel (i, u, r, I, m, n) 
the theme in declension is increased by -t. Such themes are a\ic-i, 

'A-fiS-, cnJ-fuy-, avTrjplh-, fTrr/KiiS-, ju-dic-, etc. (De Sauss. p. 202.) 

(6) Themes in which the weak root appears only in the weak 
cases of the inflexion. 

As a type we may take Sk. vrtra-Iian, ace. vrtra-hdn-am, dat. 
vrtra-glin-e, which would correspond to a Greek type BeWepo-cpSyv 
(where the accent is unexplained), gen. -(jyaTos. This last form does 
not appear, the word having been assimilated to the stems in -ovr-, 
but we see the weak root in TLepa-icfiaTTa (De Sauss. p. 2 7). 

B. The Ablaut in Verbal Formations and Inflexion. 

I. Forms with Ablaut II. 

(i) In the case of non-thematicpresents(Hindoo second or aci-class), 
where the present stem is identical with the root, the accent in the 
singular of the active rested on the root, which therefore took the 
strong degree (Ablaut II). In the plural and dual of the active 
and the whole of the middle voice the accent rested on the termi- 
nation, and the root was consequently reduced. 

fiiTL ififv tre i-aai. 

e-ti i-mds i-tlid y-dnti. 

itr-Ti ((r)-£i'Tt (Dor.) 

ds-ti s-mds s-thd s-dnti. 
es-t s-u-mus (estis) s-unt. 
ed-s (es) ed-t (est) ; cf. sB-pevai. 
In the long vowel series we get — 

ri-drj-fii SlStofU icrTafu beside TiSeficv SiSo/icv «7Ta/xei'. 
<pa-jii {4>li^) <^a-cri (j)a-p.dv <pa-Te, 

Thus fl-iu 



Sk. e-mi 


So f(T-pl {(lixi) 


Sk. ds-mi 




And from -/gd 

ed-s (i 


Keirat is irregular as containing a strong root in the middle 
voice, but the same irregularity appears in, Sanskrit yefe (Whitney^, 
Sk. Gr. § 629). 

arevTat (r. 83) and o-evrai, or rather o-oCrai (Soph. Track. 654), 
seem to be contracted forms of a thematic verb (Curt. Verb. i. 154). 

(2) Thematic presents, active and middle, of the Hindoo first or 
6/w-class, in the active and middle have Ablaut II, e.g. : — 

c^a> <j)epa> SepKOfiai cjifiyio \rjdco rrjKia rlbofiai. 

lego rego tremo duoo ulejpo uro i^euso) dico. 

Full lists in Curt. Verb. i. 210 sq. 

(3) Verbs of the Yod-cl&BS (Hindoo fourth or i^iVclass) take 
properly Ablaut III, e. g. ^aivat for giy-io, but in Greek many are 
found with Ablaut II, e. g. niaaa (Trejsco), xefia, TfKKo), (pSelpa, areKXat, 
KTeiua, etc. 

(4) The future system has Ablaut II throughout, eo-o/ioi, Keia-oiiai, 
oreXfi, 8epS>, TrXeuiro^at, \elyfrai, «tc. 

(5) The sigmatic aor. active and middle has Ablaut II, c\e|a, ?8f «|a, 
eppeva-a, etftdetpa (for *e(p6epo-aj, etc. 

(6) The weak aor. pass, is a formation peculiar to Greek and is 
made with Ablaut II. On the other hand the strong aor. shows 
Ablaut III. 

Compare cKepdrjV eKdprjv, i^cixBrjV iivyr]V, iKKii^6r)V ficKdiTrjv, i(rrp€(l)6riv 
iarpdcpriv, iBpe^Srjv eTpd<jirjv, irrixSriv hdKrjv. Exceptions to this rule 
are irvxSijV, ip.'ix6riv, fKpidrjV, earddrjv, iavBrjV, ixiOrjV, as well as i^\i]6r}v, 
eTp,ri6rjV, etc. 

Forms like irpdipdriv i(jTpd(j)6rjv in Doric are the result of dialectical 

II. Forms with Ahlaift I. 

(i) In the original language the singular of the perfect active was 
accented on the root, the dual and plural and the whole middle 
voice on the termination. The singular active accordingly took a 
strong Ablaut and preferred Ablaut I, the other forms took the 
reduced root. 

Traces of this original Ablaut are to be seen in eouca, clktov — 
oiSa, 'Lbpev — pepx>va, pepapev—yiyova, ykyapxv — Xe'Aij^a (for *\ikw6aX) 
XekacTTai, etc. 

In practice, however, the strong form prevailed all through the 
active, though many instances of the weak form predominating are 


also found, especially with perfects in -xa, ecpBapKo, K^apm, tardkKa, 
oKjiKii^a, etc. 

6 (o) seems the characteristic vowel of the perfect, but though o 
in Greek is fairly common (see list in Curt. Verh. ii. i88), o) is rare 
{eppasya, etc.), and ov only found in (iKij\ov6a. 

But traces of o) in a verb that elsewhere has i; (f) are seen in ac^eara, 
av^avTui, quoted as perfects of V'- (Cf- dcpiavrm, found in the New 

In Latin we have momordi, tetondi, spepondi, from old presents 
*merdo, *iendo, *spendo. 

(2) Derived verbs in -eo take Ablaut I. 

o;(e(B, TTopea, (povfa, <popia, rpofieto, rpotpeai, opx^opai : cf. ^€-^6\r]-p.m, 
pf-poprj-TM, dirsKTOvriKa, hopi]-Tap, (riroprjTOS. 

In Latin we have doceo {Vdec), moneo, noceo, tondeo, sjmndeo. 

C. Forms with Ablaut III. 
(i) For the non-thematic pres. system v. supra. "We may add 

l-oirjv, i-diToy, {(t)-6vtos {s-Ontls), (a)-eT-ios, 4>a-Lrj-v, (pa-vm, <pa-nfvos, 


(2) For plural, etc., of perf. system v. supra. 

(3) Eeduplicated thematic presents (Hindoo third or Aw-claBs) 
take the weakest form of the root. 

TiKTio for n-TK-o), yi-yv-opat (cf. gigno), (o-)i-iTX-<», ni-TTT-a, pi-pv-m, 
ifw (for cri-a-S-a), sido (si-sd-o), disco (di-dc-sco), etc. 

(4) Inchoative forms add -ctkoi immediately to the weakest root. 
/Sd-o-Ko) (^»?i-), natrxo ("'p")) fuVym (/iiy-o-Ko)), IWrn (fiK-(TKay), (ftaa-Ka, 
\u(TKa (XaK-tnco)), xatrtm {xn-<rK(o) ; cf. posco {jy^c-sco), disco, misceo 
{mig-sceo), etc. 

(5) Comparatively few presents in ^ra are formed from the weakest 
root in Greek, though this is historically the correct form ; but we 

find KaivWj palpopaij (fjalvoij TrraipcOf jQoXXg), ^alva>y TrdXXo), TiTaivw, 

The Sanskrit hfsyati, trsyati seem to show that horreo (for 
*Jiorseo), torreo (for *torseo, cf. to{r)s-tus) belong to this group 
rather than to the forms in -eo. 

(6) Sanskrit verbs of the 5th and 8th classes (formed by adding 
-nu or -u to the stem) have this Ablaut, e. g. su-nu- from Vsu, 
tanu (%-wm) from ^/tan. But these two types are originally 
identical. The 8 th class (which adds -u) is, with one exception 


only, formed from roots ending in -n (Whitney, Sk Gr. § 603, iv. b), 
and tan6mi goes back to tn-n6-mi, just as mn6mi to su-n6-mi 
{K. Z. xxiv. 288). 

In Greek we have nrap-vv-}iax, ra-m-Tox (t^-i/u-toi), ay-vv-\u, 
liiy-vv-iM, &-vv-Tai (ci. aiid-iv-Trjs), and passing into the thematic class 
d-vu-o), Ta-vv-m. But SeU-vv/ii, ^fvyvufu have strong roots. 

With other nasal formations, but the same weak degree of the 

root, iK-av-O), dfiapT-dvco, bap6-ava>, a-v^-dva (cf. a-fi^-a>), etc. 

With a double nasal (Hindoo 7th or rucLh-dass) we have 
6i-y-y-ava>, Xi-ji-Tr-ava, TV-y-x-avco, iTV-v-6-avofuu, \a-y-)^-dvco, }(a-v-S-dva, 
\a-fi-^-dva), &-p-8-dva), fut-v-B-dvo), Xa-v-6-dvio. 

With a nasal followed by i, Ipvdmva, imp-alvo), SKiT-alvai, a-i-aivm 
(v cuo--, va-- in uro^*eit,so), T€-Tp-alva>. 

In Latin Jl-n-do, sci-n-do, fi-n-go, ru-m-po, tu-n-do, li-n-quo, 
ju-n-go. But in Latin we only have the inserted nasal, not the 
nasal suflBx. 

(7) The non-thematic strong aorist is properly an imperfect from 
a non-thematic present, e-Trrd-firiv being related to a possible 
*iTTa'-iiai as Urrd-iir)v is to tard-iiai. Accordingly, in agreement with 
the general theory of such forms, we get a strong root in the 
singular indie, of the active, a weak root in the other numbers and 
moods of the active and throughout the middle (De Sauss. pp. 21, 
128, 146). 

Thus we find in Greek inr-aiiriv beside en-Tij-c, ^a-it]-v beside e^rj-v, 
eVXai', TXdirjv beside 'drkriv, as well as i-xv-iirjv, f-<rcrv-TO, KKv-fievos, 
djTO-vp-as (beside dird-fcp-ae), cKTci-TO, dne(j)d-To, etc. 

But in the singular of the active we have e-xfv-a, ca-a-ev-a, cf. 
r)\ev-d-p.i]v. The -a of the first person represents an original iri, and 
the old infiexion was of the type *e-xfv-ip, *e-xev-s, *e-xev-T, 
*e-Xv-iJiev. In later times however, owing to the final -a, they have 
been assimilated to the type of the sigmatic aorist, and the strong 
form has become predominant in all numbers and voices. 

(8) The thematic strong aor. is an imperfect from a thematic 
pres., which had the accent on the thematic vowel (Whitney, Sk. Gr. 
§§751, 846). As the accent comes after the root, the root is conse- 
quently reduced ; but the original accent is only preserved in 
Greek in the infinitive and participle. 

Thus we have e-a-x-ov, e-air-ov (beside eirca, in-sec-e), ekXh-ok, 
e-nrap-ov, dyp-opevos, e-ind-ov, iTrvd-ofajv, e-bpafi-ov, e-\a6-ov, e-XaK-ov, 


hiirjiay-ov. Eeduplicated forms, ^vtyicov {rj-ve-VK-ov), Umoi (e-fe-fiT-ov), 
i-Ke-Kk-6-fir]V, e-Tre-4>v-ov, \e-'Kad-6-iirjV. 

Irregular are ayepta-Sai (beside aypSfievos), &<j>e\ov (beside &4iXov). 

(9) The strong aor. pass, takes Ablaut III, ippv-i", i-acri-rjv, 

i-fiiy-ijv, (-TaK-Tjv, i-(TaiT-r]v. 

Irregular are i<p\eyriv, IvXciajv (also iirKaiajv), irlpintv. 

(10) It has been already explained that the perfect system takes 
a strong Ablaut in the sing, indie, act., a weak Ablaut elsewhere. 
The following is a list of the known instances : — 

Weak forms. Strong forms. 

t-lK-TOV, i-U-TXjV, e-tK-TO, ij-lK-TO Z-oiK-a. 

i-Tii-niB-iifv Tri-Ttoid-a. 

icr-Tov, "S-fifv, i<T-Te oLO-a. 

S(i-Si-fiev, i-Se-Si-TTjv, Sc-St-oir Se-Soi-kq. 

i\-rj\vd-aiiev etK-rjKovd-a. 

yf-ya-iiei>, ye-ya-as yi-you-a, 

fie-fia-jxtv, fjif-fia-as fie-iiov-a,. 

n(-7ra(r-di^, ire-Tra6-vXa 7re-7rov6-a. 

TC-rXa-fiei/, Tf-rXa-Lrjv tc-tXtj-kq. 

Kt-Kpax-Bi Ki-Kpay-a. 

t-CTa-Tov, t-ara-jiev (-(TTrj-Ka. 

hi-ha-vXa fie'-Sij-e. 

jie-HaK-vla fie-firjK-as. 

Tf-6aK-vta re-dr/K-a. 

Xf-XaK-via Xe-X?;K-a. 

(Tc-aap-vla ire-arip-as. 

ap-ap-vla ap-tjp-as. 

The middle forms are more common, flixm [fe-f(r-iMu beside f eV- 

<ra), Ke-KKip-ai, f-aav-nai, K€-)(y-iim, ei-pap-rai, i'ppparai (for i-trjir-TaC), 
t-cpBap-pjit, e-anap-fiai, Se-dap-pm, Ke-Kap-pai, ne-nap-pai, TC-ToK-pm, 
(-OToK-pai, Tf-Ta-pai, jri-(j>a-Tai, a\-T]\ip-p/xi., fp-rjpiy-pat, ip-r)pip-pm, 
p.e-Hiy-pMi, ri-TVy-pai, n£-(j>vy-pMi, Tif-ivviT-pm, e-arpap-pai, ri-Tpap-pm, 
T(-6pap-pat, Xi-Xaa-pai, nt-iro-Tat, jre'-^ay-rm. 

In some roots the reducedAblaut cannot or does not in anyform ap- 
pear, as in e-fetr-fiat, Xe'-Xf-y-ftai, iv-iivey-pm, and on the analogy of these 

are modelled the new fonns ^e-^pey-pai, Ke-K\ep-pai, ni-(}>Xey-pai, e-f«uy- 

pai., 8i-dety-pai, \e-\eip-pai, etc., with strong instead of reduced roots. 
' Written irhoaOi in many texts of Homer; of. Monro, H. (?. § 225. 



(The references are to pages. The Appendices are not included.) 

d^cAioi' 167. 
a0iv 61, 153. 
a^Ajjpo 167. 
dppos 141. 
ayaaaee 393. 
dyayeiv 418. 
&y6.\aKTOs 175. 
dya\al 1 75. 
ayafuu 393, 395. 
'AydfiefJLvoy 271. 
ayaoiiat 395. 
d7a7rd^(u 411. 
dy atroM 4 1 1 . 
dyappis 1 02. 
dYOt/iis 138, 149. 
d77e\ecy 431. 
d77cAA(u 411. 
ayyiKai 429. 
d7«'pai 102, 135. 
d7eX9;ifi 320, 323. 
ayeofim 63, 232, 306. 
dyepovTO 244. 
dyijpaos 180. 
a7!7ff( 378. 
'A7J;(r£Aaos 173. 
d7^Tai 179. 
07105 293, 440. 
dyivioj 417. 
ayaaOiV 365. 
d7«d\at 75. 
dyKas 365. 
d7/coXai 75. 
d7«i;A.os 61, 275. 
dyiciiv 61, 125, 257. 
d7>'<!i' 138. 
d7i'<is 440. 
dyviaai 399, 401. 
dyvvpu l68j 401. 
d7»'{;(7t 401. 
dyvvTov 401. 
dyvoiTos 275. 
d70(a7'0 112. 
070;' 385. 

d7opi 135, 244. 

dyopdabfiv 195. 

dyopit 64. 

dypoucos 266. 

dypoiievos 244. 

"TPiis, 33. 6°j ?I. 246, 

dypuOTTjs 60. 
d7U(a 266j 312. 
d7V{d 266. 
"7X' 143- 

"TX" 61, 143. 145. 406- 
d7ar 60, 138, 231, 246, 306, 

dympidaTai 1 12, 383. 
dyojvoO^TTis 304. 
dddpas 14'J. 
dSd/^aros 70. 
dderfs 421. 

dSeA(?io? 137, 172, 175. 
ddevK-^s 148. 
dSijitdres 425. 
d5??i' 164. 
dhitcqiiivos 404. 
'AS/iTjTOS 147. 
d5i/(i»' 138. 

dSuj 63, 147, 164, 293. 
aSo; 40S. 

di0\ov 149, 180, 251. 
Ae&pi] 82. 
dfi 28, 308. 
delSri 167. 
dcipoi 408. 
deifft 396. 
dam^ofiivrj 305. 
diKwv 180. 
d^i/ra 66. 
dc£(u 169. 
dcffa 168, 407. 
KlaxpiivSas 82. 
deros 28. 
diojiai 195. 
dfuf 291. 

dfoutTTOS 266. 

"'jSiu 335- 
d-fijiivai 238, 410. 
017/41 248, 396, 410. 
d^rai 439. 
dtjai 238. 
d770'u\os 275. 
drjTrjs 238. 
ciTjTO 238. 
drjTov 238. 
aSavaTos 175, 384. 
'Aflai/efos 82. 
dOdpa 149. 
dSesi 318. 
'A8rjU>]ai 323. 
d0)7P 149. 
depoifm 175. 
dSpoos 175. 
ai 79, 82. 
Aiai/Ti 83, 324. 
Qi^SeTO? 167. 
aiyi^oTos 243. 
AlyvTTTLri 96. 
aiSec^^i/at 308. 
aiSero 406. 
aidd/xfi'os 406. 
'AiSos 167. 
dtdal 81. 
a(5w 182. 
aiSij 308, 350. 
aUi 298, 308, 331. 
aUv 332. 
aie's 308. 
aUrSs 406. 
aiTjTov 238. 
aifle 79, 82. 
aiffci 246. 
at^i^p 246. 
aWoiiiyos 406. 
aidoira 306. 
a'Sos 309. 
atd/ji; 246. 
aifltt) 79, 149. 



aifcvov 197. 
alixaToaTay^s 303. 
atfjLvhos 275. 
atveov 386. 
atv4co 411. 
alui^ofmi 411. 
alvSdev 359. 
ai»'(5s 135. 
aiir6\os 127, 130. 
ai'peoi' 386. 
aipoj 408. 
afffa 79. 

alffOavo/xai 83, 416. 
AtiTArX7^m(5s 7^^- 
diffffoo 194, 408. 
ai(TVfiVT]T7)s 76. 
atVxiW 365- 
alffXpo?<6yos 276. 
mTeoi/ 386. 

OLTTJfMl 376. 

aiTitiao'^ai 1 80. 
aiTios 194. 

mxM 197- 
Cio) 299, 308, 331. 
al^v 79, 97. 
aKapov 61, 124, 140. 
dfcaxi^ffos 418. 
dic^Koa 182, 418. 
dtfj/x^^^Tat 112, 411. 
dtf\€a 181. 
aKpii] 293. 
dfCfjidOeTov 304. 
a^/icui/ 133, 330. 
aKoiTTjs 175. 
aKoms 175, 325. 
d«(5Xou^os 175, 245. 
dK6vr] 331. 
dtfouaais 81. 
dwouffas 81. 
aKOvoj 127, 170, 
dtcpoa 382. 
d/cpodofmi 197. 
dtfpos 60. 
d«Tis 294. 
dffxos 61. 
a«a)V 331. 
'AXakia 220. 
dka\K€ 407* 
d\a\K€tv 61. 
aXaaros 240. 
dX7€(i'<5s 402. 
aA7os 199. 
dXea 169. 
dK^iTTjs 245, 
d\fi(pa 302. 
aXiiipap 150. 
d\ei(pw 196. 
dXeirjffo] 397. 
dAt^w 125. 

dXerai 431. 

d\i^0«a 64. 

d\7;^i^s 308. 

dKrjKififiivos 421. 

aA^yrat 432. 

aA^of 405. 

* h\iBkp(J7}s 364, 

ciAiOS 180. 

^AAiS 63, 169. 

dXiffKofiat 415. 

dAiTco' 245. 

dAiT^/Acros 404, ^09, 410. 

dA«)7 61, 125, 

dAtfViii' 62. 

oKkvwv 62, 173. 

dAAaxou 367. 

dWTJKTOS 238. 

dAA^Awj* 183. 
dAAo6a7r(5s 357. 
aAAoip 161. 
aAAo/ca 74* 
dWofiai 62, 164, 408. 
aAAos 6lj 91. 
aAAora 74. 
a\Au5is 76. 
dAAwi/ 357. 
aA/*evos 386. 
dAoiTjv 436. 
dAotTi^s- 245. 
SAos 63, 183. 

'A\0(TvdV7J 148. 

dAoxos 172, 175, 245,368. 

d\s 61, 164, 305. 

(xAcos 199. 

aAro 386, 425. 

dkvTos 273. 

dA^airoj 157. 

d\(j)Oiv 380. 

dA^(5s 61, 156. 

dKcbvai 439. 

dAci;7r7;f 169, 334. 

dK6j(T0fiai 397. 

a/«i I59» 305> 322, 341, 

. 368. 

dfidfiv 451. 

d/MiA(5s 159, 197. 

dpia^a 176. 

d;:iapTdr(u 416. 

aA*«X«* 340- 
dfidxrjTOS 275. 
d/xdcu 159. 
dfiPKaKiaKO} 154, 
dfi&\vs 154. 
dfX^XojffKoj 154. 
dfx$p6<Xios 193. 
dfi^poros 154. 
d/x^ 354. 
dfxei^a 141. 
dju(tV<u 182. 

d)i*eA7W 105, 138, 197,245, 

afievat 164 
dfxepya 1 38. 
a/i^s 173, 184,354. 
dfievd) 87. 

dpL7}T0S 248. 

a/^t»' 353- 
a/i/*e 61, 109, 353. 
aMi«« 173? 184, 354. 
oM/" 355- 
^/t/^t^ 355- 
dptfiSs 280, 356. 
d/ti/(is 61, 136. 
dftoOiv 175. 
dfiop$6s 277. 
d;i^/)77/ 73. 
d^(5s 280, 386. 
ajwou 175. 
afXTTe-naKdji/ 407. 
dfiTTwris 102, 194, 243. 
dfjivdis 76, 176. 
dftvvaj 197. 
d/tufftroj 197. 
dfixfyqpTjs 67. 
a/i(^l93, 156, 279. 
dpupvyvoeoj 452. 
dfiipiivvvfii 185, 4or, 
dfjupi^TTo: 244. 
dfKfy'iKpavos 302. 

dfi(f>lKTi0V€S 124. 

dfji<f>ippvTos 212. 

dfi^is 320. 

dfi<pl<X^T]TOJ 459. 

dfi<pop€vs 200. 
dfj.<p0J 156. 
dfjtipiaes 1 83, 304. 
ara 200, 279. 
di^d 279. 
dvdp\rj(ns 273. 
dva^pox^v 397. 
dvdyKrj 292. 
dvaStJTj 85, 436. 
dvdSrjfia 236. 
di/aiSeta 64. 
dvatSijs 308, 350. 
di/at/cos 384. 
dvaifios 384. 
dvcufj-WTi 83, 324. 
di/aAtffKo; 415. 
di'dAtfiSa 325. 
dvaXKiv 325. 
ai/oAros 62, 
dvaTrapcts 98. 
dvdiri'et/o'ts 273. 
drap 75. 
dvdaao} 411. 
dvariTpo^as 423. 
di'aToA^ 130. 



afS&vai 147, 416. 

&vSpa 329. 

dvSpaKis 365. 

dvBp&iroSov 103. 

dvSpas 329. 

avSp&ai 103. 

dvSpes 329 

ivSpoKTaairj 108. 

&iiSp6s 264. 

i-vinaBiv 365. 

&i'e\Kvaii4vos 196. 

dve/ios 61, 70, 158. 

dvepa 329. 

dverai 175, 184. 

dvfi//i6s 6£, 193. 

di/iay/Mi 418. 

di'ean'Tm 237, 420. 

dy^tufo 386. 

AviiiaBat 237, 420. 

avTivexvio-" 420. 

dvqvoBiv 419. 

di/^/) 263. 

dv6ifioi<Tiv 320. 

di^id^o; 411. 

di'idfu 411, 

dialers 400. 

di/TCtr^at 406. 

djTijAios 173. 

drri 60, 147, 257, 279. 

dxTios 277, 

dv7i6oj 181, 

ai'T\oi' 147. 

dvTAoff 214. 

dvTO/iai 405. 

dvvrai 108. 

dvureu 41 3. 

dviJiu 108, 164, 173, 175, 

, 417- 

ava 416. 

dvaya 423. 

di<fuyas 422. 

di'i&7« 423. 

dvcayov 429. 

avoinorl 248. 

dviivv/ios 250. 

dfiyi; 60, 162. 

af<w 61, 162. 

ao/> 162. 

doaar)Trip 68, 128, 129. 

dirtiAa/ii^os 302. 

aTray 306. 

aval III) l64) 172, 368. 

diras 175. 

duaaros 192, 241. 

aTraupdof 96. 

aTTatpiaKQi 415* 

diTESos 175. 

dirciA^Ti;!' 404. 

amipaiv 303. 

direKToro 107. 

'A7reX\(Uz/ 75' 

dtr&tTov 193. 

'Att/ij 130. 

diriKaro 112. 

oirAotis 111,164, I72> 368. 

cJiro 278. 

dmi 60, 246. 

d7r(5Sefis 83. 

diroSpv^oi 406. 

dmdepat 66, 96, 157. 

diroipay 168. 

dvoKdcpovnivos 196. 

dTToXauew 79. 

'Ai7i5A.Aft)i' 75. 

d-TroXo^aTO 383. 

diropiSpyvv 401. 

diTovUaBm 179. 

dwoTrapStiii/ 98, 

dTTOTTpiai 381, 

dTTOTcAcuTjjToy .273. 

dirorivoiav 380. 

d-ndrpoTros 274. 

diroi}/)as 96. 

aTTTai 61, 151, 173. 

dpapos 196. 

dpapinKoi 157, 415. 

d/ia/>vra 418, 421. 

dpdffffca 196. 

dpdxyi? 62, 157. 

dpyov 74. 

dpTfSs 61. 

dpyvpSrre^a 195, 

apyvpos 61, 138. 

opSo; 405. 

dpeian' 365. 

'A^es 327. 

dpecTHQj 414. 

d//^7eii' 238, 405. 

d/>i}f«i' 238. 

dpijpiis 421. 

'Ap7;i 327. 

apBpov 62, 157. 

'AptdSyrj 138. 

dpi^rj\os 400. 

dptCTdo) 410. 

dptareiuj 412. 

apiarov 234. 

dpfcea 61, 125. 

dpKTOS 102. 

d/jKi/s 325. 

dp/jLara 157. 


dpra 168, 330. 

dpvaai 330. 

dpvcffffi 330. 

d/jyiis 301, 330. 

dporpov 147, 294. 

dpovpa 157. 

d/)(5w 61, 157. 

dpTrdfoi 62, 151, 157, 410. 

SpTTi; 151, 157, 163, 172. 

dppevoydvos in. 

dppiiSeov 385. 

dppadicu 75. 

dpffoj 199. 

dpffrjv 74. 

ctpTi 194. 

dprofcdiros 276. 

dpxiptivat 404. 

dpx«™ 412. 


dpayyfi 238. 

dpa)7(5s 238. 

Ss 181. 

daieapi^ai 197. 

d(r|(e 109. 

dff/xevos 425, 427. 

dffiraipco loi, 197, 41 1. 

atro-a 194, 359. 

aaaov 143, 194. 

aareov 192. 

dffrepa 65, 162. 

d(rT€po7n7 244. 

dffrepos 278. 

dcTTiJ/) 197, 310. 

dffT^pcri 330, 

diTTpdirTeij' 244, 413. 

affTU 169. 

affile 356. 

affoj 61. 

dTdXavTos 114, 175. 

drfpos 182. 

'AtA/s 195. 

dnixa^oi 411. 

dr t/idof 411. 

drpaKTOs 124, 130. 

'ArpeiSa 180, 181. 

'ArpvSao 180, 321. 

drpejc^s 1 2 4. 

drpepa 277. 

oTTa 147, 194, 359. 

aS 79, 406. 

avati/o; 174. 

ava\^os 174. 

0^7^ 96. 

avSdoi 411. 

avS^ffafffce 414. 

aSf 406. 

avipvaav 96, 167, 170. 

avBivTr/s 108, 164. 

amaxos 96, 167, I?'-'- 

av\rjpa 169. 

av\Sjins 306. 

av^dvw 96, 197. 

aufcTO 386. 

av^rjais 162. 

aifcu 169, 406. 



avos 174. 
avpT] 308. 
avpiov 246. 
avpLOS 303. 
aZs 358. 
avirat 174. 
avffTTjpds 174. 
av(TTi]p6s 172. 
afjffoj 174, 
aufftus 246. 
aiire 406. 
auT€r 318, 
avTLKa 277* 
aSrts 79- 
dvrpiri 90. 

avToicaaiyVTjTos 274. 
auTO/ittTOS 91, 108. 
aiiToi' 356. 
avTovvx^t 324. 
auTds 358. 
av<pT]V 143. 
aux^t'i 301. 

n^Xi?" 143. 3°I- 
aiJw 174. 
avQ) 172, 

atttw 165, 170, 406. 
dtpaipcats 273. 
ac^aw 151. 
atpsvos 156, 250. 
cUpiajica 237, 420, 
dipeojvTai 420. 
dcpOiTos 272. 
AxpB'nov 272. 
d(^/ti 387. 
d(pU/iev 237. 
d^tij^ii 237. 
d^ii;v 237. 
dtpiTjfn 193. 
cupXaffTOV 197. 
dip\oiaii6s 196. 
d^/jor 143, 156, 296. 
axOo/iai 398. 
dx^iJs 61, 140. 
"X""? 61, 143. 
dxojuai 231. 

aX°s 145- 
axpetos 266. 
dxperos 266. 
dxvpov 61. 
dx<i; 63. 

/3d70$ 167. 


;3a5iJ 167. 

/SaSi 116. 

^adioiv 364. 

Mffos 8, 136, 143, 307. 

PaBpov 300. 

$a6vSivris 273. 
PaBimoXiTOs 273, 275. 
/SaSiJs 109, 136, 310, 364. 
^ai'i;!' 436. 

iSai'i'iu 106, 114, 135, 408, 

B&KTpoV 62, 147, 153, 424. 

PiKavoi 62, 136, 141. 
$a\(iv 245, 405, 440. 
pdWeiv 222. 
/SdXXw 74, 99, J36, 137, 

408, 411. 
jSdAoKrSa 377. 
/3a/</3dfa) 154. 
^a/iPaivw 154, 409. 
0ap.0a\vCa 154. 
Pa/iiV 239. 
^ara 135, 137, 250. 
BalTTos 192. 
iSaTrTO) 143, 414. 
l3dpa6pov 74. 
0dp0apos 62, 154. 
fidpos 307. 
0a/nJf 97, 102, 113, 135, 

296, 326. 
^dfffis 295, 325, 348. 
0dffeai 295. 
jSdffctus 327, 348. 
paatKea 183. 
/SotriXeos 183. 
jSafftAcLS 327. 
0aai\(vai 329. 
0a(Ti\€vaj 409, 412. 
PamXiius 183, 327. 
liaaiXrja 181, 387. 
/3a<riA.^es 180, 404. 
$a(TiX^os 181. 
0aat\7Js 328. 
^dffii 108, 193, 295, 326, 

BdaKavos 154. 
0daKioi 155. 
Pdanto 414, 420. 
/Sao-T-dfeiv 141, 163. 
Pdrtjv 116, 393. 
jSards 91, 108. 
/SaTpaxos 154. 
fiav^vKes 154. 
ea(/>ij 143. 
/S8ea) 199. 
/3ei8da(Ti 379. 
^epdica 20, 107. 
ficpaws 20. 
/3ei87;«a 424. 
Pe0TjKe 240. 
l3ePr]\6s 240. 
0€0iriKe 425. 
0€0\d<rTr]Ka 418. 
0i0Krj<u 381. 

0e0\^aTai 112, 383. 
040peKTat 192. 
0e0vaf^4vos 196. 
0fiKari 166, 167. 
0iipaKiS 167. 
0kKipafOV 404, 440. 
/3cAos lOI, 222, 224, 245. 
0(K(piS 136. 

/S^i/Sos 109, 136, 143, 364. 
/Se'o^at 137, 432. 
0ipeepov 74, 137. 
0i<j>vpa 137. 

5$ 385- 
jStJi;? 431. 
/S^flt 392. 
/3^^a 240. 
/3^1/ai 439. 
0-qt7eTO 426. 
0Tj<Tcra 194. 
0Tja<Ta> 194. 

^?JT1?«' 116, 393. 

^I'a 135. 
0i0d(ai 240. 
jSi/3ds 240, 398. 
0t0d(rdwv 240. 
0i0aais 240. 
0i0aTt 240. 
0i0paaKai 136, 415. 
i8i;8S 431. 
0i0aivTa 400. 
0i0ataa 400. 
j3iSet> 167. 
/Si'Scoi 167. 
iSi77.f( 323. 

^'os 135. 137- 
^ic5f 136. 
0i<rxvv 167. 
0t6j(Topiat 397. 
0\d0eTai 405. 
0\d0opuu 231. 
0\dirTa> 414. 
;3Xa(TTdl'ai 168, 416. 
0KaaT6s 155. 
i8\€iro) 136, 249, 405. 
0Ki(papov 136. 
0Ki<l>vpa l^'j. 
0\^]eTat 431. 
^Aij/) 137. 
0\i]t6s 114. 

/SXjyxa" 154- 
0\rixa>v 136. 
/SA-iTTOJ 155. 
0KoavpaJiTis 306. 
jSA-tJo; 154. 
0Kai0p6s 141. 
0\iia/ca> 102, 155, 415. 
0oa07j(Tia: 430. 
iSooz' 136. 
^(ios 182. 



00001 411. 

06es 182. 

M 64, 136, 155. 

PoriSpS/ios 276. 

PiOpos 68. 

fioiKtap 167. 

BoioiTof 83, 

06\Pos 141, 213. 

/3(5a.6toi 113. 

/SoAiJ 137, 222, 224, 245. 

06\KoiMt 183. 

fi6\oijuu 405. 

^opd 67, 113, 136. 

Bopeas H3. 

-06pos 72. 

^offis 243. 

fi6<rKei 242. 

06aic<u 414. 

fioTavri 243. 

;3oTi7p 243. 

^OT^pas 297. 

0ot6v 242. 

0ov0a\is 154. 

/3ovi3a\o9 154. 

0ovk6\os 127, 130, 245. 

/SotiXei 381. 

^ouAtioi 412. 

0ov\^(rofjuii 397- 

^ovAo/wi 168. 

^ot/AvT(5s 95. 

PoBs 69, 84, 136, 183, 296, 

328, 347- • 
0ov^6pas 137. 
fioSims 247, 306. 
fipaPeh 155. 
0paSijs 102, 104, 141, 155, 

PpaKiiv 105. 
0pdicos 167. 
Ppaaaoi 154, 168. 
Ppdffcrwv 194, 310, 365. 
Ppaxeiy 232. 
/3/)OXi5s 75; 87, 109, 145, 

^peV" 155. 244. 
ffpltpos 136. 
jSp^X" 168. 
PpifTiap 167. 
PptapSs 154. 
/Spi'ea; 397. 
/SpiiSoi' 167. 
fipSfios 244. 
/Spofat 154. 
0p6Taxos 154. 
/3po7-<$s 68, 105, 155. 
0poxiois 75. 
Ppdtt) 97, 154. 
^porrcis 1 15. 
0vaff6s 194. 

0oi\iiiievos 404. 
0aiit6s 240. 
;8S;/ 296, 306. 
0aipaia 167. 
/3Ss 136, 328. 
063aavri 182. 

0aiT7)p(S 69. 

0aTi{aitipa 194, 242, 294. 
0djTopas 297. 
0irrap 242. 


70 138. 

7a77a\(fiw 216, 

'^ayyave'uQj 134, 

7(iS€ri' 167. 

7<iS£(rSa( 167. 

7ara 138. 

7010) 81, 138, 246. 

yaKT6s 167. 

7aXoa;s 70, 

7a\(us 138. 

-/aiJ.0p6i 154. 

ya/jiiTpas 181. 

yaiupai 138. 

7ai/5ai'ttj' 167. 

7ai'UTai 401. 

yapyaipai lOI, 409. 

y&pyapa 135. 

yapyapeav 135. 

yaarrtp 141. 

yaffTTJpffi 330. 

yarfiXai 167. 

yavpos 79, 138, 246. 

7€ 166. 

7^ap 167. 

7€7(ia<7i 107, 223, 379. 

yiyaSi 246. 

yeydKUv 20, 423, 

yiyaftev 107, 245, 419, 

yey&TrjV 428. 
yeya6js 20, I07. 
yiyivjlivos I96, 422, 
y4yri9e 246. 
ycyova 60, 107, 224, 245, 

417, 419. 
y£y6vancv 419, 421. 
yiypainai. 418. 
yeypa^fXi III. 
yiypd(parai 112. 
yey pdipai 381. 
ycypai/zarai 383. 
ytypd^erat 431. 
yiy tova 137. 
yiyiovkfiiv 423. 
yeyiis 107. 
yeiTvia 301. 

yeXdvTi 180. 
7E\<ia) 393. 
7eXoto? 266. 
7cAo(os 277. 

Tf'*-?' 313. 
yi\6jovTfs 180. 
7^Aa« 313, 393. 
yilipara 167. 
yfvf lAirica 414. 
yiviaSai 232, 280, 406. 
yfviretpa 272. 
yiverfip 70, 114, 280. 
7eV?? 181, 331. 
yfifoiaro 112, 383. 
yeySfzevos 272. 
yev6/j.€<r0a 382. 
7tVo? 72, 134, 158, 223, 

24,5- 302, 331- 
7ci'ous 65, 81, 160, 165. 
7^1'To 425. 
7^r«s 65, 135, 326. 
yivvffai 326. 

7fP« 331. 
ycpovtjia 331. 
7epiuc 138, 331. 
yevaaiaro 112. 
7€u(» 138. 
ye(pvp6tu 412. 
yeojfjiGTpa 275. 
yeajfierptjs 275. 
yrjOetv 149. 
yqiioi 398. 
717910 167. 

7*}/"? 331- 
7?pas 310, ,331. 
yrjp&aKO} 414. 
yrjpiaofmi 397. 
7^7"'<'/«" 134.135. 223, 245, 

397. 4°7- 
yiyviioKDi 68, 137, 415, 

71's 167. 
71T& 167. 
ytrwv 82. 
7X^70? 62. 
7XauK:J;mSo 325. 
yXavKunriv 325. 
7Aai;«a)7ris 306. 
yKoupo) 231. 
y\iij>apov I?,6. 
yKilXi^v 136. 
y\VKvs 157, 296, 310. 
7AiJ<fai 94, 156, 232, 405. 
yXSiaffa 194, 293. 
yvi.9os 135. 
yvi]ffios 241. 
yvrir6i 114, 115. 
yvovrfs 396. 
yviipavai 439. 



yvdiffofiai 429. 

yvQjT6s 68. 

yodw 136. 

yoi 166. 

7orSa 167. 

y6fj,<pos 138. 

•yovaros 304. 

yovfj 224, 245. 

ySvos 223, 245. 

y6vv 138, 304. 

7(5os 136, 155. 

yopySs 135. 

ro/?7(I; 335- 

ySpTV^ 167. 

70ui'aros 304, 

7oui'ds 185. 

yovvovcr&at 182. 

ypdufia 196. 

7/)aus 138. 

7PO0T7S 327. 

7pa0a; 74, 231, 405. 

yiuaKov 135. 

yvfivSat 411. 

7uj/ai 200, 275. 

yvvai^i 329. 

7»"''5 I35» 137, 350, 275. 

6a 138. 
Sa-fjp 149, 294. 
SdrjTai 246. 
5a(S(iXAa> loi, 409. 
SaidaXos lOI. 
SatSuffffcff^at 148. 
daivv 401. 
SaiviSro 85. 
SaTpos 277' 
Sais^ 246. 
Sato; 246. 
S&fcvQ} 416. 
S(i«/Jv 60j 147. 
dafcp^Qj 409. 
SaX\€i 1 01. 
bafxa 431. 
Safidv 251. 
dAfmp 304. 
AafmTTjp 138. 
Safidoj 147. 
Sa/^ei' 398. 
Mfxvrjfu 403. 
8a/iOi 318. 
Savetfo; 147, 242. 
5aos 246. 
5aiT(ii'?; 60, 147. 
SaTTcSoi/ 138, 148. 
Sapd(!ti/ai 104, 147. 
Sdpffis 102. 
Sa/)7(5s 100, 
SaatJs 109, 147, 296. 

AaviB, AajSiS, 84. 
■ AavKis 147. 
:SauA(5s 147, 277. 
'Savxi^o, 143. 

SaxpvTj 1 43. 

d€8&T]fC€ 425. 

SeSapfjievos 99, 244. 

S£Sau/i£i/os 246. 

SeSe/xm 237. 

SeSero 237. 

ScSt^c 246. 

B4drjKa 237. 

S^Sta 419. 

ScSiafft 379. 

SeSte/??!/ 390, 437. 

SeSiEvat 439. 

debiffKOfxai 415. 

SeSiTTCo'^at 415. 

SeSiifjy 420. 

SeSp,r}pai 420. 

dedopKa 59, 224, 417, 419. 

d4Sop/c€ 67, 244. 

StSorm 242. 

dedpofte 244. 

Se5t/«e 425. 

SetS^X^''"^' A ^2, 423. 

5£iSta 20. 

SeiSta? 422. 

ScidiBi 420. 

Seidtpiev 20, 419. 

deiSiffKOfiat 415. 

BeibiffffeaSai 415. 

Set5ot/£a 415, 424, 

SetScu, 20, 95, 419. 

SeiKVVfii 79, 133, 147, 401. 

SctAj^ucu 395. 

Sefz/a 359. 

5ti£a(/X£ 426, 437. 

SeQas 426. 

Sei^arc 433. 

Sei^etav 437. 

Sftfo; 429. 

5e(7rroA.(5xo5 276. 

beiiTvov 197. 

ScAra 65, no, 147, 257, 

bfxdfirjvos 304. 
5e«aToy no, in, 365, 371. 
8f/caxiXof 371. 
SetfTT^s 294. 
S4kto 425. 
5e\cap 137. 
d4\<pa^ 136. 
5cA0^s 136, 335. 
SeX^us 137. 
Se/xoi 148, 245, 249. 
Se^afiivrj 276. 
SefoTO 425. 
5e£((5s 65, 148, 162. 


Seos 95. 

S^ira 331. 

SgTras 147. 

dip€0pov 137. 

Sep}; 64. 

SepKOfiai 90, 223, 224, 227, 

^ 244, 405. 
depoj 100, 244. 
Secrts 237. 
defffiSs 237j 293. 
SeffTToiya 197. 
SeffTTora 60, 321. 
,de<Tir6TT]S 150, 199, 272. 
SexO'Tat 112, 419. 
Sevdo'dai 138. 
dcvopai 170. 
SeDpo 359. 
Aeus 171. 
Sevraros 371. 
ScuTC 359. 
Seurepos 371. 
drjeis 432. 
Sj7io»' 246. 
StjKeofiai 148. 
drjXrjfJLQJV loi, 
S7;\(5ci; 95. 
S77XWT01' 182. 
Rt^/ao 179. 
8r}fj,oj36pos 276. 
Arjfj.oa'6€V7js 308. 
Stji/ 147. 
S^i'oy 184. 
Ai'a 279. 
Sl6, 279. 
SidBrjfia 237.- 
5mi 279. 
Statra 137. 
SiaKcpffai 199. 
ZiaKSfftoi 165, 193, 371. 
diairapy 98. 
StaTTpaOieiv 98. 
StaTrpiJ(no5 76. 
dtarpvcpiv 397. 
dia<f>6epa'ii 43 1. 
5ia<f)p^(rov(Ti 400. 
5iB6.(rK€fX€v 415. 
SiSiff/co; 148, 250, 415. 
SiS^affi 237. 
5^5*7 237, 398.